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Antonivs Protti

AE Onkia, 2.11 g, Sicily, Panormos, ca. 415-380 B.C. Obv: Forepart of Man-headed bull facing left, possibly ear of corn above or simply an encrustation divided from the man-faced bull by the tooler, in which case SYS should be above. Rev: Horse trotting right, ear of corn above. Calciati I, 272, no. 11. Hoover HGC 2, 1062 (this coin); Giuseppe Bucetti "Monete, Storia e topografia della Sicilia Greca," p. 344 (this coin); MSP I, 48b (this coin illustrated).

Definite tooling around the major devices, on the legs and back. Face apparently untouched though field in front has been smoothed.

Ex. Dr. Busso-Peus, Auction 386, No. 108 (unsold). Tooled.2 commentsMolinari

Time of Alexander I, AR Hemiobol, struck 470 - 460 BC at Argilos in MacedoniaObverse: No legend. Forepart of Pegasos facing left.
Reverse: No legend. Quadripartite granulated incuse square.
Diameter: 8.78mm | Weight: 0.20gms | Die Axis: Uncertain
Liampi 118 | SNG - | GCV -
Rare

Argilos was a city of ancient Macedonia founded by a colony of Greeks from Andros. Although little information is known about the city until about 480 BC, the literary tradition dates the foundation to around 655/654 BC which makes Argilos the earliest Greek colony on the Thracian coast. It appears from Herodotus to have been a little to the right of the route the army of Xerxes I took during its invasion of Greece in 480 BC in the Greco-Persian Wars. Its territory must have extended as far as the right bank of the Strymona, since the mountain of Kerdylion belonged to the city.
Argilos benefited from the trading activities along the Strymona and probably also from the gold mines of the Pangeion. Ancient authors rarely mention the site, but nevertheless shed some light on the important periods of its history. In the last quarter of the 6th century BC, Argilos founded two colonies, Tragilos, in the Thracian heartland, and Kerdilion, a few kilometers to the east of the city.
Alexander I was the ruler of the ancient kingdom of Macedonia from c.498 BC until his death in 454 BC. Alexander came to the throne during the era of the kingdom's vassalage to Persia, dating back to the time of his father, Amyntas I. Although Macedonia retained a broad scope of autonomy, in 492 BC it was made a fully subordinate part of the Persian Empire. Alexander I acted as a representative of the Persian governor Mardonius during peace negotiations after the Persian defeat at the Battle of Salamis in 480 BC. From the time of Mardonius' conquest of Macedonia, Herodotus disparagingly refers to Alexander I as “hyparchos”, meaning viceroy. However, despite his cooperation with Persia, Alexander frequently gave supplies and advice to the Greek city states, and warned them of the Persian plans before the Battle of Plataea in 479 BC. After their defeat at Plataea, when the Persian army under the command of Artabazus tried to retreat all the way back to Asia Minor, most of the 43,000 survivors of the battle were attacked and killed by the forces of Alexander at the estuary of the Strymona river.
Alexander regained Macedonian independence after the end of the Persian Wars and was given the title "philhellene" by the Athenians, a title used for Greek patriots.
After the Persian defeat, Argilos became a member of the first Athenian confederation but the foundation of Amphipolis in 437 BC, which took control of the trade along the Strymona, brought an end to this. Thucydides tells us that some Argilians took part in this foundation but that the relations between the two cities quickly deteriorated and, during the Peloponnesian war, the Argilians joined with the Spartan general Brasidas to attack Amphipolis. An inscription from the temple of Asklepios in Epidauros attests that Argilos was an independent city during the 4th century.
Like other colonies in the area, Argilos was conquered by the Macedonian king Philip II in 357 B.C. Historians believe that the city was then abandoned and, though excavations have brought to light an important agricultural settlement on the acropolis dated to the years 350-200 BC, no Roman or Byzantine ruins have been uncovered there.1 comments*Alex

EGYPT, Alexandria. Antoninus Pius.AD 138-161Drachm (33mm, 23.58 g, 12h). Zodiac series. Dated RY 8 (AD 144/5). AVT K TAI/ AAP ANTWNEINOC CEB EVC, laureate head right / Sun in Leo: Lion leaping right; above, radiate and draped bust of Helios (Sun) and eight-rayed star; L H (date) below. Good VF, untouched dark green patina with touches of red. One of the finest known examples for the type.

Alexandria saw an immense output of coinage during the eighth year of Antoninus Pius's reign. The Zodiac drachms, mythological types, and a host of issues for the nomes appeared that year. One explanation for this activity centers on the celebration of the renewal of the Great Sothic cycle, the point when the star Sothis (Sirius) rises on the same point on the horizon as the sun. This cycle of 1461 years began early in the reign of Pius in AD 139, and apparently prompted a renewal in the ancient Egyptian religion, while the coin types also stressed the connections to the Greco-Roman Pantheon.
Private collection of Mr. B. MazehBrahim M

Greek Italy, Magna Grecia.Apulia, Bruttium, Calabria, Campania, Lucania & Samnium.1 commentsAnaximander

ROME
PB Tessera (16mm, 2.53 g, 12h)
Victory standing right, foot on helmet, inscribing shield set on palm tree
Apex; palm frond to left
M. & B. Overbeck, “Romische Bleimarken als Zeugnis des Ersten Jüdischen Krieges,” in Helas und der Grechen Osten, p. 211-216, 1; Rostovtsev 1840, pl. VII, 37; BMC 802-4

The similarities between the obverse of this piece and the Judaea Capta issues of Caesarea Maritima cannot be overstated. This type, as well as a few others that bear the portrait of Vespasian or palm trees, undoubtedly played some role in the triumph that followed the conclusion of the First Jewish War.2 commentsArdatirion

04-03 - MARCO ANTONIO (43 - 30 A.C.)2do. triunvirato (43 - 30 A.C.)
AR denario Legionario 17 mm 3.1 gr.

Anv: Galera Pretoriana navegando a derecha con cetro y estandarte en proa - "ANT AVG" arriba y "III VIR.R.P.C." debajo.
Rev: "LEG III" (Legión III - Gallica) - Aquila (Aguila Legionaria) volando entre dos estandartes militares.

Acuñada 32/31 A.C.
Ceca: Patrae ? - Grecia

Según Sear RCTV Vol.1 Pag.284 : "La celebrada acuñación legionaria de Marco Antorio fue producida con gran probabilidad en los Cuarteles de invierno de Patrae poco antes de la Campaña de Actian. Se realizó honrando a 23 Legiones (Leg.PRI a LEG.XXIII) así como a la Guardia Pretoriana (Guardia Personal de los Emperadores) y la Cohorte de Speculatores (Escuadrón de reconocimiento, mensajería e inteligencia militar)."

Referencias: Craw RRC #544/15 - Syd CRR #1217 - BMCRR (este) #193 - RSC Vol.1 #29 Pag.124 - Cohen Vol.1 #28 Pag.41 - Babelon MRRB#107
mdelvalle

04-05 - MARCO ANTONIO (43 - 30 A.C.)2do. triunvirato (43 - 30 A.C.)
AR denario Legionario 16 x 18 mm 3.2 gr.
Anv: Galera Pretoriana navegando a derecha con cetro y estandarte en proa - "ANT AVG" arriba y "III VIR.R.P.C." debajo.
Rev: "LEG V" (Legión V - Alaudae) - Aquila (Aguila Legionaria) volando entre dos estandartes militares.

Acuñada 32/31 A.C.
Ceca: Patrae ? - Grecia
Según Sear RCTV Vol.1 Pag.284 : "La celebrada acuñación legionaria de Marco Antorio fue producida con gran probabilidad en los Cuarteles de invierno de Patrae poco antes de la Campaña de Actian. Se realizó honrando a 23 Legiones (Leg.PRI a LEG.XXIII) así como a la Guardia Pretoriana (Guardia Personal de los Emperadores) y la Cohorte de Speculatores (Escuadrón de reconocimiento, mensajería e inteligencia militar)."

Referencias: Sear RCTV Vol.1 #1479 Pag.283 - Sear CRI #354 - Craw RRC #544/18 - Syd CRR #1221 -BMCRR (este) #196 - RSC Vol.1 #32 Pag.124 - Cohen Vol.1 #32 Pag.41 - Babelon MRRB#1101 commentsmdelvalle

04-05 - MARCO ANTONIO (43 - 30 A.C.)2do. triunvirato (43 - 30 A.C.)
AR denario Legionario 16 x 18 mm 3.2 gr.

Anv: Galera Pretoriana navegando a derecha con cetro y estandarte en proa - "ANT AVG" arriba y "III VIR.R.P.C." debajo.
Rev: "LEG V" (Legión V - Alaudae) - Aquila (Aguila Legionaria) volando entre dos estandartes militares.

Acuñada 32/31 A.C.
Ceca: Patrae ? - Grecia
Según Sear RCTV Vol.1 Pag.284 : "La celebrada acuñación legionaria de Marco Antorio fue producida con gran probabilidad en los Cuarteles de invierno de Patrae poco antes de la Campaña de Actian. Se realizó honrando a 23 Legiones (Leg.PRI a LEG.XXIII) así como a la Guardia Pretoriana (Guardia Personal de los Emperadores) y la Cohorte de Speculatores (Escuadrón de reconocimiento, mensajería e inteligencia militar)."

Referencias: Sear RCTV Vol.1 #1479 Pag.283 - Sear CRI #354 - Craw RRC #544/18 - Syd CRR #1221 -BMCRR (este) #196 - RSC Vol.1 #32 Pag.124 - Cohen Vol.1 #32 Pag.41 - Babelon MRRB#110mdelvalle

04-11 - MARCO ANTONIO (43 - 30 A.C.)2do. triunvirato (43 - 30 A.C.)
AR denario Legionario 18 x 19 mm 3.3 gr.
Anv: Galera Pretoriana navegando a derecha con cetro y estandarte en proa - "ANT AVG" arriba y "III VIR.R.P.C." debajo.
Rev: "LEG XI" (Legión XI) - Aquila (Aguila Legionaria) volando entre dos estandartes militares.

Acuñada 32/31 A.C.
Ceca: Patrae ? - Grecia
Según Sear RCTV Vol.1 Pag.284 : "La celebrada acuñación legionaria de Marco Antorio fue producida con gran probabilidad en los Cuarteles de invierno de Patrae poco antes de la Campaña de Actian. Se realizó honrando a 23 Legiones (Leg.PRI a LEG.XXIII) así como a la Guardia Pretoriana (Guardia Personal de los Emperadores) y la Cohorte de Speculatores (Escuadrón de reconocimiento, mensajería e inteligencia militar)."

Referencias: Sear RCTV Vol.1 #1479 var. Pag.283/284 - Craw RRC #544/25 - Syd CRR #1229 - BMCRR (este) #203 - RSC Vol.1 #39 Pag.124 - Cohen Vol.1 #39 Pag.41 - Babelon MRR B#118mdelvalle

04-11 - MARCO ANTONIO (43 - 30 A.C.)2do. triunvirato (43 - 30 A.C.)
AR denario Legionario 18 x 19 mm 3.3 gr.

Anv: Galera Pretoriana navegando a derecha con cetro y estandarte en proa - "ANT AVG" arriba y "III VIR.R.P.C." debajo.
Rev: "LEG XI" (Legión XI) - Aquila (Aguila Legionaria) volando entre dos estandartes militares.

Acuñada 32/31 A.C.
Ceca: Patrae ? - Grecia
Según Sear RCTV Vol.1 Pag.284 : "La celebrada acuñación legionaria de Marco Antorio fue producida con gran probabilidad en los Cuarteles de invierno de Patrae poco antes de la Campaña de Actian. Se realizó honrando a 23 Legiones (Leg.PRI a LEG.XXIII) así como a la Guardia Pretoriana (Guardia Personal de los Emperadores) y la Cohorte de Speculatores (Escuadrón de reconocimiento, mensajería e inteligencia militar)."

Referencias: Sear RCTV Vol.1 #1479 var. Pag.283/284 - Craw RRC #544/25 - Syd CRR #1229 - BMCRR (este) #203 - RSC Vol.1 #39 Pag.124 - Cohen Vol.1 #39 Pag.41 - Babelon MRR B#118mdelvalle

1409a, Julian II "the Philosopher," February 360 - 26 June 363 A.D.Julian II, A.D. 360-363; RIC 167; VF; 2.7g, 20mm; Constantinople mint; Obverse: DN FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG, helmeted & cuirassed bust right, holding spear & shield; Reverse: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath; CONSPB in exergue; Attractive green patina. Ex Nemesis.

De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors

Julian the Apostate (360-363 A.D.)

Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Michael DiMaio, Jr., Salve Regina University

Introduction

The emperor Flavius Claudius Julianus reigned from 360 to 26 June 363, when he was killed fighting against the Persians. Despite his short rule, his emperorship was pivotal in the development of the history of the later Roman empire. This essay is not meant to be a comprehensive look at the various issues central to the reign of Julian and the history of the later empire. Rather, this short work is meant to be a brief history and introduction for the general reader. Julian was the last direct descendent of the Constantinian line to ascend to the purple, and it is one of history's great ironies that he was the last non-Christian emperor. As such, he has been vilified by most Christian sources, beginning with John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzus in the later fourth century. This tradition was picked up by the fifth century Eusebian continuators Sozomen, Socrates Scholasticus, and Theodoret and passed on to scholars down through the 20th century. Most contemporary sources, however, paint a much more balanced picture of Julian and his reign. The adoption of Christianity by emperors and society, while still a vital concern, was but one of several issues that concerned Julian.

It is fortunate that extensive writings from Julian himself exist, which help interpret his reign in the light of contemporary evidence. Still extant are some letters, several panegyrics, and a few satires. Other contemporary sources include the soldier Ammianus Marcellinus' history, correspondence between Julian and Libanius of Antioch, several panegyrics, laws from the Theodosian Code, inscriptions, and coinage. These sources show Julian's emphasis on restoration. He saw himself as the restorer of the traditional values of Roman society. Of course much of this was rhetoric, meant to defend Julian against charges that he was a usurper. At the same time this theme of restoration was central to all emperors of the fourth century. Julian thought that he was the one emperor who could regain what was viewed as the lost glory of the Roman empire. To achieve this goal he courted select groups of social elites to get across his message of restoration. This was the way that emperors functioned in the fourth century. By choosing whom to include in the sharing of power, they sought to shape society.

Early Life

Julian was born at Constantinople in 331. His father was Julius Constantius, half-brother of the emperor Constantine through Constantius Chlorus, and his mother was Basilina, Julius' second wife. Julian had two half-brothers via Julius' first marriage. One of these was Gallus, who played a major role in Julian's life. Julian appeared destined for a bright future via his father's connection to the Constantinian house. After many years of tense relations with his three half-brothers, Constantine seemed to have welcomed them into the fold of the imperial family. From 333 to 335, Constantine conferred a series of honors upon his three half-siblings, including appointing Julius Constantius as one of the consuls for 335. Julian's mother was equally distinguished. Ammianus related that she was from a noble family. This is supported by Libanius, who claimed that she was the daughter of Julius Julianus, a Praetorian Prefect under Licinius, who was such a model of administrative virtue that he was pardoned and honored by Constantine.

Despite the fact that his mother died shortly after giving birth to him, Julian experienced an idyllic early childhood. This ended when Constantius II conducted a purge of many of his relatives shortly after Constantine's death in 337, particularly targeting the families of Constantine's half-brothers. ulian and Gallus were spared, probably due to their young age. Julian was put under the care of Mardonius, a Scythian eunuch who had tutored his mother, in 339, and was raised in the Greek philosophical tradition, and probably lived in Nicomedia. Ammianus also supplied the fact that while in Nicomedia, Julian was cared for by the local bishop Eusebius, of whom the future emperor was a distant relation. Julian was educated by some of the most famous names in grammar and rhetoric in the Greek world at that time, including Nicocles and Hecebolius. In 344 Constantius II sent Julian and Gallus to Macellum in Cappadocia, where they remained for six years. In 351, Gallus was made Caesar by Constantius II and Julian was allowed to return to Nicomedia, where he studied under Aedesius, Eusebius, and Chrysanthius, all famed philosophers, and was exposed to the Neo-Platonism that would become such a prominent part of his life. But Julian was most proud of the time he spent studying under Maximus of Ephesus, a noted Neo-Platonic philospher and theurgist. It was Maximus who completed Julian's full-scale conversion to Neo-Platonism. Later, when he was Caesar, Julian told of how he put letters from this philosopher under his pillows so that he would continue to absorb wisdom while he slept, and while campaigning on the Rhine, he sent his speeches to Maximus for approval before letting others hear them. When Gallus was executed in 354 for treason by Constantius II, Julian was summoned to Italy and essentially kept under house arrest at Comum, near Milan, for seven months before Constantius' wife Eusebia convinced the emperor that Julian posed no threat. This allowed Julian to return to Greece and continue his life as a scholar where he studied under the Neo-Platonist Priscus. Julian's life of scholarly pursuit, however, ended abruptly when he was summoned to the imperial court and made Caesar by Constantius II on 6 November 355.

Julian as Caesar

Constantius II realized an essential truth of the empire that had been evident since the time of the Tetrarchy--the empire was too big to be ruled effectively by one man. Julian was pressed into service as Caesar, or subordinate emperor, because an imperial presence was needed in the west, in particular in the Gallic provinces. Julian, due to the emperor's earlier purges, was the only viable candidate of the imperial family left who could act as Caesar. Constantius enjoined Julian with the task of restoring order along the Rhine frontier. A few days after he was made Caesar, Julian was married to Constantius' sister Helena in order to cement the alliance between the two men. On 1 December 355, Julian journeyed north, and in Augusta Taurinorum he learned that Alamannic raiders had destroyed Colonia Agrippina. He then proceeded to Vienne where he spent the winter. At Vienne, he learned that Augustudunum was also under siege, but was being held by a veteran garrison. He made this his first priority, and arrived there on 24 June 356. When he had assured himself that the city was in no immediate danger, he journeyed to Augusta Treverorum via Autessioduram, and from there to Durocortorum where he rendezvoused with his army. Julian had the army stage a series of punitive strikes around the Dieuse region, and then he moved them towards the Argentoratum/Mongontiacum region when word of barbarian incursions reached him.

From there, Julian moved on to Colonia Agrippina, and negotiated a peace with the local barbarian leaders who had assaulted the city. He then wintered at Senonae. He spent the early part of the campaigning season of 357 fighting off besiegers at Senonae, and then conducting operations around Lugdunum and Tres Tabernae. Later that summer, he encountered his watershed moment as a military general. Ammianus went into great detail about Julian's victory over seven rogue Alamannic chieftains near Argentoratum, and Julian himself bragged about it in his later writing. After this battle, the soldiers acclaimed Julian Augustus, but he rejected this title. After mounting a series of follow-up raids into Alamannic territory, he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia, and on the way defeated some Frankish raiders in the Mosa region. Julian considered this campaign one of the major events of his time as Caesar.

Julian began his 358 military campaigns early, hoping to catch the barbarians by surprise. His first target was the Franks in the northern Rhine region. He then proceeded to restore some forts in the Mosa region, but his soldiers threatened to mutiny because they were on short rations and had not been paid their donative since Julian had become Caesar. After he soothed his soldiers, Julian spent the rest of the summer negotiating a peace with various Alamannic leaders in the mid and lower Rhine areas, and retired to winter quarters at Lutetia. In 359, he prepared once again to carry out a series of punitive expeditions against the Alamanni in the Rhine region who were still hostile to the Roman presence. In preparation, the Caesar repopulated seven previously destroyed cities and set them up as supply bases and staging areas. This was done with the help of the people with whom Julian had negotiated a peace the year before. Julian then had a detachment of lightly armed soldiers cross the Rhine near Mogontiacum and conduct a guerilla strike against several chieftains. As a result of these campaigns, Julian was able to negotiate a peace with all but a handful of the Alamannic leaders, and he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia.

Of course, Julian did more than act as a general during his time as Caesar. According to Ammianus, Julian was an able administrator who took steps to correct the injustices of Constantius' appointees. Ammianus related the story of how Julian prevented Florentius, the Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, from raising taxes, and also how Julian actually took over as governor for the province of Belgica Secunda. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, supported Ammianus' basic assessment of Julian in this regard when he reported that Julian was an able representative of the emperor to the Gallic provincials. There is also epigraphic evidence to support Julian's popularity amongst the provincial elites. An inscription found near Beneventum in Apulia reads:
"To Flavius Claudius Julianus, most noble and sanctified Caesar, from the caring Tocius Maximus, vir clarissimus, for the care of the res publica from Beneventum".

Tocius Maximus, as a vir clarissimus, was at the highest point in the social spectrum and was a leader in his local community. This inscription shows that Julian was successful in establishing a positive image amongst provincial elites while he was Caesar.

Julian Augustus

In early 360, Constantius, driven by jealousy of Julian's success, stripped Julian of many troops and officers, ostensibly because the emperor needed them for his upcoming campaign against the Persians. One of the legions ordered east, the Petulantes, did not want to leave Gaul because the majority of the soldiers in the unit were from this region. As a result they mutinied and hailed Julian as Augustus at Lutetia. Julian refused this acclamation as he had done at Argentoratum earlier, but the soldiers would have none of his denial. They raised him on a shield and adorned him with a neck chain, which had formerly been the possession of the standard-bearer of the Petulantes and symbolized a royal diadem. Julian appeared reluctantly to acquiesce to their wishes, and promised a generous donative. The exact date of his acclamation is unknown, but most scholars put it in February or March. Julian himself supported Ammianus' picture of a jealous Constantius. In his Letter to the Athenians, a document constructed to answer charges that he was a usurper, Julian stated that from the start he, as Caesar, had been meant as a figurehead to the soldiers and provincials. The real power he claimed lay with the generals and officials already present in Gaul. In fact, according to Julian, the generals were charged with watching him as much as the enemy. His account of the actual acclamation closely followed what Ammianus told us, but he stressed even more his reluctance to take power. Julian claimed that he did so only after praying to Zeus for guidance.

Fearing the reaction of Constantius, Julian sent a letter to his fellow emperor justifying the events at Lutetia and trying to arrange a peaceful solution. This letter berated Constantius for forcing the troops in Gaul into an untenable situation. Ammianus stated that Julian's letter blamed Constantius' decision to transfer Gallic legions east as the reason for the soldiers' rebellion. Julian once again asserted that he was an unwilling participant who was only following the desire of the soldiers. In both of these basic accounts Ammianus and Julian are playing upon the theme of restoration. Implicit in their version of Julian's acclamation is the argument that Constantius was unfit to rule. The soldiers were the vehicle of the gods' will. The Letter to the Athenians is full of references to the fact that Julian was assuming the mantle of Augustus at the instigation of the gods. Ammianus summed up this position nicely when he related the story of how, when Julian was agonizing over whether to accept the soldiers' acclamation, he had a dream in which he was visited by the Genius (guardian spirit) of the Roman state. The Genius told Julian that it had often tried to bestow high honors upon Julian but had been rebuffed. Now, the Genius went on to say, was Julian's final chance to take the power that was rightfully his. If the Caesar refused this chance, the Genius would depart forever, and both Julian and the state would rue Julian's rejection. Julian himself wrote a letter to his friend Maximus of Ephesus in November of 361 detailing his thoughts on his proclamation. In this letter, Julian stated that the soldiers proclaimed him Augustus against his will. Julian, however, defended his accession, saying that the gods willed it and that he had treated his enemies with clemency and justice. He went on to say that he led the troops in propitiating the traditional deities, because the gods commanded him to return to the traditional rites, and would reward him if he fulfilled this duty.

During 360 an uneasy peace simmered between the two emperors. Julian spent the 360 campaigning season continuing his efforts to restore order along the Rhine, while Constantius continued operations against the Persians. Julian wintered in Vienne, and celebrated his Quinquennalia. It was at this time that his wife Helena died, and he sent her remains to Rome for a proper burial at his family villa on the Via Nomentana where the body of her sister was entombed. The uneasy peace held through the summer of 361, but Julian concentrated his military operations around harassing the Alamannic chieftain Vadomarius and his allies, who had concluded a peace treaty with Constantius some years earlier. By the end of the summer, Julian decided to put an end to the waiting and gathered his army to march east against Constantius. The empire teetered on the brink of another civil war. Constantius had spent the summer negotiating with the Persians and making preparations for possible military action against his cousin. When he was assured that the Persians would not attack, he summoned his army and sallied forth to meet Julian. As the armies drew inexorably closer to one another, the empire was saved from another bloody civil war when Constantius died unexpectedly of natural causes on 3 November near the town of Mopsucrenae in Cilicia, naming Julian -- the sources say-- as his legitimate successor.

Julian was in Dacia when he learned of his cousin's death. He made his way through Thrace and came to Constantinople on 11 December 361 where Julian honored the emperor with the funeral rites appropriate for a man of his station. Julian immediately set about putting his supporters in positions of power and trimming the imperial bureaucracy, which had become extremely overstaffed during Constantius' reign. Cooks and barbers had increased during the late emperor's reign and Julian expelled them from his court. Ammianus gave a mixed assessment of how the new emperor handled the followers of Constantius. Traditionally, emperors were supposed to show clemency to the supporters of a defeated enemy. Julian, however, gave some men over to death to appease the army. Ammianus used the case of Ursulus, Constantius' comes sacrum largitionum, to illustrate his point. Ursulus had actually tried to acquire money for the Gallic troops when Julian had first been appointed Caesar, but he had also made a disparaging remark about the ineffectiveness of the army after the battle of Amida. The soldiers remembered this, and when Julian became sole Augustus, they demanded Ursulus' head. Julian obliged, much to the disapproval of Ammianus. This seems to be a case of Julian courting the favor of the military leadership, and is indicative of a pattern in which Julian courted the goodwill of various societal elites to legitimize his position as emperor.

Another case in point is the officials who made up the imperial bureaucracy. Many of them were subjected to trial and punishment. To achieve this goal, during the last weeks of December 361 Julian assembled a military tribunal at Chalcedon, empanelling six judges to try the cases. The president of the tribunal was Salutius, just promoted to the rank of Praetorian Prefect; the five other members were Mamertinus, the orator, and four general officers: Jovinus, Agilo, Nevitta, and Arbetio. Relative to the proceedings of the tribunal, Ammianus noted that the judges, " . . . oversaw the cases more vehemently than was right or fair, with the exception of a few . . .." Ammianus' account of Julian's attempt at reform of the imperial bureaucracy is supported by legal evidence from the Theodosian Code. A series of laws sent to Mamertinus, Julian's appointee as Praetorian Prefect in Italy, Illyricum, and Africa, illustrate this point nicely. On 6 June 362, Mamertinus received a law that prohibited provincial governors from bypassing the Vicars when giving their reports to the Prefect. Traditionally, Vicars were given civil authority over a group of provinces, and were in theory meant to serve as a middle step between governors and Prefects. This law suggests that the Vicars were being left out, at least in Illyricum. Julian issued another edict to Mamertinus on 22 February 362 to stop abuse of the public post by governors. According to this law, only Mamertinus could issue post warrants, but the Vicars were given twelve blank warrants to be used as they saw fit, and each governor was given two. Continuing the trend of bureaucratic reform, Julian also imposed penalties on governors who purposefully delayed appeals in court cases they had heard. The emperor also established a new official to weigh solidi used in official government transactions to combat coin clipping.

For Julian, reigning in the abuses of imperial bureaucrats was one step in restoring the prestige of the office of emperor. Because he could not affect all elements of society personally, Julian, like other Neo-Flavian emperors, decided to concentrate on select groups of societal elites as intercessors between himself and the general populace. One of these groups was the imperial bureaucracy. Julian made it very clear that imperial officials were intercessors in a very real sense in a letter to Alypius, Vicar of Britain. In this letter, sent from Gaul sometime before 361, the emperor praises Alypius for his use of "mildness and moderation with courage and force" in his rule of the provincials. Such virtues were characteristic of the emperors, and it was good that Alypius is representing Julian in this way. Julian courted the army because it put him in power. Another group he sought to include in his rule was the traditional Senatorial aristocracy. One of his first appointments as consul was Claudius Mamertinus, a Gallic Senator and rhetorician. Mamertinus' speech in praise of Julian delivered at Constantinople in January of 362 is preserved. In this speech, Claudius presented his consular selection as inaugurating a new golden age and Julian as the restorer of the empire founded by Augustus. The image Mamertinus gave of his own consulate inaugurating a new golden age is not merely formulaic. The comparison of Julian to Augustus has very real, if implicit, relevance to Claudius' situation. Claudius emphasized the imperial period as the true age of renewal. Augustus ushered in a new era with his formation of a partnership between the emperor and the Senate based upon a series of honors and offices bestowed upon the Senate in return for their role as intercessor between emperor and populace. It was this system that Julian was restoring, and the consulate was one concrete example of this bond. To be chosen as a consul by the emperor, who himself had been divinely mandated, was a divine honor. In addition to being named consul, Mamertinus went on to hold several offices under Julian, including the Prefecture of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Similarly, inscriptional evidence illustrates a link between municipal elites and Julian during his time as Caesar, something which continued after he became emperor. One concrete example comes from the municipal senate of Aceruntia in Apulia, which established a monument on which Julian is styled as "Repairer of the World."

Julian seems to have given up actual Christian belief before his acclamation as emperor and was a practitioner of more traditional Greco-Roman religious beliefs, in particular, a follower of certain late antique Platonist philosophers who were especially adept at theurgy as was noted earlier. In fact Julian himself spoke of his conversion to Neo-Platonism in a letter to the Alexandrians written in 363. He stated that he had abandoned Christianity when he was twenty years old and been an adherent of the traditional Greco-Roman deities for the twelve years prior to writing this letter.

(For the complete text of this article see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/julian.htm)

Julian’s Persian Campaign

The exact goals Julian had for his ill-fated Persian campaign were never clear. The Sassanid Persians, and before them the Parthians, had been a traditional enemy from the time of the Late Republic, and indeed Constantius had been conducting a war against them before Julian's accession forced the former to forge an uneasy peace. Julian, however, had no concrete reason to reopen hostilities in the east. Socrates Scholasticus attributed Julian's motives to imitation of Alexander the Great, but perhaps the real reason lay in his need to gather the support of the army. Despite his acclamation by the Gallic legions, relations between Julian and the top military officers was uneasy at best. A war against the Persians would have brought prestige and power both to Julian and the army.

Julian set out on his fateful campaign on 5 March 363. Using his trademark strategy of striking quickly and where least expected, he moved his army through Heirapolis and from there speedily across the Euphrates and into the province of Mesopotamia, where he stopped at the town of Batnae. His plan was to eventually return through Armenia and winter in Tarsus. Once in Mesopotamia, Julian was faced with the decision of whether to travel south through the province of Babylonia or cross the Tigris into Assyria, and he eventually decided to move south through Babylonia and turn west into Assyria at a later date. By 27 March, he had the bulk of his army across the Euphrates, and had also arranged a flotilla to guard his supply line along the mighty river. He then left his generals Procopius and Sebastianus to help Arsacius, the king of Armenia and a Roman client, to guard the northern Tigris line. It was also during this time that he received the surrender of many prominent local leaders who had nominally supported the Persians. These men supplied Julian with money and troops for further military action against their former masters. Julian decided to turn south into Babylonia and proceeded along the Euphrates, coming to the fortress of Cercusium at the junction of the Abora and Euphrates Rivers around the first of April, and from there he took his army west to a region called Zaitha near the abandoned town of Dura where they visited the tomb of the emperor Gordian which was in the area. On April 7 he set out from there into the heart of Babylonia and towards Assyria.

Ammianus then stated that Julian and his army crossed into Assyria, which on the face of things appears very confusing. Julian still seems to be operating within the province of Babylonia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The confusion is alleviated when one realizes that,for Ammianus, the region of Assyria encompassed the provinces of Babylonia and Assyria. On their march, Julian's forces took the fortress of Anatha, received the surrender and support of several more local princes, and ravaged the countryside of Assyria between the rivers. As the army continued south, they came across the fortresses Thilutha and Achaiachala, but these places were too well defended and Julian decided to leave them alone. Further south were the cities Diacira and Ozogardana, which the Roman forces sacked and burned. Soon, Julian came to Pirisabora and a brief siege ensued, but the city fell and was also looted and destroyed. It was also at this time that the Roman army met its first systematic resistance from the Persians. As the Romans penetrated further south and west, the local inhabitants began to flood their route. Nevertheless, the Roman forces pressed on and came to Maiozamalcha, a sizable city not far from Ctesiphon. After a short siege, this city too fell to Julian. Inexorably, Julian's forces zeroed in on Ctesiphon, but as they drew closer, the Persian resistance grew fiercer, with guerilla raids whittling at Julian's men and supplies. A sizable force of the army was lost and the emperor himself was almost killed taking a fort a few miles from the target city.
Finally, the army approached Ctesiphon following a canal that linked the Tigris and Euphrates. It soon became apparent after a few preliminary skirmishes that a protracted siege would be necessary to take this important city. Many of his generals, however, thought that pursuing this course of action would be foolish. Julian reluctantly agreed, but became enraged by this failure and ordered his fleet to be burned as he decided to march through the province of Assyria. Julian had planned for his army to live off the land, but the Persians employed a scorched-earth policy. When it became apparent that his army would perish (because his supplies were beginning to dwindle) from starvation and the heat if he continued his campaign, and also in the face of superior numbers of the enemy, Julian ordered a retreat on 16 June. As the Roman army retreated, they were constantly harassed by guerilla strikes. It was during one of these raids that Julian got caught up in the fighting and took a spear to his abdomen. Mortally wounded he was carried to his tent, where, after conferring with some of his officers, he died. The date was 26 June 363.

Conclusion

Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.
Copyright (C) 2002, Walter E. Roberts and Michael DiMaio, Jr. Used by permission.

In reality, Julian worked to promote culture and philosophy in any manifestation. He tried to reduce taxes and the public debts of municipalities; he augmented administrative decentralisation; he promoted a campaign of austerity to reduce public expenditure (setting himself as the example). He reformed the postal service and eliminated the powerful secret police.
by Federico Morando; JULIAN II, The Apostate, See the Julian II Page on NumisWiki

Flavius Claudius Iulianus was born in 331 or maybe 332 A.D. in Constantinople. He ruled the Western Empire as Caesar from 355 to 360 and was hailed Augustus by his legions in Lutetia (Paris) in 360. Julian was a gifted administrator and military strategist. Famed as the last pagan emperor, his reinstatement of the pagan religion earned him the moniker "the Apostate." As evidenced by his brilliant writing, some of which has survived to the present day, the title "the Philosopher" may have been more appropriate. He died from wounds suffered during the Persian campaign of 363 A.D. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.

2 commentsCleisthenes

23-02 - Antioco XII, Dionysos Epiphanes Philopator Kaliniko (87/6 - 84 A.C.)Antíoco XII Dioniso fue un rey de Siria de la dinastía seleúcida, hermano de Demetrio III, al que sucedió tras ser éste capturado por los partos. Fue el ultimo rey seleúcida en el sur de Siria, debido a la decadencia irremediable de los reinos helenísticos, debido a que había problemas en todas partes, sus hermanos estaban enzarzados en guerras fraticidas o habían sido derrotados por Tigranes el Grande y se habían convertido en poco más que una dinastía de reyezuelos macedonios sin ningún poder efectivo. Debido a todo ello y al afán de controlar las rutas comerciales, los árabes nabateos se atrevieron a atacar uno a uno a los debilitados reinos seleúcidas, por lo que Antíoco XII se vio obligado a reclutar un ejército de grecomacedonios y mercenarios sirios que marcharon con la esperanza de expulsar a los árabes y ampliar los acosados dominios seleúcidas. En consecuencia, se dirigió al combate contra los nabateos con un ejército mal pertrechado, como si se dirigiera a una escaramuza insignificante contra una tribu sin poder en la época de los grandes seleúcidas. Al tercer día de marcha los ejercitos se encontraron: los grecosirios agotados de Antíoco XII y los bien pertrechados y descansados árabes. Como era de esperar, los seleúcidas fueron contundentemente derrotados en la batalla subsiguiente. Antíoco XII cayó en la batalla y poco después los nabateos tomaron igualmente Damasco con lo cual el territorio quedó en poder árabe, del que ya no llegaría a salir jamás. La poblacion griega se diluyó totalmente entre los invasores, aunque hubo intentos de reconquistar Damasco por parte del sobrino de Antíoco, Filipo II Filorromano, hijo del hermano de Antíoco Filipo I Filadelfo; pero poco después Filipo II fue asesinado por orden de los romanos, lo que significó el fin definitivo de los seleúcidas y el inicio de la provincia romana de Siria.(Wikipedia)

AE 18 mm 5.0 gr.

Anv: Busto barbado y diademado de Antíoco viendo a derecha. Grafila de puntos.
Rev: "BAÎ£IÎ›EÎ©Î£ ANTIOXOY EÎ IÎ¦ANOYÎ£ Î¦IÎ›OÎ ATOPOÎ£ KAÎ›Î›INIKOY” ( de Rey / Antíoco / Dios Hacedor de manifiestos / Padre amante / Vencedor de finas batallas) - Apolo desnudo de pié a izquierda, sosteniendo hoja de palma en mano derecha extendida y descansando la izquierda sobre un trípode.

Acuñación: 86 - 84 A.C.
Ceca: Damasco en Siria

Referencias: LSM.141 (ANS) - B.M.C. Vol.4 (Seleucid Kings of Syria) #1 Pag.102 Plate 27 #1 - Sear GCTV Vol.2 #7200 Pag.675 - Lindgren III #1124 (referencia cruzada con Houghton #870)mdelvalle

23-04 - Antioco XII, Dionysos Epiphanes Philopator Kaliniko (87/6 - 84 A.C.)Antíoco XII Dioniso fue un rey de Siria de la dinastía seleúcida, hermano de Demetrio III, al que sucedió tras ser éste capturado por los partos. Fue el ultimo rey seleúcida en el sur de Siria, debido a la decadencia irremediable de los reinos helenísticos, debido a que había problemas en todas partes, sus hermanos estaban enzarzados en guerras fraticidas o habían sido derrotados por Tigranes el Grande y se habían convertido en poco más que una dinastía de reyezuelos macedonios sin ningún poder efectivo. Debido a todo ello y al afán de controlar las rutas comerciales, los árabes nabateos se atrevieron a atacar uno a uno a los debilitados reinos seleúcidas, por lo que Antíoco XII se vio obligado a reclutar un ejército de grecomacedonios y mercenarios sirios que marcharon con la esperanza de expulsar a los árabes y ampliar los acosados dominios seleúcidas. En consecuencia, se dirigió al combate contra los nabateos con un ejército mal pertrechado, como si se dirigiera a una escaramuza insignificante contra una tribu sin poder en la época de los grandes seleúcidas. Al tercer día de marcha los ejercitos se encontraron: los grecosirios agotados de Antíoco XII y los bien pertrechados y descansados árabes. Como era de esperar, los seleúcidas fueron contundentemente derrotados en la batalla subsiguiente. Antíoco XII cayó en la batalla y poco después los nabateos tomaron igualmente Damasco con lo cual el territorio quedó en poder árabe, del que ya no llegaría a salir jamás. La poblacion griega se diluyó totalmente entre los invasores, aunque hubo intentos de reconquistar Damasco por parte del sobrino de Antíoco, Filipo II Filorromano, hijo del hermano de Antíoco Filipo I Filadelfo; pero poco después Filipo II fue asesinado por orden de los romanos, lo que significó el fin definitivo de los seleúcidas y el inicio de la provincia romana de Siria.(Wikipedia)

AE 20 mm 8.6 gr.

Anv: Busto barbado y diademado de Antíoco viendo a derecha. Grafila de puntos.
Rev: "BAÎ£IÎ›EÎ©Î£ ANTIOXOY EÎ IÎ¦ANOYÎ£ Î¦IÎ›OÎ ATOPOÎ£ KAÎ›Î›INIKOY” ( de Rey / Antíoco / Dios Hacedor de manifiestos / Padre amante / Vencedor de finas batallas) - Zeus Nicéforo (Nike-phoros portador de victoria, victorioso) de pié de frente viendo a izquierda, desnudo de la cintura para arriba, sosteniendo Nike en mano derecha extendida y descansando la izquierda sobre cetro.

Acuñación: 86 - 84 A.C.
Ceca: Damasco en Siria

Referencias: SNG Spaer #2884 - 2888 - Newell LSM. #137 - B.M.C. Vol.4 (Seleucid Kings of Syria) #6 Pag.102 Plate 27 #4 - Sear GCTV Vol.2 #7198var. Pag.675 - Houghton #866 - SC #2478mdelvalle

23-06 - AntÃoco XII, Dionysos Epiphanes Philopator Kaliniko (87/6 - 84 A.C.)Antíoco XII Dioniso fue un rey de Siria de la dinastía seleúcida, hermano de Demetrio III, al que sucedió tras ser éste capturado por los partos. Fue el ultimo rey seleúcida en el sur de Siria, debido a la decadencia irremediable de los reinos helenísticos, debido a que había problemas en todas partes, sus hermanos estaban enzarzados en guerras fraticidas o habían sido derrotados por Tigranes el Grande y se habían convertido en poco más que una dinastía de reyezuelos macedonios sin ningún poder efectivo. Debido a todo ello y al afán de controlar las rutas comerciales, los árabes nabateos se atrevieron a atacar uno a uno a los debilitados reinos seleúcidas, por lo que Antíoco XII se vio obligado a reclutar un ejército de grecomacedonios y mercenarios sirios que marcharon con la esperanza de expulsar a los árabes y ampliar los acosados dominios seleúcidas. En consecuencia, se dirigió al combate contra los nabateos con un ejército mal pertrechado, como si se dirigiera a una escaramuza insignificante contra una tribu sin poder en la época de los grandes seleúcidas. Al tercer día de marcha los ejercitos se encontraron: los grecosirios agotados de Antíoco XII y los bien pertrechados y descansados árabes. Como era de esperar, los seleúcidas fueron contundentemente derrotados en la batalla subsiguiente. Antíoco XII cayó en la batalla y poco después los nabateos tomaron igualmente Damasco con lo cual el territorio quedó en poder árabe, del que ya no llegaría a salir jamás. La poblacion griega se diluyó totalmente entre los invasores, aunque hubo intentos de reconquistar Damasco por parte del sobrino de Antíoco, Filipo II Filorromano, hijo del hermano de Antíoco Filipo I Filadelfo; pero poco después Filipo II fue asesinado por orden de los romanos, lo que significó el fin definitivo de los seleúcidas y el inicio de la provincia romana de Siria.(Wikipedia)

AE 16 mm 4.6 gr.

Anv: Busto barbado y diademado de Antíoco viendo a derecha. Grafila de puntos.
Rev: "BAÎ£IÎ›EÎ©Î£ ANTIOXOY EÎ IÎ¦ANOYÎ£ Î¦IÎ›OÎ ATOPOÎ£ KAÎ›Î›INIKOY” ( de Rey / Antíoco / Dios Hacedor de manifiestos / Padre amante / Vencedor de finas batallas) - Nike (Victoria) avanzando a derecha, sosteniendo corona en mano derecha extendida y rama de palma en la izquierda.

Acuñación: 86 - 84 A.C.
Ceca: Damasco en Siria

Referencias: SNG Spaer (Israel) 2890 var – 2894 - Babelon E. Vol.1, pl.XXVIII, 14 - Sear GCTV Vol.2 #7201 Pag.675 mdelvalle

46-66 - SEPTIMIO SEVERO (193 - 211 D.C.)ARGOS - Peloponeso - Grecia

AE Diassarion 25 mm 7.8 gr.

Anv: "AV KAI Î› CEÎ CEVHPOC Î EP" – Cabeza laureada viendo a derecha.
Rev: "APÎ“E - IWN" – Hera sedente en trono a izquierda.

Acuñada: 193 - 211 D.C.

Referencias: SNG Cop #98 - BDC Peloponnesos #1212.5 - ANS 1944.100.39605mdelvalle

508. Julian IIJulian II, the Apostate. 361-363 AD.

...Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.

28mm (8.57 gm). Siscia mint. Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right / Bull standing right, two stars above; ASISC. RIC VIII 419; LRBC--. VF. Ex-CNG1 commentsecoli

6040 EGYPT, Alexandria. Hadrian Drachm 134-35 AD Isis as motherReference.
RPC III, 6040/13; Dattari-Savio Pl. 96, 7874; Emmett 998.19

Issue L ƐΝΝƐΑΚ·Δ = year 19

Obv. ΑΥΤ ΚΑΙС ΤΡΑΙΑΝ - ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟС СƐΒ
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust of Hadrian, r., seen from rear

Rev. L ƐΝΝƐΑΚ·Δ
Temple (Greco-Egyptian) with two columns enclosing Isis, crowned with disc, horns and plumes, seated r.; on knee, Harpocrates, crowned with pschent, raising hand and holding club

20.22 gr
33 mm
12hokidoki

69-58 - Edessa - GORDIANO III (238 - 244 D.C.)Édessa, Macedonia, Grecia

AE 25 mm 7.7 gr.

Anv: "AVT K M ANTÎ©NIOC Î“OÎ¡Î”IA- - -", Busto laureado a derecha.
Rev: "EÎ”ECCEÎ©/N", en exergo, Roma Nicéfora sentada a izq. en escudo, portando Victoriola, siendo coronada por Tyche con corona mural, portando cornucopia.

Acuñada 238 - 244 D.C.

Referencias: Varbanov III #3673 (R4) Pag.421, Moushmov #6275, SNG Cop #168, SNG Ans #265/6mdelvalle

704a, Caligula, 16 March 37 - 24 January 41 A.D.Caligula, 37 - 41 AD, Ionia, Smyrna. AE 17mm. Klose, Smyrna 27a. RPC 2473. 2.89 gm. Fine. Menophanes, Aviola, Procos, 37-38 AD. Obverse: AION, laureate head right; Reverse: Nike holding wreath right. Ex Tom Vossen.

De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families

GAIUS (CALIGULA) (A.D. 37-41)

Garrett G. Fagan
Pennsylvania State University

Gaius Caesar Augustus Germanicus (Caligula) was born on 31 August, A.D. 12, probably at the Julio-Claudian resort of Antium (modern Anzio), the third of six children born to Augustus's adopted grandson, Germanicus, and Augustus's granddaughter, Agrippina. Caligula was the Roman Emperor between A.D. 37-41). Unfortunately, his is the most poorly documented reign of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. The literary sources for these four years are meager, frequently anecdotal, and universally hostile.[[1]] As a result, not only are many of the events of the reign unclear, but Gaius himself appears more as a caricature than a real person, a crazed megalomaniac given to capricious cruelty. Although some headway can be made in disentangling truth from embellishment, the true character of the youthful emperor will forever elude us.

As a baby he accompanied his parents on military campaigns in the north and was shown to the troops wearing a miniature soldier's outfit, including the hob-nailed sandal called caliga, whence the nickname by which posterity remembers him. His childhood was not a happy one, spent amid an atmosphere of paranoia, suspicion, and murder. Instability within the Julio-Claudian house, generated by uncertainty over the succession, led to a series of personal tragedies.

When Tiberius died on 16 March A.D. 37, Gaius was in a perfect position to assume power, despite the obstacle of Tiberius's will, which named him and his cousin Tiberius Gemellus joint heirs. (Gemellus's life was shortened considerably by this bequest, since Gaius ordered him killed within a matter of months.) Backed by the Praetorian Prefect Q. Sutorius Macro, Gaius asserted his dominance. He had Tiberius's will declared null and void on grounds of insanity, accepted the powers of the Principate as conferred by the Senate, and entered Rome on 28 March amid scenes of wild rejoicing. His first acts were generous in spirit: he paid Tiberius's bequests and gave a cash bonus to the Praetorian Guard, the first recorded donativum to troops in imperial history.

The ancient sources are practically unanimous as to the cause of Gaius's downfall: he was insane. The writers differ as to how this condition came about, but all agree that after his good start Gaius began to behave in an openly autocratic manner, even a crazed one. The sources describe his incestuous relations with his sisters, laughable military campaigns in the north, the building of a pontoon bridge across the Bay at Baiae, and the plan to make his horse a consul. Their unanimous hostility renders their testimony suspect, especially since Gaius's reported behavior fits remarkably well with that of the ancient tyrant, a literary type enshrined in Greco-Roman tradition centuries before his reign. Further, the only eye-witness account of Gaius's behavior, Philo's Embassy to Gaius, offers little evidence of outright insanity, despite the antagonism of the author, whom Gaius treated with the utmost disrespect.

The conspiracy that ended Gaius's life was hatched among the officers of the Praetorian Guard, apparently for purely personal reasons. It appears also to have had the support of some senators and an imperial freedman. As with conspiracies in general, there are suspicions that the plot was more broad-based than the sources intimate, and it may even have enjoyed the support of the next emperor Claudius, but these propositions are not provable on available evidence. On 24 January A.D. 41 the praetorian tribune Cassius Chaerea and other guardsmen caught Gaius alone in a secluded palace corridor and cut him down. He was 28 years old and had ruled three years and ten months.

Whatever damage Tiberius's later years had done to the carefully crafted political edifice created by Augustus, Gaius multiplied it a hundredfold. When he came to power in A.D. 37 Gaius had no administrative experience beyond his honorary quaestorship, and had spent an unhappy early life far from the public eye. He appears, once in power, to have realized the boundless scope of his authority and acted accordingly. For the elite, this situation proved intolerable and ensured the blackening of Caligula's name in the historical record they would dictate. The sensational and hostile nature of that record, however, should in no way trivialize Gaius's importance. His reign highlighted an inherent weakness in the Augustan Principate, now openly revealed for what it was -- a raw monarchy in which only the self-discipline of the incumbent acted as a restraint on his behavior. That the only means of retiring the wayward princes was murder marked another important revelation: Roman emperors could not relinquish their powers without simultaneously relinquishing their lives.

Copyright © 1997, Garrett G. Fagan.
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.

Ancient Smyrna

The 5,000 year-old city of Izmir is one of the oldest cities of the Mediterranean basin. The original city was established in the third millennium BC (at present day BayraklÄ±), at which time it shared with Troy the most advanced culture in Anatolia.

Greek settlement is attested by the presence of pottery dating from about 1000 BC. In the first millennium BC Izmir, then known as Smyrna, ranked as one of the most important cities of the Ionian Federation. During this period, it is believed that the epic poet Homer resided here.

Lydian conquest of the city around 600 BC brought this golden age to an end. Smyrna was little more than a village throughout the Lydian and subsequent sixth century BC Persian rule. In the fourth century BC a new city was built on the slopes of Mt. Pagos (Kadifekale) during the reign of Alexander the Great. Smyrna's Roman period, beginning in the first century BC, was its second great era.

In the first century AD, Smyrna became one of the earliest centers of Christianity and it was one of the Seven Churches of Revelation. Both Revelation and the Martyrdom of Polycarp indicate the existence of a Jewish community in Smyrna as early as the 1st and 2nd centuries AD. The letter to the church at Smyrna in Revelation indicates that the Christians were spiritually "rich" and apparently in conflict with the Jews (2:9).

The origins of the Christian community there, which was established in the 1st century, are unknown. Ignatius of Antioch stopped at Smyrna on his way to martyrdom in Rome in 107 AD, and he sent a letter back to the Christians there from later in his journey. Smyrna's bishop, Polycarp, was burned at the stake in Smyrna's stadium around 156 AD.

Byzantine rule came in the fourth century and lasted until the Seljuk conquest in 11th century. In 1415, under Sultan Mehmed Çelebi, Smyrna became part of the Ottoman Empire.

The city earned its fame as one of the most important port cities of the world during the 17th to 19th centuries. The majority of its population were Greek but merchants of various origins (especially Greek, French, Italian, Dutch, Armenian, Sephardi and Jewish) transformed the city into a cosmopolitan portal of trade. During this period, the city was famous for its own brand of music (Smyrneika) as well as its wide range of products it exported to Europe (Smyrna/Sultana raisins, dried figs, carpets, etc.).

Today, Izmir is Turkey's third largest city and is nicknamed "the pearl of Aegean." It is widely regarded as the most Westernized city of Turkey in terms of values, ideology, gender roles, and lifestyle.
© 2005-08 Sacred Destinations. All rights reserved.
http://www.sacred-destinations.com/turkey/izmir-history.htm

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.Cleisthenes

A116-30 -Acuñacion Civica Anonima Semi-Autonoma (311 - 312 D.C.)AE15 ¼ de Follis o Nummus 19 x 15 mm 1.2 gr.
Moneda tradicionalmente atribuida a Julian II hasta que J.Van Heesch en su artículo “The last Civic Coinages and the Religious Police of Maximinus Daza”, publicado en el Numismatic Chronicle vol.153 Pags. 66 y subsiguientes (1993), realiza un detallado estudio de este tipo de acuñación cívica anónima del cuarto siglo, donde demuestra que estas monedas se acuñaron bajos los auspicios de Maximino II Daya conmemorando “La Gran Persecución” de los Cristianos y por consiguiente la Victoria Pagana, al honrar con ellas a los antiguos dioses grecorromanos Júpiter, Apolo, Tyche, y Serapis. Recordemos que en dicha persecución (desde finales del 311 a finales del 312 D.C.) se cerraron Iglesias, encarcelando y/o desterrando a los cristianos. Esta campaña fue particularmente fuerte en Nicomedia, Antioquia y Alejandría, los tres centros principales del Imperio de Oriente. Estas persecuciones menguaron al año siguiente posiblemente como resultado de la preocupación de Maximino II al provocar abiertamente a los Emperadores Asociados de Occidente Constantino I y Licinio I.

Anv: "IOVI CONS - ERVATORI" – Júpiter semidesnudo, sentado en un trono a izquierda, portando globo en la mano de su brazo derecho extendido y largo cetro vertical en la izquierda.
Rev: "VICTOR - IA AVGG" – Victoria avanzando a izquierda, portando guirnalda en la mano de su brazo derecho extendido y hoja de palma en la izquierda. "ANT" en exergo y "B" en campo derecho.

Acuñada 311 - 312 D.C.
Ceca: Antiochia (Off. 2da.)

Referencias: Cohen Vol.VIII #53 Pag.49 (Julián II) (10f) - Salgado MRBI Vol.III #7952 Pag.94 – Vaggi #2955 - J.Van Heesch “The last Civic Coinages and the Religious Police of Maximinus Daza (1993)” #2.mdelvalle

Ancient Greek Bestiary: revamped!A choice example of ancient Grecian animals (some are imagined or mythical). Can you identify any of them?

(Please click picture for better resolution)1 commentsJason T

Antimachos I Theos TetradrachmBAKTRIA, Greco-Baktrian Kingdom. Antimachos I, circa 180-165 BC. Tetradrachm (Silver, 31 mm, 17.08 g, 12 h), Baktra. Diademed and draped bust of Antimachos I to right, wearing flat topped kausia. Rev. ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΘΕΟΥ - ΑΝΤΙΜΑΧΟΥ Poseidon, nude to the waist, standing facing, holding long trident in his right hand and filleted palm branch in his left; to lower right, monogram. Bopearachchi 1D. HGC 12, 106. Light marks and with minor doubling on the obverse, otherwise, very fine.

From the collection of Dr. D. Löer, formed since the 1970s, privately acquired from Lothar Holland (with original dealer's ticket).

ANTONINUS PIUS / SERAPIS , Alexandria BILLION TETRADRACHMMINTED IN ALEXANDRIA , EGYPT FROM 138 - 161 AD
OBVERSE : ANTwNINO C CEBEUC CEB Laureate, draped, cuirassed bust right.
REVERSE : Draped bust of Serapis right,modius on head. L K
References : SNG Cop 426 ( No, L K ?)

22.2 MM AND 13.15 GRAMS.

Alexandria ( of Egypt ) issued billon tetradrachms in large numbers between the reign of Augustus and the closing of the Alexandrian mint during the reign of Diocletian. These coins were no doubt mainly intended to pay the salaries of government officials, of the permanent garrison, and of the temporary troops stationed in Alexandria for purposes of war. They were probably also the form in which taxes in money were received, and were used for trade among the people within the city of Alexandria and other Graeco-Roman cities in Egypt. They also served the purpose of providing a subsidiary coinage with Greek legends which formed the vehicle for Roman imperial propaganda throughout Egypt. On the reverse of these coins were placed the Egyptian Hellenized deities, as an indication of the goodwill of the Roman emperors towards Egypt.
The greater part of the agricultural population of Egypt had scarcely any need for coins except to pay their taxes. The real currency and measure of value in the agricultural settlements was grain, wine or oil. The chief export of Egypt was grain, and this did not bring much money to the cultivators, for most of the grain was collected as tribute, not in trade, and they got nothing in return. Consequently, there is reason to suppose that considerably fewer coins circulated in Egypt generally than the region of Alexandria.
From the reign of Nero onwards, Egypt enjoyed an era of prosperity which lasted a century. Much trouble was caused by religious conflicts between the Greeks and the Jews, particularly in Alexandria, which after the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD become the world centre of Jewish religion and culture. Under Trajan a Jewish revolt occurred, resulting in the suppression of the Jews of Alexandria and the loss of all their privileges, although they soon returned. Hadrian, who twice visited Egypt, founded Antinoöpolis in memory of his drowned lover Antinous. From his reign onwards buildings in the Greco-Roman style were erected throughout the country. Under Marcus Aurelius, however, oppressive taxation led to a revolt (139 AD) of the native Egyptians, which was suppressed only after several years of fighting.

From The Sam Mansourati Collection. 2 commentsSam

Aspendos, Pamphylia, 370 - 333 B.C.With the influence of the Olympics games.

Obverse : two wrestlers, the left one holds the wrist of his opponent with his right and right forearm with his left hand, KI between their legs.

Reverse : EÎ£TÎ¦Eâˆ†IIYÎ£ on left, slinger, wearing short chiton, discharging sling to right, triskeles on right with feet clockwise,

Extremely fine Silver Stater . Weight: 10.62 g. Max Diameter: 23 mm. Mint : Aspendos (in our days , Antalya province of Turkey)
SNG France 104. Struck from fresh , artistic and well executed dies.

Historical and Numismatic Note:

Pamphylia (/pæmËˆfÉªliÉ™/) was the region in the south of Asia Minor, between Lycia and Cilicia, extending from the Mediterranean to Mount Taurus (modern-day Antalya province, Turkey).

Aspendos or Aspendus (Greek: á¼ŒÏƒÏ€ÎµÎ½Î´Î¿Ï‚) was an ancient Greco-Roman city in Antalya province of Turkey. Aspendos is about 40 km east of Antalya, Turkey about 16 km inland on the Eurymedon River. In 546 B.C. it fell to Persia. After a Persian defeat in 467, the city joined the Attic-Delos Maritime League. Persia took it again in 411 B.C., Alexander in 333 B.C., and Rome in 190 B.C. Although often subject to powerful empires, the city usually retained substantial autonomy.

The Sam Mansourati Collection. NO. AGAP 3121.

2 commentsSam

Athena and her owl In Greek mythology, a Little Owl baby (Athene noctua) traditionally represents or accompanies Athena, the virgin goddess of wisdom, or Minerva, her syncretic incarnation in Roman mythology. Because of such association, the bird often referred to as the "owl of Athena" or the "owl of Minerva" has been used as a symbol of knowledge, wisdom, perspicacity and erudition throughout the Western world.
The reasons behind the association of Athena and the owl are lost in time. Some mythographers, such as David Kinsley and Martin P. Nilsson suggest that she may descend from a Minoan palace goddess associated with birds and Marija Gimbutas claim to trace Athena's origins as an Old European bird and snake goddess.
On the other hand, Cynthia Berger theorizes about the appeal of some characteristics of owls such as their ability to see in the dark to be used as symbol of wisdom while others, such as William Geoffrey Arnott, propose a simple association between founding myths of Athens and the significant number of Little Owls in the region (a fact noted since antiquity by Aristophanes in The Birds and Lysistrata).
In any case, the city of Athens seems to have adopted the owl as proof of allegiance to its patron virgin goddess, which according to a popular etiological myth reproduced on the West pediment of the Parthenon, secured the favor of its citizens by providing them with a more enticing gift than Poséidon.
Owls were commonly reproduced by Athenians in vases, weights and prize amphoras for the Panathenaic Games. The owl of Athena even became the common obverse of the Athenian tetradrachms after 510 BC and according to Philochorus, the Athenian tetradrachm was known as glaux throughout the ancient world and "owl" in present day numismatics. They were not, however, used exclusively by them to represent Athena and were even used for motivation during battles by other Greek cities, such as in the victory of Agathocles of Syracuse over the Carthaginians in 310 B.C. in which owls flying through the ranks were interpreted as Athena’s blessing or in the Battle of Salamis, chronicled in Plutarch's biography of Themistocles.
(Source: Wikipédia)
1 comments

Athena. Classical Beauty Fifth century BCc 431/ 415 BC
"Archaic style" head of Athena, wearing crested helmet ornamented with olive leaves and floral scroll, on Athen tetradrachm

I consider this coin as historical to the extent that athenian owl tetradrachm was the first widely used international coinage.

Here, all the coin :
http://www.forumancientcoins.com/gallery/displayimage.php?album=lastup&cat=21343&pos=03 comments

BAKTRIA – EUTHYDEMOS I – AE – HERAKLES – HORSEBAKTRIA, Greco-Baktrian Kingdom. Euthydemos I Theos Megas. Circa 225-200/195 BC. Æ Double Unit (9,07g). Struck circa 225-208/6 BC. Bearded head of Herakles right / Horse prancing right.; HGC 12, 53.Antonivs Protti

BAKTRIA, Greco-Baktrian Kingdom. Eukratides I Megas. Circa 170-145 BC. AR Tetradrachm (33mm, 16.90 g, 12h).BAKTRIA, Greco-Baktrian Kingdom. Eukratides I Megas. Circa 170-145 BC. AR Tetradrachm (33mm, 16.90 g, 12h). Diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust right, wearing crested helmet adorned with bull's horn and ear / The Dioskouroi, holding palm fronds and spears, on horses rearing right; monogram in lower right field. Bopearachchi 6T; HGC 12, 131. Light porosity, a few marks, flan crack. Good VF.2 commentsMark R1

BCC GR1x Greek Autonomous, Paros, CycladesGreek Autonomous
Paros, Cyclades 300-200 BCE
Obv: Scorpion
Rev: ΠΑΡΙ Grapes
"Choix de monnaies grecques du
cabinet de F. Imhoof-Blumer", No. 90
Plate III. Very Rare.
AE 11.5mm 2.08gm. Axis:0
Surface find on the beach, north of
Caesarea Maritima, 1971. Caesarea
was built near the ruins of an earlier
Greek settlement.v-drome

BCC L15Lead statuette
Caesarea Maritima
Greco-Roman Eastern, 1st-3rd century CE?
Youthful Herakles?(Hercules), or Hercules/Melkart?
nude, with lion skin? cloak, clasped at neck.
Another possible attribution could be Hermes?
The top of the head is slightly flattened, with
cracks, and may have sustained damage as a
result of an impact in antiquity. There is another
possible impact cut-mark on the left shoulder.
4.6cm x 3.2cm. x 1.3cm.
weight: 44.5gm.

click for higher resolutionv-drome

BCC L17 Hollow Cast Lead SeagullHollow Cast Lead Seabird
Greco-Roman Eastern 1st to 3rd century CE?
Hollow cast lead figurine of a Seagull? open at
the tail. The exterior has a distinct mold line
or seam, but the two halves are not identical
and each side is very slightly mismatched. The
interior is smooth, suggesting a two-part mold
was used with a method known as slush-casting.
The function of this beautiful object is not known.
3.75 x 3.5 x 1.2cm. 21.41gm.
cf. BCC L18
Surface find Caesarea Maritima, 1969
(click for larger pic)v-drome

BCC L18 Hollow Cast Lead PigeonHollow Cast Lead Pigeon
Greco-Roman Eastern 1st to 3rd century CE?
Hollow cast lead figurine of a Pigeon? open at
the tail. The exterior has a distinct mold line
or seam, but the two halves are not identical
and each side is very slightly mismatched. The
interior is smooth, suggesting a two-part mold
was used with a method known as slush-casting.
We do not have a clue as to the purpose of such
an object, perhaps a toy or votive offering.
4.1 x 2.85 x 1.3cm. 16.07gm.
cf. BCC L17
Surface find Caesarea Maritima, 1974
(click for larger pic)1 commentsv-drome

BCC L21 Lead Horse and RiderCast Lead Horse and Rider
Greco-Roman? Eastern
1st-3rd Century CE?
Solid cast lead horse and rider intended
as an insignia? or for votive use? Unidentified,
possibly female figure (perhaps Epona?) with
missing head, apparently riding bareback with
no saddle or reins. The front leg is bent and
twisted, and probably extended forward in
a running position.
Reverse: Blank
5.5cm x 5.0cm. x 0.9cm. 38.52gm.
Surface find Caesarea Maritima, 1971v-drome

BCC L22 Lead Votive HenVotive Lead Hen
Greco-Roman? Eastern
1st-6th Century CE?
Solid cast lead hen intended for votive
use? The obverse and reverse are identical
in shape, but with very slightly different
decoration on each side, consisting of
dots and lines to represent feathers and
patterns. A casting line is visible around
the circumference of the figure. Hens
and roosters were considered sacred in
ancient Roman religion, and were popular
motifs in Roman art and artifacts, however,
the function of this piece is uncertain.
2.95cm x 2.5cm. x 0.55cm. 10.70gm.
Surface find Caesarea Maritima, 1973v-drome

BCC L23 Miniature Lead Serving PlatterMiniature Lead Serving Platter
Greco-Roman? Eastern
1st-6th Century CE?
Miniature cast lead serving platter
with a decorative border of parallel
lines, two handles, raised lip and
base. Pierced in antiquity. Perhaps
a votive offering or a toy. Similar
objects are known from Roman tombs.
cf. "Toys from the Tomb of Julia Graphis,
of Brescello" Musei Civici di Reggio Emilia.
5.275cm x 2.45cm. x 0.3cm. 12.15gm.
Surface find Caesarea Maritima, 1973
(Click for Larger Pic)v-drome

BCC L24 Miniature Lead Throne or ChairMiniature Lead Throne or Chair
Greco-Roman? Eastern
1st-6th Century CE?
Miniature cast lead throne or chair with
a cross-hatch pattern front and back.
Perhaps a votive offering or a toy. The
seat is pierced, presumably to secure a
figure, and the front of the foot area is
inscribed with the letter A? An almost
microscopic fleck of gold on the back of
the chair may suggest it was decoratively
gilded. Similar objects are known from
Roman tombs, cf. "Toys from the Tomb
of Julia Graphis of Brescello", Musei Civici
di Reggio Emilia.
3.65cm. x 2.5cm. x 1.1cm. 17.05gm.
Surface find Caesarea Maritima, 1975
(click for larger pic)v-drome

bmcxxx-6Elagabalus
Tyre, Phoenicia

Obv: IMP CAES M AVR AN-TONINVS AV, Laureate draped and cuirassed bust right, seen from front; indistinct counter mark.
Rev: TVR-IO-RV-M, Victory standing left on galley, holding wreath in right hand and trophy cradled in left arm; to left, palm tree; between, murex shell.
26 mm, 11.85 gms

BMC---; SNG Cop---; Cf. Rouvier 2385; Cf. Imhoof - Blumer, Monnaies grecques, p. 447, No 42; Roma Numismatics Limited, E-SALE 62, Lot 692 (this coin).

Neither Rouvier nor Imhoof - Blumer mention the galley.1 commentsCharles M

Bramsen 0107. Paix de Luneville, 1801.Obv. Bust of Bonaparte. On the base of the bust, the artist's name, ANDRIEU F.
Legend - BONAPARTE PREMIER CONSUL DE LA RÉPUBLIQUE FRANSE.
Rev. an elegant female figure emblematic of peace, she holds in her right hand, which is extended, an olive branch, in her left a cornucopia filled with fruit and wheat ears, her hair and costume is à la grecque, with a laurel wreath round the head.
Legend, PAIX DE LUNÉVILLE. On the ground whereon she stands, ANDRIEU F.
Exergue, LE XX. PLUVIOSE, AN IX.
42mm

Struck to commemorate the LordBest

Castel Sant’Angelo (Hadrian’s Tomb)ITALY, Papal (Papal State). Pius IV. 1559-1565. Cast Æ Medal (31mm, 13.04 g, 12h). After an original obverse by Gianfederico Bonzagni, and reverse by Alessandro Cesati “il Grechetto”. Cast circa 18th-19th century. · PIVS · IIII · PONTIFEX · MAX, bust right, wearing mantum / INSTAVRA TA, aerial view of the Castel Sant’Angelo (Hadrian’s Tomb) and the surrounding fortifications. CNORP III 525. Ancient Aussie

Cefalonia KRANIOI, bronzoKranioi (Krani), Cefalonia Elide-Peloponneso, bronzo, IV sec. a.C
AE, 4,0 gr., 17 mm, qSPL, R
D/ eroe (divinità) Kephalos in piedi con asta o lancia
R/ monogramma in lettere greche KRA (R con la lettera greca ro) per Kranioi
BMC 80,42, Winterthur 2178. Sear 2931
Provenienza: collezione Berardengo, Roma Italia (3 aprile 2008, numero catalogo 49); ex collezione Gionata Barbieri, Napoli Italia (2007); ex collezione privata, Napoli Italia (prima del 2007)paolo

Cilicia, Aigeai. AR Tetradrachm.Dated Civic Year 17 (30/29 BC). AR Tetradrachm (26mm, 14.38g, 11h). Arnold-Biucchi, Tresor 84-122 var. (D4/R-[unlisted reverse die]); SNG France-2280 (same obverse die); SNG Levante-; SNG von Aulock-; DCA-355. Obverse Turreted and veiled bust of Tyche right. Reverse Athena Nikephoros standing left; DI and club to left, IZ (date) and delta in exergue, ethnic in right field; all within wreath. Extra fine with a hint of die wear. Well centered. Rare (R1), especially with unrecorded reverse die.

Ex Roma Numismatics Ltd. Auction V, lot 413
Ex CNG

In classical times the modern city of Ayas was called Aigeai and belonged to Greater Cilicia (Cilicia Pedias). The site is strategically located on the Gulf of Issos and was originally founded by Greco-Macedonian colonists and named after the Macedonian capital Aegae. Due to its strategic location in launching attacks against Armenia, Pontos and Parthia, Julius Caesar gave the city a special status of oppidum liberum or a “free city” in autumn of 47 BC, probably early November of that year.

2 commentsJason T

Crawford 507/2, ROMAN IMPERATORIAL, Brutus with Casca Longus, AR DenariusRome, The Imperators.
Brutus with Casca Longus. 42 BCE.
AR Denarius (3.88g; 21mm).
Military mint, 42 BCE.

Obverse: CASCA LONGVS; Neptune's head facing right; trident below.

Reverse: BRVTVS IMP; Victory advancing right on broken scepter, holding filleted diadem and palm.

References: Crawford 507/2; HCRI 212; Sydenham1298 (R6); BMCRR (East) 63; Junia 44; Servilia 35.

Provenance: Ex V.L. Nummus Auction 12 (15 Sep 2019) Lot 68; Brüder Egger Auction 45 (12 Nov 1913) Lot 871.

Publius Servilius Casca Longus was one of the leading conspirators against Julius Caesar, and he was Tribune of the Plebs at the time of the assassination. Plutarch reports that a nervous Casca was the first to stab Caesar on the Ides of March with a glancing blow: “Casca gave him the first cut, in the neck, which was not mortal nor dangerous, as coming from one who at the beginning of such a bold action was probably very much disturbed. Caesar immediately turned about and laid his hand upon the dagger and kept hold of it. And both of them at the same time cried out, he that received the blow, in Latin, ‘Vile Casca, what does this mean?’ and he that gave it, in Greek, to his brother [Gaius] ‘Brother, help!’” [Plutarch: Lives of the noble Grecians and Romans, Arthur Clough (Ed.)] After Caesar’s assassination, Casca was given command of Brutus’ fleet. Nothing is known of Casca following the Battle of Philippi in October 42 BCE, where he likely perished or committed suicide in the aftermath.

The Neptune obverse refers to Casca’s naval command and the naval superiority of the conspirators before Philippi. Coins of the conspirators are replete with depictions of liberty and victory, and this coin is no exception. The reverse, with its broken scepter, clearly alludes to the assassins’ hope to eliminate monarchy in the Roman state and restore the Republic. Some authors have speculated that Victory is breaking the regal diadem on this type, although I don’t think that is abundantly clear.
9 commentsCarausius

Crawford 507/2, ROMAN IMPERATORIAL, Brutus with Casca Longus, Plated (Fourree) DenariusRome, The Imperators.
Brutus with Casca Longus. 42 BCE.
Plated (fourree) Denarius (2.53g; 20mm).
Military mint, 42 BCE.

Obverse: CASCA LONGVS; Neptune's head facing right; trident below.

Reverse: BRVTVS IMP; Victory advancing right on broken scepter, holding filleted diadem and palm.

References: Crawford 507/2; HCRI 212; Sydenham1298 (R6); BMCRR (East) 63; Junia 44; Servilia 35; Smyth XIV/28 (this coin described).

Provenance: Naville Auction 62 (13 Dec 2020) Lot 393; Duke of Northumberland Collection [Sotheby's (1982) Lot 482]; acquired before 1856.

While it is generally accepted that there were no “official” plated denarii issued by the Roman Republic, there were very-rare exceptions during the Imperatorial Period. Cornuficius’ coinage struck in North Africa circa 42 BC (Crawford 509) are more often found plated than solid and may have been an “official” plated issue. Whether the tyrannicides may have run into occasional silver shortages during the lead-up to Phillipi which required issuance of plated coins on an emergency basis can only be guessed; however, plated coins of the tyrannicides are certainly not common enough to support such a theory. I have seen a few very high-quality plated examples of the above type, but not huge numbers. Also, ancient forgeries would have been produced from impressions of genuine coins and should be of good style. For a solid silver example of the type, see my gallery coin at: https://www.forumancientcoins.com/gallery/displayimage.php?pos=-158193

Publius Servilius Casca Longus was one of the leading conspirators against Julius Caesar, and he was Tribune of the Plebs at the time of the assassination. Plutarch reports that a nervous Casca was the first to stab Caesar on the Ides of March with a glancing blow: “Casca gave him the first cut, in the neck, which was not mortal nor dangerous, as coming from one who at the beginning of such a bold action was probably very much disturbed. Caesar immediately turned about and laid his hand upon the dagger and kept hold of it. And both of them at the same time cried out, he that received the blow, in Latin, ‘Vile Casca, what does this mean?’ and he that gave it, in Greek, to his brother [Gaius] ‘Brother, help!’” [Plutarch: Lives of the noble Grecians and Romans, Arthur Clough (Ed.)] After Caesar’s assassination, Casca was given command of Brutus’ fleet. Nothing is known of Casca following the Battle of Philippi in October 42 BCE, where he likely perished or committed suicide in the aftermath.

The Neptune obverse refers to Casca’s naval command and the naval superiority of the conspirators before Philippi. Coins of the conspirators are replete with depictions of liberty and victory, and this coin is no exception. The reverse, with its broken scepter, clearly alludes to the assassins’ hope to eliminate monarchy in the Roman state and restore the Republic. Some authors have speculated that Victory is breaking a regal diadem on this type, although I don’t think that is abundantly clear.

The coin comes from the Duke of Northumberland Collection, catalogued by Admiral William Smyth in his 1856 book, "Descriptive Catalogue of A Cabinet of Roman Family Coins Belonging to His Grace the Duke of Northumberland," and sold by Sotheby’s in 1982. The Smyth book has no plates (line drawn or otherwise), but it does contain detailed descriptions of the collection coins with weights in grains. This coin is described in Smyth’s book, therefore it must have been acquired by the Duke’s family before 1856. Smyth described the collection as being in the Duke’s family for many years, so the ownership history conceivably dates to the 18th century. In describing this coin, Smyth said: “[t]his remarkably well-plated denarius, in very high preservation, and though fully spread, weighs only 39.5 grains…” Indeed, the coin is remarkably well-plated, with only one spot of the core visible on Neptune’s cheek, and the flan quite full at 20mm. Except for the one spot of visible core, the surfaces are exceptional, with deep iridescent tone, reflecting over a century spent in the Duke’s cabinet.
2 commentsCarausius

Emmett 1530 - Antoninus Pius drachm alexandria Zodiac Helios (Sun) in LeoEGYPT, Alexandria. Antoninus Pius. AD 138-161. Æ Drachm (34mm, 26.86 g, 1h). Dated RY 8 (AD 144/5). Laureate head right / Head of Helios right and star above lion (Leo) springing right; L H (date) below. Köln 1495-6; Dattari (Savio) -; K&G 35.278. Near VF, brown surfaces.
Alexandria saw an immense output of coinage during the eighth year of Antoninus Pius. The Zodiac drachms, unique mythological types and a host of issues for the nomes appeared that year. One explanation for this activity centers on the celebration of the renewal of the Great Sothic Cycle, the point when the star Sothis (Sirius) rises on the same point on the horizon as the sun. This cycle of 1461 years began again in AD 139, and apparently prompted a renewal in the ancient Egyptian religion, and its connections with the Greco-Roman Pantheon.
mattpat

Eukratides IBAKTRIA, Greco-Baktrian Kingdom. Eukratides I Megas. Circa 170-145 BC. AR Tetradrachm (33mm, about 16.78 g, 12h). Attic standard. Diademed and draped bust right, wearing crested helmet adorned with bull’s horn and ear / The Dioskouroi on horseback rearing right, each holding palm frond and spear; monogram to lower right. Bopearachchi 6E; SNG ANS 465. Ch VF, porous in areas. CNG auction
From The Sam Mansourati collection./ EX CNG
Photo and Description , courtesy of Classical Numismatic Group, Inc.2 commentsSam

Eukratides I Megas TetradrachmGreco-Baktrian Kingdom, Eukratides I Megas AR Tetradrachm. Circa 171-145 BC. Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust to right / The Dioskouroi on horses prancing to right, each holding spear and palm; BΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ above, ΕΥΚΡΑΤΙΔΟΥ below, monogram in lower right field. Bopearachchi 1D; Mitchiner 168a; SNG ANS 432; HGC 12, 130. 16.82g, 33mm, 12h.

Good Very Fine.

From the Neil Collection.

Eukratides I Megas TetradrachmGreco-Baktrian Kingdom, Eukratides I Megas AR Tetradrachm. Circa 170-145 BC. Diademed and draped bust to right, wearing crested helmet adorned with bull's horn and ear; all within bead-and-reel border / The Dioskouroi on horses prancing to right, each holding spear and palm; ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ above, ΕΥΚΡΑΤΙΔΟΥ below, monogram in right field. Bopearachchi 6W; Mitchiner 177f; SNG ANS 469-71; HGC 12, 131. 16.81g, 32mm, 12h.

Near Extremely Fine.

From a private UK collection.

Eukratides II Soter TetradrachmGreco-Baktrian Kingdom, Eukratides II Soter AR Tetradrachm. Circa 145-140 BC. Diademed and draped bust to right; all within bead-and-reel border / Apollo standing facing, head to left, holding arrow in right hand and grounded bow with left; BAΣIΛEΩΣ to right, EYKPATIΔOY and monogram to left. Bopearachchi 1I; Mitchiner 164l; SNG ANS 623; HGC 12, 161. 16.77g, 32mm, 12h.

Extremely Fine.

From the Neil Collection.

Euthydemos I TetradrachmGreco-Baktrian Kingdom, Euthydemos I Theos Megas AR Tetradrachm. Mint A (near Aï Khanoum), circa 206-200 BC. Diademed head to right, with elderly features / Herakles seated to left on rocky outcropping, holding club set on rocks; BAΣIΛEΩΣ and monogram to right, EYΘYΔHMOY to left. Glenn, Group III; Kritt A17; cf. Bopearachchi 11A (for monogram but on an oktadrachm) and 12 (for type, but monogram unlisted); SNG ANS -; cf. HGC 12, 40. 15.18g, 28mm, 12h.

Very Fine; somewhat corroded.

From the Neil Collection.

Euthydemos I TetradrachmBAKTRIA, Greco-Baktrian Kingdom. Euthydemos I, circa 225-200 BC. Tetradrachm (Silver, 26 mm, 16.55 g, 12 h), mint B (Baktra?). Diademed head of Euthydemos I to right. Rev. BAΣΙΛΕΩΣ - EYΘYΔHMOY Herakles seated left on rock, placing his right hand on club set his right leg and leaning left on rocky seat; behind, monogram of PK. Bopearachchi 9A. HGC 12, 42. Harshly cleaned, otherwise, good very fine.

Euthydemos II NI double unit, 1850-180 BCBAKTRIA, Greco-Baktrian Kingdom. Euthydemos II. Circa 185-180 BC.
NI Double Unit (22mm, 7.37 g, 11h).
Laureate head of Apollo right
BAÎ£IÎ›EÎ©Î£ EYÎ˜YÎ”HMOY
Tripod; monogram to inner left.
Bopearachchi Série 6B; SNG ANS 224.

Ex Classical Numismatic Group E217, lot 203Ardatirion

Grecia, Efeso Ionia (280-258 a.C.)Bronzo AE18, Efeso, Ionia, c. 280 - 258 a.C.
aF (MB+), 3.192 grammi, 15.3 mm, 0°
D/ E-F, ape all'interno di una ghirlanda d'alloro
R/ cervo maschio che si alimenta a destra, nome del magistrato
BMC Ionia p. 58, 83 ff. (vari magistrati); SNG Cop 268 - 269
Provenienza: collezione Berardengo, Roma Italia (17 dicembre 2007, numero catalogo 83); ex FAC (Morehead City NC, Usa, fino al 2007)paolo

Greco-Provençale, Période archaïque -500/-460.Obole à l'hippalectryon à droite.
Argent, 0,67 g, 10 mm
Av./ hippalectryon à droite.
Rv./ carré creux irrégulier.
réfs : OBE-1b ; Maurel 134.Gabalor

Greco-Provençale, Période archaïque -500/-460.Hémi-obole au phoque à droite
Argent, 0,64 g, 10 mm
Av./ Phoque à droite.
Rv./ Carré creux irrégulier
réfs : OBB-33 ; Maurel 144/145Gabalor

Greco-Provençale, Période archaïque -500/-460.Hémi-obole à la tête de gorgone et aux serpents
Argent, 0,53 g, 10 mm
Av./ Tête de Gorgone de face entourée de serpents
Rv./ Carré creux irrégulier
réfs : OBA-M ; Maurel 139/142
Gabalor

GREEK, Baktrian Kingdom, Antimachos I, ca. 175-170 BC, AR Tetradrachm - Bopearachchi Series 1EDiademed head of Antimachos right wearing kausia. / ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΘE[OY] ANTIMAXOY Poseidon standing facing, holding trident and palm branch, HA monogram in inner right field.
Bopearachchi Series 1E; SNG ANS 278 (monogram variant); Mitchiner 124a; Sear 7542.
(32 mm, 17.14 g, 12h)
Provenance, based on Bopearachchi: Freeman & Sear FPL 11, Spring/Summer 2006; ex- Muhammad Riaz Barber Coll.; ex- Peshawar bazaar (April 1996); ex-Kuliab Hoard (1996)

The Kuliab Hoard from which this coin derives was found in clandestine (1995/6) excavations on an ancient site in the vicinity of Kuliab, Tajikistan, 8-10 km from Qizil Mazar, in the valley of the Qizil Su, on the right bank of the Oxus. The inferred find site is located about 80 km northeast of the famed ancient site Ai Khanoum on the left bank of the Oxus, a key Greco-Bactrian foundation.

The hoard reputedly consisted of 800 coins of which 250 were described by Bopearachchi in his paper. The hoard, consisted dominantly of small denomination silver and contained coins from the time of Seleukos I down to the time of Eukratides I. Almost all the coins were of Bactrian origin. It appears to have been a savings hoard that was closed around 145 BC, probably co-incident with the invasion of nomadic peoples from the north.

The Kuliab Hoard represents one of the easternmost finds of Graeco-Bactrian coins, proof that Bactrian influence extended well into the western Himalayan Valleys of Tajikistan to the north northeast of Ai Khanoum.

Probably my finest tetradrachm - the male equivalent Mona Lisa of coinage!
11 comments

Greek, SICILY, Panormos, Hoover HGC 2, 1062 (this coin); Giuseppe Bucetti, p. 344 (this coin).AE Onkia, 2.11 g, Sicily, Panormos, ca. 415-380 B.C. Obv: Forepart of Man-headed bull facing left, possibly ear of corn above or simply an encrustation divided from the man-faced bull by the tooler, in which case SYS should be above. Rev: Horse trotting right, ear of corn above. Calciati I, 272, no. 11. Hoover HGC 2, 1062 (this coin); Giuseppe Bucetti "Monete, Storia e topografia della Sicilia Greca," p. 344 (this coin). Definite tooling around the major devices, but the extent on the devices themselves is unclear. In hand, the devices do not appear to be tooled.

Ex. Dr. Busso-Peus, Auction 386, No. 108 (unsold)Molinari

Heliokles I Dikaios TetradrachmGreco-Baktrian Kingdom, Heliokles I AR Tetradrachm. Circa 145-130 BC. Diademed and draped bust to right / BAΣIΛEΩΣ HΛIºKΛEºYΣ ΔIKAIºY, Zeus standing facing, holding thunderbolt in right hand and sceptre in left; Δ in exergue. Bopearachchi 1D; SNG ANS 633; HGC 12, 169. 12.86g, 33mm, 12h.

Very Fine; edge chipped, some delamination. Very Rare with this control mark.

From the Neil Collection.

Heliokles I Dikaios TetradrachmGreco-Baktrian Kingdom, Heliokles I Dikaios AR Tetradrachm. Circa 145-130 BC. Diademed and draped bust to right; all within bead-and-reel border / Zeus standing facing half-left, wearing himation, holding winged thunderbolt in right hand and lotus-tipped sceptre in left; monogram in left field, ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ to right, ΗΛΙΟΚΛΕΟΥΣ to left, ΔΙΚΑΙΟΥ in exergue. Bopearachchi 1U; Mitchiner 284o; SNG ANS 642-48; HGC 12, 169. 16.95g, 29mm, 12h.

Extremely Fine.

From a private UK collection.

Imperio Otomano - Mehmed II, 2nd reign (855-886/1451-1481)Muhammad b. Murád khán
AE Mangir 13 mm 1.5 gr.

Acuñada: 857 AH / 1453 D.C.
Ceca: Edirne (también llamada por su antigua denominación, Adrianópolis o Hadrianopolis) situada al noroeste de la Turquía europea, no lejos de las fronteras con Grecia y Bulgaria. Adrianópolis cayó en poder de los turcos otomanos, que la convirtieron en su capital bajo el nombre de Edirne hasta 1453, fecha en que fue trasladada hasta la recién caída Constantinopla

Referencias: Valentine #29 - Necdet Kabaklarli, Mangir (Copper Coins of Ottoman Empire), Istanbul, 1998 # 07-Adr-08/18.mdelvalle

INDIA, Indo-Greek, Apollodotus I Soter, AR Hemidrachm, c.180 - 160 BCObverse: Elephant standing right.
Reverse: Humped bull standing right.

Apollodotus was not the first to strike bilingual coins outside Bactria, but he was the first king who ruled in India only, and therefore the founder of the proper Indo-Greek kingdom. He was one of the generals of Demetrius I of Bactria, the Greco-Bactrian king who invaded northwestern India after 180 BC. The coinage of Apollodotus is found mainly in the provinces of Punjab, Sindh and Gujarat, indicating the southern limit of the Indo-Greek expansion in India.

IONIA, Phokaia.The ancient Greek geographer Pausanias says that Phocaea was founded by Phocians under Athenian leadership, on land given to them by the Aeolian Cymaeans, and that they were admitted into the Ionian League after accepting as kings the line of Codrus. Pottery remains indicate Aeolian presence as late as the 9th century BC, and Ionian presence as early as the end of the 9th century BC. From this an approximate date of settlement for Phocaea can be inferred.

According to Herodotus the Phocaeans were the first Greeks to make long sea-voyages, having discovered the coasts of the Adriatic, Tyrrhenia and Spain. Herodotus relates that they so impressed Arganthonios, king of Tartessus in Spain, that he invited them to settle there, and, when they declined, gave them a great sum of money to build a wall around their city.

Their sea travel was extensive. To the south they probably conducted trade with the Greek colony of Naucratis in Egypt, which was the colony of their fellow Ionian city Miletus. To the north, they probably helped settle Amisos (Samsun) on the Black Sea, and Lampsacus at the north end of the Hellespont (now the Dardanelles). However Phocaea's major colonies were to the west. These included Alalia in Corsica, Emporiae and Rhoda in Spain, and especially Massalia (Marseille) in France.

Phocaea remained independent until the reign of the Lydian king Croesus (circa 560–545 BC), when they, along with the rest of mainland Ionia, first, fell under Lydian control[8] and then, along with Lydia (who had allied itself with Sparta) were conquered by Cyrus the Great of Persia in 546 BC, in one of the opening skirmishes of the great Greco-Persian conflict.

Rather than submit to Persian rule, the Phocaeans abandoned their city. Some may have fled to Chios, others to their colonies on Corsica and elsewhere in the Mediterranean, with some eventually returning to Phocaea. Many however became the founders of Elea, around 540 BC.

In 500 BC, Phocaea joined the Ionian Revolt against Persia. Indicative of its naval prowess, Dionysius, a Phocaean was chosen to command the Ionian fleet at the decisive Battle of Lade, in 494 BC. However, indicative of its declining fortunes, Phocaea was only able to contribute three ships, out of a total of "three hundred and fifty three". The Ionian fleet was defeated and the revolt ended shortly thereafter.

After the defeat of Xerxes I by the Greeks in 480 BC and the subsequent rise of Athenian power, Phocaea joined the Delian League, paying tribute to Athens of two talents. In 412 BC, during the Peloponnesian War, with the help of Sparta, Phocaea rebelled along with the rest of Ionia. The Peace of Antalcidas, which ended the Corinthian War, returned nominal control to Persia in 387 BC.

In 343 BC, the Phocaeans unsuccessfully laid siege to Kydonia on the island of Crete.

During the Hellenistic period it fell under Seleucid, then Attalid rule. In the Roman period, the town was a manufacturing center for ceramic vessels, including the late Roman Phocaean red slip.

It was later under the control of Benedetto Zaccaria, the Genoan ambassador to Byzantium, who received the town as a hereditary lordship; Zaccaria and his descendants amassed a considerable fortune from his properties there, especially the rich alum mines. It remained a Genoese colony until it was taken by the Turks in 1455. It is a titular see of the Roman Catholic Church.

IONIA, Phokaia. Circa 521-478 BC. AR Hemidrachm (9mm, 1.54 g). Head of griffin left / Quadripartite incuse square. SNG Copenhagen –; SNG von Aulock 2116; SNG Kayhan 512-6. VF, dark toning. ecoli

Ionie, Milet 1/12 de statère, 478 avant J.C. Etalon milésiaque
Avers :
Anépigraphe. Tête de lion avec crinière à gauche, la gueule ouverte et la langue pendante.
Revers :
Anépigraphe. Etoile à quatre rais dans un carré creux.

Références : Dewing 2292
1 commentsB*Numis

Italy- Forum Romanum- Part of the Forum of Caesar 0The Forum of Caesar, in addition to being one of the most evident monuments of self-representation of political power, was constructed as an extension to the Roman Forum. Caesar himself behaved like a greco-oriental sovereign, escorted by a procession of elephants and, against every republican norm, once received the Senate sitting in the center of the temple. The dictator also had placed in front the temple a statue of himself riding Bucefalo, the celebrated horse of Alexander the Great and symbol of absolute power. The Temple of Venus Genetrix, intentionally placed at the end of the piazza was the unifying and conclusive element to the architectural complex. This strict centralized vision corresponded to the ideological function, following the propaganda of the Hellenistic sanctuaries.
The choice of the Forum site is also significant: the future dictator didn't want to be far from the central power, represented in the Curia, seat of the Senate. In fact, not long before Caesar's death, the Senate agreed to reconstruct the Curia on the site.
Peter Wissing

Italy- Forum Romanum- Part of the Forum of Caesar 1The Forum of Caesar, in addition to being one of the most evident monuments of self-representation of political power, was constructed as an extension to the Roman Forum. Caesar himself behaved like a greco-oriental sovereign, escorted by a procession of elephants and, against every republican norm, once received the Senate sitting in the center of the temple. The dictator also had placed in front the temple a statue of himself riding Bucefalo, the celebrated horse of Alexander the Great and symbol of absolute power. The Temple of Venus Genetrix, intentionally placed at the end of the piazza was the unifying and conclusive element to the architectural complex. This strict centralized vision corresponded to the ideological function, following the propaganda of the Hellenistic sanctuaries.
The choice of the Forum site is also significant: the future dictator didn't want to be far from the central power, represented in the Curia, seat of the Senate. In fact, not long before Caesar's death, the Senate agreed to reconstruct the Curia on the site.
Peter Wissing

Italy- Forum Romanum- Part of the Forum of Caesar and a statue of CeasarThe Forum of Caesar, in addition to being one of the most evident monuments of self-representation of political power, was constructed as an extension to the Roman Forum. Caesar himself behaved like a greco-oriental sovereign, escorted by a procession of elephants and, against every republican norm, once received the Senate sitting in the center of the temple. The dictator also had placed in front the temple a statue of himself riding Bucefalo, the celebrated horse of Alexander the Great and symbol of absolute power. The Temple of Venus Genetrix, intentionally placed at the end of the piazza was the unifying and conclusive element to the architectural complex. This strict centralized vision corresponded to the ideological function, following the propaganda of the Hellenistic sanctuaries.
The choice of the Forum site is also significant: the future dictator didn't want to be far from the central power, represented in the Curia, seat of the Senate. In fact, not long before Caesar's death, the Senate agreed to reconstruct the Curia on the site.
Peter Wissing

Italy- Rome- The Pantheon of Marco V Agripa and HadrianPantheon
The Pantheon is a building in Rome which was originally built as a temple to all the gods of the Roman state religion, but has been a Christian church since the 7th century AD. It is the only building from the Greco-Roman world which is completely intact and which has been in continuous use throughout its history.

History
The original Pantheon was built in 27 BC under the Roman Republic, during the third consulship of Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, and his name is inscribed on the portico of the building. The inscription reads M·AGRIPPA·L·F·COS·TERTIUM·FECIT, "Marcus Agrippa, son of Lucius, consul for the third time, built this."

In fact, Agrippa's Pantheon was destroyed by fire in AD 80, and the Pantheon was completely rebuilt in about AD 125, during the reign of the Emperor Hadrian, as date-stamps on the bricks reveal. It was totally reconstructed, with the text of the original inscription (referring to Agrippa) added to the new facade, a common practice in Hadrian's rebuilding projects all over Rome.

Hadrian was a cosmopolitan emperor who travelled widely in the east and was a great admirer of Greek culture. He seems to have intended the Pantheon, a temple to all the gods, to be a sort of ecumenical or syncretist gesture to the subjects of the Roman Empire who did not worship the old gods of Rome, or who (as was increasingly the case) worshipped them under other names.

In AD 609 the Byzantine emperor Phocas gave the building to Pope Boniface IV, who reconsecrated it as a Christian church, the Church of Mary and all the Martyr Saints (Santa Maria ad Martyres), which title it retains.

The building's consecration as a church saved it from the abandonment and spoliation which befell the majority of ancient Rome's buildings during the early mediaeval period. The only loss has been the external sculptures, which adorned the pediment above Agrippa's inscription. The marble interior and the great bronze doors have survived, although the latter have been restored several times.

During the reign of Pope Urban VIII, the Pope ordered the bronze ceiling of the Pantheon's portico melted down. Most of the bronze was used to make bombards for the fortification of Castel Sant'Angelo, with the remaining amount used by the Apostolic Chamber for various other works. (It is also said that the bronze was used by Bernini in creating the baldachin above the main altar of St. Peter's Basilica, but according to at least one expert, the Pope's accounts state that about 90% of the bronze was used for the cannon, and that the bronze for the baldachin came from Venice.[1]) This led to the Latin proverb, "Quod non fecerunt barbari, fecerunt Barberini" ("What the barbarians did not do, the Barberinis [family name of Urban VIII] did").

Since the Renaissance the Pantheon has been used as a tomb. Among those buried there are the painters Raphael and Annibale Caracci, the architect Baldassare Peruzzi and two kings of Italy: Vittorio Emanuele II and Umberto I, as well as Vittorio Emanuele's Queen, Margharita.

Although Italy has been a republic since 1946, volunteer members of Italian monarchist organisations maintain a vigil over the royal tombs in the Pantheon. This has aroused protests from time to time from republicans, but the Catholic authorities allow the practice to continue, although the Italian Ministry of Cultural Heritage [2] is in charge of the security and maintenance. The Pantheon is still a church and Masses are still celebrated in the church, particularly for weddings.

Structure
The building is circular with a portico of three ranks of huge granite Corinthian columns (8 in the first rank and 16 in total) under a pediment opening into the rotunda, under a coffered, concrete dome, with a central opening (oculus), open to the sky. The height to the oculus and the diameter of the interior circle are the same (43 metres), so the whole interior would fit exactly within a cube (alternatively, the interior could house a sphere 43 metres in diameter). The dome is the largest surviving from antiquity, and was the largest dome in western Europe until Brunelleschi's dome of the Duomo of Florence was completed in 1436.

It may well be noted that the proportions of the building are in discord with respect to the classical ideal. Most evident is the rather large pediment, which appears far too "heavy" for the columns supporting it. The reason for this was the expectation that the building would be much taller than it actually is, which would effect larger columns. However, by the time the pediment was built, it was realised that the proposed height was unrealistic, and so the builders had to settle with a building somewhat out of proportion.

The composition of the Roman concrete used in the dome remains a mystery. An unreinforced dome in these proportions made of modern concrete would hardly stand the load of its own weight, since concrete has very low tensile strength, yet the Pantheon has stood for centuries. It is known from Roman sources that their concrete is made up of a pasty hydrate lime; pozzolanic ash from a nearby volcano; and fist-sized pieces of rock. In this, it is very similar to modern concrete. The high tensile strength appears to come from the way the concrete was applied in very small amounts and then was tamped down to remove excess water at all stages. This appears to have prevented the air bubbles that normally form in concrete as the material dries, thus increasing its strength enormously.

As the best preserved example of monumental Roman architecture, the Pantheon was enormously influential on European and American architects from the Renaissance to the 19th century. Numerous city halls, universities and public libraries echo its portico-and-dome structure. Examples of notable buildings influenced by the Pantheon include Thomas Jefferson's Rotunda at the University of Virginia, Low Library at Columbia University, New York, and the State Library of Victoria in Melbourne, Australia.

Peter Wissing

Juba II (de 25 av. J.-C. à 23 ap. J.-C.)Denier de Juba II de Maurétanie et de Cléopâtre Séléné.
Atelier de Lol-Césarée.

Tête diadémée de Juba II à droite.
REX IVBA (inscription en latin).

Étoile à six rais surmontant un croissant.
BACIÎ›ICCA KÎ›EOÎ ATPA
Basilissa Kleopatra (inscription en grecque).

Rappelons que Cléopâtre Séléné est la fille de Cléopâtre VII Théa Philopator (dernière reine d'Egypte de la dynastie des Lagides) et de Marc Antoine (triumvir romain avec Lépide et Octave).1 commentsPYL

Lampsakos - pale EL hekte (1/6 stater)c. 500-450 BC
forepart of Pegasos right
quadripartite incuse square
Traité I 104 = J.P. Six, "Monnaies grecques, inédites et incertaines (suite)" in NC 1894, p. 314 and pl. XIII, 8; Triton X, lot 272; CNG 94, 459; CNG 88, lot 295.
2,2g 10mmJ. B.

Lot of 14 coins Iberian Grec-roman of Spain_5202Antonivs Protti

MAGNA GRECIA LUCANIA PAESTUMMAGNA GRECIA
LUCANIA
PAESTUM (Poseidonia)
Bronze semis. Circa 90-44 BC.
15mm, 3.41gm.
Obv: Female head right; MINEIA • M • F behind.
Rev: Two-story building; P-S flanking upper floor, S-C flanking lower.
Crawford, Paestum 38b; HN Italy 1258.
Rare.Ancient Aussie

MAGNA GRECIA LUCANIA PAESTUMMAGNA GRECIA LUCANIA PAESTUM
MAGNA GRECIA
LUCANIA
PAESTUM (Poseidonia)
Bronze semis. Circa 90-44 BC.
16mm, 3.58gm.
Obv: Female head right; MINEIA • M • F behind.
Rev: Two-story building; P-S flanking upper floor, S-C flanking lower.
Crawford, Paestum 38b; HN Italy 1258.
Rare.Ancient Aussie

MAGNA GRECIA, Metaponto, 420-400 a.C.Grecia, Metaponto (Lucania), AE11 bronzo. (420-400 a.C.)
AE, 11-12 mm, gr. 1,06. B+
D/ Testa di Demetra, dea delle messi (Cerere), a dx
R/ META, spiga d'orzo
SNG Cop. 1261, SNG ANS 574
Nota: patina verde con punti rossi
Provenienza: collezione Berardengo, Roma Italia (13 dicembre 2007, numero catalogo 58), ex Martina Dieterle collection (Schenkenzell Germany, via Vauctions lotto 57856, fino al 2007).paolo

MASSALIA - MARSEILLE Obole MA, tête à gaucheMASSALIA - MARSEILLE
(Ve - Ier siècle avant J.-C.)
Marseille, la "Massalia" des Grecs, fondée par les Phocéens en 600 avant J.-C., est née de la volonté des Grecs de promouvoir des comptoirs commerciaux afin de rivaliser avec les Carthaginois et les Étrusques pour la domination de la Méditerranée occidentale. Marseille n'est absolument pas une création celtique ou gauloise et appartient au monde grec.
B*Numis

Massalia ou gréco-Provençale, période archaïque, -500/-460 Hémi-obole à la tête de bélier à gauche
Argent, 0,65 g, 10 mm
Av./ Tête de bélier à gauche
Rv./ Carré creux irrégulier
réfs : OBA-Qd ; Maurel 47/48/49/174 var.
Gabalor

Moesia inferior, Nikopolis ad Istrum, 17. Julia Domna, HrHJ (2018) 8.17.48.03 (plate coin)Julia Domna, AD 193-211
AE 17, 3.74g, 16.92mm, 195°
obv. EIOVLI - DOMN CE
Bust, draped, r.
rev. NIKOPOLIT PROC ICTRON
Crescent between 2 stars
ref. a) AMNG I/1, 1486 (1 ex., Bukarest)
b) not in Varbanov (engl.)
rev. #2848 var.
c) Hristova/Hoeft/Jekov (2018) No. 8.17.48.3 (plate coin)
Rare, about VF, dark green patina

Pick writes: obv. IOVLI[A DO]MN[A] CE, before IOVLI seems to stand an E; but wether actually is to read EIOVLI remains doubtful.
On my coin the E before IOVLI can clearly be seen. It is possible that EI is the Grecizing translation of I.

1 commentsJochen

Moesia inferior, Nikopolis ad Istrum, 17. Julia Domna, HrHJ (2018) 8.17.52.03Julia Domna, AD 193-211
AE 17, 2.65g, 17.44mm, 45°
obv. EIOVLI - [DOMN C]E
Bust, draped, r.
rev. NIKOPOLIT PROC ICTRON
Basket with handle, filled with fruits (apples?)
ref.: a) not in AMNG
b) not in Varbanov (engl.)
c) Hristova/Hoeft/Jekov (2018) No. 8.17.52.3 (same dies)
F+, obv. excentric, patina damage on rev. from cleaning

Now we have 4 types with the strange obv. legend EIOVL - DOMN CE:
(1) HrHJ (2018) 8.17.48.03 (coll. Hoeft)
(2) HrHJ (2018) 8.17.48.06 (coll. Hoeft)
(3) HrHJ (2018) 8.17.48.07 (coll. Hoeft)
(4) HrHJ (2018) 8.17.52.03 (coll. Hoeft)
All were struck from the same obv. die.

The explanation is most probably the Grecizing of I as a kind of "hyper correction" with a social component (Wikipedia)Jochen

MYSIE - LAMPSAQUE Trihemiobole4th-3rd centuries BC. AR Diobol ( 1,20 g. - 11 mm)
MYSIE - LAMPSAQUE
(Ve - IVe siècle avant J.-C.)
Lampsaque, placée à l'entrée de l'Hellespont, était une colonie phocéenne. Enjeu permanent de la rivalité qui opposait les Grecs et les Perses, Lampsaque entra dans la confédération délienne après la bataille de Mycale en 479 avant J.-C. Elle se détacha de la tutelle athénienne en 412 avant J.-C., mais fut reprise. Entre la chute d'Athènes en 404 avant J.-C. et la bataille de Cnide en 394 avant J.-C., puis la paix d'Antalcidas en 387 avant J.-C., la cité changea souvent de camp passant de l'influence grecque à celle du grand Roi et de ses satrapes. En 334, à l'arrivée d'Alexandre le Grand, la cité fut épargnée bien que favorable à Darius III Codoman avec Memnon, despote de la cité. La ville connut une grande prospérité à l'époque hellénistique.B*Numis

O - La série des follis au H - OCette émission de follis ayant un H sous le buste a été frappé à Trèves au temps de la première Tétrarchie (de 293 à 305 apJC).
Dioclétien et Maximien Hercule sont les Augustes, Constance Ier Chlore et Galère sont les Césars.
Dioclétien a la préséance sur Maximien Hercule. Il se mettra sous la protection de Jupiter et Maximien se mettra sous la tutelle de Hercule.
L'Empire est divisé en deux, Dioclétien prendra l'Orient avec Galère, ce seront les empereurs joviens.
Maximien Hercule et Constance Chlore prendront l'Occident, ce seront les empereurs herculéens.
Chacun aura un territoire réservé.

Cette phase particulière prend place durant la 3e émission de l'atelier de Trèves après sa réouverture par Dioclétien en 294.
Carl-Friedrich Zschucke situe cette 3e émission entre les années 295 et 297.
Tandis que pour le Roman Imperial Coins (RIC), elle se situerait entre 296 et 297.
Cette 3e émission se caractérise, par la lettre Gamma dans le champ droit au revers, qui dans le système de numération grecque vaut 3.

Durant cette 3e émission, trois officines frappèrent monnaies.
Il semble que la seconde officine soit la plus prolifique, les follis à la marque B sont les plus fréquents.
vient ensuite la première officine (A), alors que les monnaies de la troisième officine (C) semble beaucoup plus rares, on peut en déduire que cette officine a fermé durant la 3e émission, car aucune monnaie par la suite ne portera cette marque.

Le revers représente le Génie du Peuple Romain (GENIO POPVLI ROMANI)
Genius (le Génie) debout à gauche nu, coiffé du modius, le manteau sur l'épaule, tenant de la main gauche une corne d'abondance et de la main droite une patère .
Dans le champ gauche une lettre (A ou B ou C) pour l'officine.
Dans le champ droit la lettre grecque Gamma pour l'émission.
A l'exergue les lettres TR pour l'atelier de Trèves.

L'avers représente le buste nu et la tête laurée à droite de l'empereur ou du césar, avec la lettre H en exergue.

à noter la petite variante pour le buste de Constance pour la première officine, les deux pans du ruban qui tient la couronne pendent vers le bas, alors que sur les autres bustes, un pan pointe vers le bas et l'autre pointe vers le haut.

Signification de la lettre H :

Vincent Drost - Trésors Monétaires 23. a écrit:
Les bustes nus présentant la lettre H sous le buste sont l’apanage de cette seule émission et ne concernent à Larré que Maximien et Constance. Il s’agit là d’une référence explicite à la lignée herculéenne à laquelle se rattachent ces deux tétrarques. Dans quelques cas, la lettre H se retrouve toutefois sous les bustes de Dioclétien et de Galère. Ceci doit être interprété,comme dans le cas des exemples « d’échanges » de types de revers représentant Jupiter et Hercule entre Joviens et Herculéens abondamment illustrés dans le monnayage d’or de Trèves, comme un symbole fort de la parfaite union tétrarchique. Rappelons en outre qu’à Lyon, des monnaies divisionnaires associent, peu de temps avant la mise en œuvre de la réforme de 294, les bustes de Dioclétien et de Constance ou ceux de Maximien et de Galère
. De même, une autre monnaie divisionnaire lyonnaise au nom de Galère, un Jovien pourtant, présente un revers montrant Hercule enfant étranglant les serpents, accompagné de la légende PRIMV(M) AVSP(ICIVM)

Références :
RIC 171a - IMP DIOCLETIANVS P F AVG - officine A,B,C
RIC 171b - IMP MAXIMIANVS P F AVG - officine A,B,C
RIC 214a - CONSTANTIVS NOB CAES - officine A,B,C
RIC 214b - MAXIMIANVS NOB CAES - officine A,B
ZSCHUCKE 29a - IMP DIOCLETIANVS P F AVG
ZSCHUCKE 29b - IMP MAXIMIANVS P F AVG
ZSCHUCKE 29c - CONSTANTIVS NOB CAES
ZSCHUCKE 29d - MAXIMIANVS NOB CAES

PYL

Regno greco di Bactria, 160-150 a.C., emiobolo (mezzo obolo)AE, emiobolo, Regno indo-greco di Bactria. Bronzo rettangolare. Apollodotus I, zecca di Taxila (160-150 a.C.)
AE, 9.72 gr, mm 20x22, BB
D/ Legenda in greco, divinità stante di fronte, solleva la mano dx, clava nella sx
R/ Altare in cornice (incuso)
M. Workshop, Mitchiner vol. 2 type 209q
Provenienza: collezione Berardengo, Roma Italia (3 dicembre 2007, numero catalogo 59); ex Youssef Mishriki collection (Sphinx numismatics, Markham, Ontario Canada, fino al 2007).paolo

ROMAN EMPIRE, City Commemorative, Time of Maximinus II. AD 310-313. Æ (16mm, 1.60 g,). ‘Persecution’ issue. Time of Maximinus II. AD 310-313. Æ (16mm, 1.60 g,). ‘Persecution’ issue. Antioch mint, 6th officina. Jupiter seated left on throne, holding globe and scepter / Victory advancing left, holding wreath in outstretched hand; Z in right field (= officina 6) . Van Heesch, Last, 2.

J. van Heesch has provided the latest chronology for these anonymous civic bronzes of the fourth century AD. An active campaign of persecution against local Christians, abetted by Maximinus II, reached its height in Nicomedia, Antioch, and Alexandria. Churches were closed and property was seized from Christians who were expelled from many cities. These three major mint cities struck a series of small bronzes honoring the old Greco-Roman gods, Jupiter, Apollo, Tyche, and Serapis being among them. The persecutions subsided in AD 313, possibly as a result of concerns expressed by Constantine and Licinius, the emperors in the west. 1 commentsAdrian W

RPC 1311 VespasianÆ27, 8.24g
Sardis (Lydia) mint, Titus Flavius Eisigonos (strategos)
Obv: ΑΥΤΟΚ ΚΑΙϹ ΟΥΕϹΠΑϹΙΑΝΩ; Head of Vespasian, laureate, r.
Rev: ΕΠΙ (Τ) ΦΛ ΕΙϹΙΓΟΝΟΥ ϹΑΡΔΙΑΝΩΝ; Pluto and Persephone in quadriga, r.
RPC 1311 (6 spec.).
Acquired from Tom Vossen, November 2023.

The rape, or more accurately abduction, of Prospernia (Persephone in Greek) depicted on the reverse of this Sardian provincial bronze is an infamous scene from Greco-Roman mythology. Here we see Pluto carrying away Prospernia in his chariot. The story of Proserpina explains why there is winter:

'One day, when Proserpina, daughter of Ceres, the goddess of agriculture, was gathering flowers in the fields, she was abducted by Pluto, god of the underworld, and carried off to his kingdom. Ceres was consumed with grief and in anger she scorched the earth, preventing grain from growing and the earth from producing fruit. Forced to intervene, Jupiter negotiated a compromise that provided Proserpina had not eaten anything while in the underworld she would be set free. Pluto however had offered Proserpina part of a pomegranate, which she accepted. The Fates would not allow Proserpina to be fully released, but a settlement was agreed upon by which she would spend part of the year with Pluto in the underworld (winter) and part of the year with her mother Ceres (summer). When Proserpina is with Pluto the earth is barren and cold and when she returns to her mother, Ceres pours forth the blessings of spring to welcome her beloved daughter home.'

The story has been told in paintings and sculpture throughout the ages. During the Renaissance a large Baroque marble group sculpture by Italian artist Gian Lorenzo Bernini titled 'The Rape of Proserpina' most famously immortalised the tale for a modern audience. This Sardian bronze struck under Vespasian, while not exceedingly rare, is seldom encountered in trade.2 commentsDavid Atherton

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