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Image search results - "ephesus"

Vespasian, 1 July 69 - 24 June 79 A.D.

SH110254. Silver denarius, RIC II-1 1431; RSC II 276; RPC II 833; BnF III 351; BMCRE II 457, SRCV I 2270, Choice EF, well centered, excellent portrait, light toning, slight double strike, 3.326g, 18.3mm, 180o, Ephesus mint, IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS III TR P P P, laureate head right; reverse PACI AVGVSTAE, Victory advancing right, wreath in extended right hand, palm frond over left shoulder in left hand, EPHE (PHE ligate) lower right; ex Inasta (San Marino) auction 100 (24 Jun 2022), lot 212 Ex: Forum Ancient Coins.

Ephesus peaked during the 1st and 2nd century A.D. when it was second in importance and size only to Rome, with a population estimated at 400,000 to 500,000 in 100 A.D. The city was famous for the Temple of Artemis, the Library of Celsus, and its theater, seating 25,000 spectators. Ephesus also had several large bath complexes and one of the most advanced aqueduct systems in the ancient world. Water powered numerous mills, one of which has been identified as a sawmill for marble. The city and temple were destroyed by the Goths in 263 A.D., marking the decline of the city's splendor.1 commentspaul1888

10 Vespasian AR EphesusVespasian
AR Denarius.
Ephesus Mint,
71 AD.

O: IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS III TR P P P, laureate head right

R: LIBERI IMP AVG VESPAS, Titus & Domitian standing, heads left, each holding a patera, EPHE monogram in ex.

RIC 1430c, RSC 250, RPC 832, sear5 #2401
RI00641 commentsSosius

IONIA, Ephesos. 1st-2nd century AD
ƠTessera (18mm, 2.74 g)
KHPIΛIC ωΔE ΠPOC ΠAΛVPIN
Bee
CKωΠI, recumbent stag; E to left, Φ to right
BMC 186; SNG Copenhagen 355

Head interprets the legend ΠAΛYPIN as related to υρoν, beehive, and ύppις, basket and conflated with πaλιν, bring back. From this, he suggests that the token would have been placed in a jar and shaken to produce a ringing sound, while the magical words were spoken. Thus, the piece would be a magical token, related to the folk tradition of ringing the bees into their hives. Such an explanation is perhaps overly fanciful.4 commentsArdatirion

IONIA, Ephesos
PB Tessera (20mm, 3.30 g)
The Charites (the Three Graces) standing, the left and right facing, the middle with back to view
Blank
Gülbay & Kireç 53 var. (reverse type)

Ex Mark Staal Three Graces Collection; Classical Numismatic Group Electronic Auction 232, lot 515 (part of). Found near Ephesus.Ardatirion

IONIA, Ephesos
PB Tessera (17mm, 2.98 g, 7 h)
Diana Ephesia, uncertain legend around
Victory advancing left, holding wreath and palm frond
Gülbay & Kireç -Ardatirion

(00001) OCTAVIA (with MARK ANTONY)Octavia
(sister of Augustus; 4th wife of Mark Antony)
b. 69 BC- d. 11 BC
AR Cistophoric Tetradrachm 27 mm - 11.35 g; struck 39 BC
O: M ANTONIVS IMP COS DESIG ITER ET TERT, head of Antony right, wearing ivy wreath, lituus below; all within wreath of ivy and flowers
R: III. VIR. R.P.C, draped bust of Octavia right above cista; flanked by coiled snakes.
Ephesus mint.
RPC I 2201; CRI 262; Sydenham 1197; RSC 2.2 commentslaney

(0161) MARCUS AURELIUS 161 - 180 AD
AE 22 mm, 5.57 g
Marcus Aurelius
O: Laureate, cuirassed and draped bust right.
R: Tyche standing left, wearing kalathos, holding rudder and cornucopia.
Ionia, Ephesuslaney

(500a) Roman Republic, 119 BC, M. Furius Philius - Furia 18Roman Republic, 119 BC, M. Furius Philius - Furia 18. Crawford 281/1, Sydenham 529; 19mm, 3.23 grams. aVF, Rome; Obverse: laureate head of Janus, M FORVRI L F around; Reverse: Roma standing left erecting trophy, Galic arms around, PHLI in exergue. Ex Ephesus Numismatics.

Gauis Marius
As a novus homo, or new man, Marius found the rise in the Roman cursus honorum ( "course of honours"-- the sequential order of public offices held by aspiring politicians in the Roman Republic) a daunting challenge. It is certain that he used his old family client contacts and his military relations as a source of support. Among these contacts were the powerful Metelli family, and their early support was to prove to be a disaster for them. Just a few short years after his service as Quaestor, Marius was elected Tribune of the Plebes in 119 BC. In this position so soon after the political turmoil and murder of the Gracchi brothers (Gaius murdered 123 BC), Marius chose to follow the populares path, making a name for himself under similar auspices. As Tribune, he would ensure the animosity of the conservative faction of the Senate, and the Metelli, by passing popular laws forbidding the inspection of ballot boxes. In do doing, he directly opposed the powerful elite, who used ballot inspection as a way to intimidate voters in the citizen assembly elections.

Marius would go on to be elected Consul seven times and figure prominantly in the civil unrest of the early eighties as Lucius Cornelius Sulla's opponent. In 88 BC, Sulla had been elected Consul. There was now a choice before the Senate about which general to send to Asia (a potentially lucrative command): either Marius or Sulla. The Senate chose Sulla, but soon the Assembly appointed Marius. In this unsavory episode of low politics, Marius had been helped by the unscrupulous actions of Publius Sulpicius Rufus, whose debts Marius had promised to erase. Sulla refused to acknowledge the validity of the Assembly's action.

Sulla left Rome and traveled to "his"army waiting in Nola, the army the Senate had asked him to lead to Asia. Sulla urged his legions to defy the Assembly's orders and accept him as their rightful leader. Sulla was successful, and the legions murdered the representatives from the Assembly. Sulla then commanded six legions to march with him opon Rome and institute a civil war.

This was a momentous event, and was unforeseen by Marius, as no Roman army had ever marched upon Rome—it was forbidden by law and ancient tradition.

Sulla was to eventually rule Rome as Dictator. In his book Rubicon, historian Tom Holland argues that Sulla's actions had no lasting negative effect upon the health of the Republic, that Sulla was at heart a Republican. However, once a Roman general has defied Republican tradition, once a Roman general has used his command to combat fellow Romans, once a Roman general has set-up himself as Dictator--it follows that the decision to replicate these decsions (think: Caesar and Rubicon) is that much more easiely taken.

J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.

Cleisthenes

-Ionia, Ephesus. Domitian. AD 81-96. Æ 27mm.Laureate head right / River-god Marnas reclining left, holding reed and resting arm on overturned urn from which water flows.
RPC 10741 commentsancientone

001ap Marc Antony ( 83-30 B.C.), RPC I. 2202, AR-Cistophoric Tetradrachm, Ephesos (?), III•VIR• R•P•C•, Cista Mystica, Scarce! #1001ap Marc Antony ( 83-30 B.C.), RPC I. 2202, AR-Cistophoric Tetradrachm, Ephesos (?), III•VIR• R•P•C•, Cista Mystica, Scarce! #1
avers: •M•ANTONIVS•IMP•COS•DESIG•ITER ET TERT, Jugate heads of Marc Antony, wreathed with ivy and berries, and Octavia, bare-headed, right.
reverse: III•VIR• R•P•C•, Cista Mystica between two coiled serpents, Dionysos (Bacchus) standing left above, holding kantharos and thyrsos.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 27,0-29,5mm, weight:11,86g, axes:0h,
mint: City: Cistophoric Tetradrachm, Province: Asia, Region: Uncertain, Issue: Ephesos (?), date: 39 B.C.,
ref: RPC I. 2202 (4 Specimens), SNG Cop. 408, SNG von Aulock 6555, Franke KZR 472, RSC 3, Sydenham 1198, Sear 1513.
Q-0014 commentsquadrans

001k. Mark AntonyA partisan for Julius Caesar, who later formed the Second Triumvirate with Octavian and Lepidus. Antony probably was a better politician than soldier. His campaign against Parthia was a debacle. Frequent political conflicts with Octavian, ultimately leading to all-out war between the forces of the two. This culminated with the battle of Actium in 31 BC. After losing, Antony committed suicide. He is a particularly difficult historical figure to assess, given that most of the sources for his actions were written by supporters of Augustus. An interesting contrarian view of the relative virtues of Antony and Octavian is Syme, Ronald (1939). The Roman Revolution. Oxford: Clarendon. Although an older book, it remains available and worth reading for a different perspective.

Coin: AR Denarius. Ephesus mint, 41 BC. M. Barbatius Pollio, moneyer. Obv: M ANT. IMP AVG III VIR. R. PC. M. BARBAT Q P, bare head of Antony right
Rev: CAESAR. IMP. PONT. III. VIR. R. P. C., bare head of Octavian right, in slight beard. Cr517/2lawrence c

001v1. Roman MoneyersL. HOSTILIUS SASERNA. Denarius (48 BC). Rome. Obv: Head of Gallia right; carnyx to left. Rev: L HOSTILIVS / SASERNA. Diana of Ephesus standing facing, holding spear and stag by the horns. Crawford 448/3; CRI 19. 3.52 g., 18 mm. Naumann Auction 103, lot 483.lawrence c

001w. TriumvirsSecond Triumvirate, Marc Antony, Octavian and Lepidus
AE16 of Ephesus, Ionia, 39 BC.
15.8mm, 4.54 g.
Obv: Triple jugate heads right
Rev: EΦE, cult image of Artemis Ephesia facing, with supports.
RPC I 2569; BMC 191; SNG Cop 357.

A FORUM coin.1 commentslawrence c

002a6. AugustusAR cistophorus. 24mm, 11.37 gm. Ephesus mint, ca. 25 BC. Obv: IMP•CAE-SAR, bare head of Augustus right; linear border. Rev: AVGV-STVS, six grain ears bound together; pellet in center, dotted border. RIC I 481.2 commentslawrence c

006c. Statilia Messalina IONIA, Ephesus. Nero, with Statilia Messalina. AD 54-68. Æ . Struck AD 66. Laureate head of Nero right / Draped bust of Messalina right. RPC 2631; SNG von Aulock 7864. Very rare.
ecoli

012p Claudius I. (41-54 A.D.), Ionia, Ephesos, RPC I 2624, AE-18, Stag standing right, KOYΣI/NIOΣ, O/T/Δ//EΦE, #1012p Claudius I. (41-54 A.D.), Ionia, Ephesos, RPC I 2624, AE-18, Stag standing right, KOYΣI/NIOΣ, O/T/Δ//EΦE, #1
avers: No legends, Jugate busts of Claudius and Agrippina (the Younger) right.
reverse: Stag standing right, KOYΣI/NIOΣ (Causinius, magistrate) in two lines above, o/T monogram left, ∆ right, EΦE below.
exergue: O/T/Δ//EΦE, diameter: 18,0-19,0mm, weight: 4,38g, axis: 0h,
mint: City: Ephesus, Region: Ionia, Province: Asia, Conventus of Ephesus,
date: 41-54 A.D.,
ref: RPC I 2624, SNG Cop 373-374, BMC 205-206, Weber 5872,
Q-0012 commentsquadrans

013a7. DomitianAR Denarius. Ephesus mint. 79-80 AD. 2.96 grams, 19.38 mm. Obv: CAESAR AVG F DOMITIANVS, laureate head right. Rev: COS IIII above Pegasus stepping right. RIC II 1494; RPC 1465; Sear 2637.lawrence c

020 Vespasian (69-79 A.D.), RIC² 1416, Ephesus (Byzantium), AR-Denarius, CONCORDIA AVG, Ceres, #1020 Vespasian (69-79 A.D.), RIC² 1416, Ephesus (Byzantium), AR-Denarius, CONCORDIA AVG, Ceres, #1
avers: IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS II TR P P P, Laureate head right.
reverse: CONCORDIA AVG, Ceres, enthroned left, holding grain ears and a cornucopiae, BY (monogram) mintmark for Byzantium in the exergue.
exergue: -/-//BY(monogram, mintmark for Byzantium), diameter: 17,5-19,0mm, weight: 3,60 g, axis: 6h,
mint: Ephesus (Byzantium), date: A.D., ref: RIC² 1416, RPC II 824, Sear/RCV 2266var., RSC 66a,
Q-0012 commentsquadrans

020 Vespasian (69-79 A.D.), RIC² 1431, Ephesus, AR-Denarius, PACI AVGVSTAE, Victory, draped, advancing right, #1020 Vespasian (69-79 A.D.), RIC² 1431, Ephesus, AR-Denarius, PACI AVGVSTAE, Victory, draped, advancing right, #1
avers: IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS III TR P P P, Laureate head right.
reverse: PACI AVGVSTAE, Victory, draped, advancing right, holding wreath extended in right hand and palm over the left shoulder. EPHE lower right.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 17,0-18,0mm, weight: 3,41 g, axis: 0h,
mint: Ephesus, date: 71 A.D., ref: RIC² 1431, RPC II 833, BMC 457, RSC 276,
Q-0015 commentsquadrans

025 Domitia.AE21 5.3gmobv DOMITIA SEBASTH drp.bust r.
rev: Homonoia,Ephesus
"wife of Domitian"1 commentshill132

027 BC-14 AD - AUGUSTUS AE As - struck c.25 BCobv: CAESAR (bare head of Augustus right)
rev: [AVGVS]TVS (within laurel wreath)
ref: RIC 486, BMCRE 731, RPC 2235
mint: Ephesus (?)(Uncertain mint in Cyprus or Syria)
11.18gms, 28mm
Scarceberserker

03-01 - MARCO ANTONIO y OCTAVIO (43 - 30 A.C.)2do. Triunvirato (43 - 30 A.C.)
AR Denario 17 x 18 mm 2.5 gr.

Anv: Cabeza desnuda de MARCO ANTONIO viendo a derecha - "M ANT·IMP AVG III VIR R·PC·M·BARBAT Q P" Leyenda alrededor del busto.
Rev: Cabeza desnuda de un joven e inmaduro OCTAVIO con incipiente barba viendo a derecha - "CAESAR·IMP·PONT·III·VIR·R·P·C·" Leyenda alrededor del busto.

Acuñada primavera/verano 41 A.C.
Ceca: Ephesus - Hoy Turquía
Moneyer: Barbatius Pollio

Referencias: Sear RCTV Vol.1 #1504 Pag.289 - Sear CRI #243 - Craw RRC #517/2 - Syd CRR #1181 - BMCRR (este) #100 - RSC Vol.1 #8a Pag.128 - Cohen Vol.1 #8 Pag.50 - Kestner #3793
mdelvalle

030 - Vespasian, Denarius, Ephesus, RIC 1457 Obv - IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS V TR P P P; Head of Vespasian, laureate, right
Rev - PACI AVGVSTAE; Victory adv. right, with wreath and palm; at lower right, star; annulet beneath
Minted in Ephesus, A.D. 74
References:- RIC 1457. BMCRE 475. RSC 277.
Dimensions:- 22.04 mm x 19.07 mm

Severely double struck.

It looks like there was a very off-centre initial strike and the coin was re-struck with a central strike.2 commentsmaridvnvm

030f01. Annia FaustinaThird wife of Elagabalus. Æ 20mm, 4.15 g. Ephesus, Ionia.
Obv: ΦAVCTЄINA CЄB, bare-headed and draped bust to right. Rev: ЄΦЄCIΩN, Victory advancing to left, holding wreath and palm. RPC VI Online 4941 (temporary); SNG München 188; Karwiese 710. Provenance: Acquired from Dorotheum; Ex Grohs-Fligely collection 1875-1962, with collector's ticket. Roma Numismatics Auc 82, Lot 947lawrence c

037p Marcus Aurelius (161-180 A.D.), Ionia, Ephesos, RPC IV.2. 1131, AE-21, Tyche standing left, #1037p Marcus Aurelius (161-180 A.D.), Ionia, Ephesos, RPC IV.2. 1131, AE-21, Tyche standing left, #1
avers: M A ANTΩNEINOC K, Laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
reverse: EΦECIΩN B NEΩ, Tyche standing left, holding rudder & cornucopiae.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 21,5mm, weight: 5,46g, axis: 5h,
mint: City: Ephesus, Region: Ionia, Province: Asia, Conventus of Ephesus,
date: 161-180 A.D.,
ref: RPC IV.2. 1131, BMC 243, SNG Cop 400, but the different bust!
Q-001quadrans

048 B.C., L.Hostilius Saserna, Republic AR-Denarius, Crawford 448/3, L•HOSTILIVS SASERNA, Diana of Ephesus standing faceing,L.Hostilius Saserna (48 B.C.), Republic AR-Denarius, Crawford 448/3, L•HOSTILIVS SASERNA, Diana of Ephesus standing facing,
avers: Head of Gallia right, Gallic trumpet (carnyx) behind.
reverse: L•HOSTILIVS SASERNA, Diana of Ephesus standing facing, holding spear and stag by its antler.
exergue: - /-//--, diameter: 18mm, weight: 3,93g, axis: 6h,
mint: Rome, date: 48 B.C., ref: Crawford 448/3, Sydenham 953, CRI 19, Hostilia 4,
Q-0019 commentsquadrans

1) The Caesarians: L. Hostilius Saserna AR denariusROMAN REPUBLIC
L. Hostilius Saserna
AR denarius (20mm, 3.79 g, 12h). 48 BC

Head of Gallia r., hair in disarray; carnyx (Gallic trumpet) behind / L. HOSTILIVS [S]ASERNA, Diana (Artemis) of Ephesus standing facing, holding spear and stag by its antler.

Crawford 448/3. CRI 19. RSC Hostilia 4. Obverse flan flaw, otherwise ~EF

Ex Heritage
RM00281 commentsSosius

1285 Hadrian Sestertius Roma 129-30 AD Galley leftReference
RIC II, 706; Strack 837; C. 657; Banti 337; RIC 1285

Bust A1

Obv. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS
Laureate head

Rev. FELICITATI AVG COS III P P S C in field
Galley moving left with stearman and five rowers; vexillum on prow.

23.61 gr
31 mm
12h

Ex.
Stack's Bowers Galleries January 2013 N.Y.I.N.C. lot 5210

Note.
An acrostolium is an ornamental extension of the stem post on the prow of an ancient warship. Often used as a symbol of victory or of power at sea. (numiswiki)
1st-4th Century AD:
The Ship in Imperial Rome

Realizing its importance, Augustus established the Roman navy along lines similar to that of the legions. In addition to a number of key harbors, from which ships could be deployed, he stationed several fleets (Latin classes) in key areas throughout the empire. Among these, the classis Britannica patrolled the channel between Gaul and Britannia, protecting the shipping lanes. Its strategic regional importance is commemorated in the coinage of several of the period usurpers from the area. M. Aurelius Postumus was the first to do so (lots 676-679). His bronze ship issues carry the legend LAETITIA AVG, emphasizing the source of imperial well-being resides in a strong navy. The usurper M. Aurelius Carausius, commander of the classis Britannica under Diocletian, struck coins commemorating, in part, his control of that fleet and its abilities in keeping the sea lanes open (lot 680). His short-lived successor, Allectus, continued the type (lots 681-684).

One important function of the navy was the transportation of the imperial family on state visits. From the time of Augustus, vessels were dispatched to carry the emperor between the capital and the provinces. One such instance is commemorated in a rare bronze as, struck at Patrae in AD 66/7 (lot 609). The reverse depicts the quinquereme used to carry Nero on his infamous tour of Greece. Hadrian’s extensive travels were recorded with a wide variety of ship types struck at Rome (lots 610-622), and in the East (lot 623). An inscription from Ephesus (Syll. III 3241), records that a local captain, L. Erastus, used his ship to transport the emperor while he was in that area. A coin struck at Alexandria (lot 624) is of particular importance for, in the same year as the coin was struck Antinoüs drowned as the imperial party was sailing up the Nile. Hadrian’s successors continued to travel, now to shore up border conflicts or prepare for one of the periodic wars with Persia (lots 625-627; 631-675). By the middle of the third century AD local issues, rather than those minted at the imperial capital, recorded these events, a sign that the center of power was drifting away from Rome itself.

Warships were not the exclusive vessel of the Roman navy. Providing the empire with an uninterrupted supply of grain, as well as other necessary supplies, necessitated the construction of ship for such a purpose. Unlike the warship, which required speed and strength for ramming, the merchantman (Greek nau~ stroggulh; Latin navis oneraria) was of broader beam. Many of these vessels, like the ponto or more common actuaria resembled the shape of a trireme and could be powered by both oars and sails. Since ships of this type were used to transport vital commodities such as wine and grain, they, like the large ponto, are often those shown on coins from the Black Sea (lots 655 and 664-666). The great Roman merchantman, or corbita, often seen in part on imperial issues commemorating the annona, is more familiar (lots 607-608). Powered by two large sails, it featured a rear cabin in the shape of a swan and was the true workhorse of Roman merchant vessels; its type continued well into the Byzantine period.3 commentsokidoki

1329 Hadrian, Cistophorus IONIA Ephesus mint, Ephesian ArtemisReference
RPC III, 1329; Metcalf 6; RIC II 525

Obv. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Bust draped r. seen from behind

Rev. DIANA EPHESIA
Cult image of Ephesian Artemis flanked by stags

10.02 gr
27 mm
6h2 commentsokidoki

1332 Hadrian, Cistophorus IONIA Ephesus mint 132-34 AD Tetrastyle temple Artemis standingReference.
RPC III, 1332; Metcalf 8; RIC 475; RSC 536; BMCRE 1091; Pinder 70; Sear 3449.

Obv. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Bare head right.

Rev. DIA-NA / EPHESIA
Tetrastyle temple on three or four steps; within, cult image of Artemis of Ephesus

10.15 gr
28 mm
6h

Note.
Overstruck on an uncertain cistophorus of Mark Antony and Octavia.5 commentsokidoki

1335A Hadrian, Cistophorus IONIA Ephesus mint 132-34 AD Tetrastyle temple Artemis standingReference.
RPC --; Metclaf 10; RIC 475 var. (legend); RPC III 1335A

Obv. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Bare head right

Rev. [D]IA-NA / EPHESIA
Tetrastyle temple on three or four steps; within, cult image of Artemis of Ephesus (no stags)

10.97 gr
27 mm
5h

note.
There is evidence of the undertype on the obverse, below the truncation of Hadrian's neck: 'IMP CAE3 commentsokidoki

1335A Hadrian, Cistophorus IONIA Ephesus mint 132-34 AD Tetrastyle temple Artemis standingReference.
RPC 1335A;

Obv. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Bare head right

Rev. DIA-NA / EPHESIA
Tetrastyle temple on three or four steps; within, cult image of Artemis of Ephesus (no stags)

11.05 gr
26 mm
6h

Note.
Ex: Fred Shore2 commentsokidoki

1339A Hadrian, Cistophorus IONIA Ephesus mint, Jupiter seated leftReference.
Metcalf --; cf RIC II 478 var. (obverse legends). RPC III, 1339A

Obv. HADRIANVS-AVGVSTVS P P
Bare head right.

Rev. IOVIS OLYMPIVS
Jupiter seated left holding sceptre in l. and cult image of Ephesian Artemis in right

9.91 gr
31 mm
7hokidoki

1345 Hadrian, Cistophorus IONIA Ephesus mint Ephesian ArtemisReference.
RPC III, 1345/4; Metcalf 17

Obv. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Bare head right

Rev. DIANA EPHESIA
Cult image of Ephesian Artemis flanked by stags

8.84 gr
27 mm
6hokidoki

1348 Hadrian, Cistophorus IONIA Ephesus mint 128-38 AD Asclepius standingReference.
RPC III, 1348; RIC II 481a; Metcalf, Cistophori type 20 (unlisted dies); RSC 290.

Obv. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Bare head right

Rev. COS III
Asclepius standing front head l. holding serpent-wreathed rod in r., l. arm at side.

11.06 gr
28 mm
6h

Note.
CNG 409 lot 602
Ex Classical Numismatic Group Inventory 761612 (December 2005).4 commentsokidoki

1349 Hadrian, Cistophorus IONIA Ephesus mint Artemis LeukophryeneReference.
RPC III, 1349; Metcalf 21

Obv. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Bare head right

Rev. COS III
Cult image of Artemis Leukophryene flanked by two birds; crowning Victories flank her

10.04 gr
27 mm
6hokidoki

1409a, Julian II "the Philosopher," February 360 - 26 June 363 A.D.Julian II, A.D. 360-363; RIC 167; VF; 2.7g, 20mm; Constantinople mint; Obverse: DN FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG, helmeted & cuirassed bust right, holding spear & shield; Reverse: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath; CONSPB in exergue; Attractive green patina. Ex Nemesis.

De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors

Julian the Apostate (360-363 A.D.)

Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Michael DiMaio, Jr., Salve Regina University

Introduction

The emperor Flavius Claudius Julianus reigned from 360 to 26 June 363, when he was killed fighting against the Persians. Despite his short rule, his emperorship was pivotal in the development of the history of the later Roman empire. This essay is not meant to be a comprehensive look at the various issues central to the reign of Julian and the history of the later empire. Rather, this short work is meant to be a brief history and introduction for the general reader. Julian was the last direct descendent of the Constantinian line to ascend to the purple, and it is one of history's great ironies that he was the last non-Christian emperor. As such, he has been vilified by most Christian sources, beginning with John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzus in the later fourth century. This tradition was picked up by the fifth century Eusebian continuators Sozomen, Socrates Scholasticus, and Theodoret and passed on to scholars down through the 20th century. Most contemporary sources, however, paint a much more balanced picture of Julian and his reign. The adoption of Christianity by emperors and society, while still a vital concern, was but one of several issues that concerned Julian.

It is fortunate that extensive writings from Julian himself exist, which help interpret his reign in the light of contemporary evidence. Still extant are some letters, several panegyrics, and a few satires. Other contemporary sources include the soldier Ammianus Marcellinus' history, correspondence between Julian and Libanius of Antioch, several panegyrics, laws from the Theodosian Code, inscriptions, and coinage. These sources show Julian's emphasis on restoration. He saw himself as the restorer of the traditional values of Roman society. Of course much of this was rhetoric, meant to defend Julian against charges that he was a usurper. At the same time this theme of restoration was central to all emperors of the fourth century. Julian thought that he was the one emperor who could regain what was viewed as the lost glory of the Roman empire. To achieve this goal he courted select groups of social elites to get across his message of restoration. This was the way that emperors functioned in the fourth century. By choosing whom to include in the sharing of power, they sought to shape society.

Early Life

Julian was born at Constantinople in 331. His father was Julius Constantius, half-brother of the emperor Constantine through Constantius Chlorus, and his mother was Basilina, Julius' second wife. Julian had two half-brothers via Julius' first marriage. One of these was Gallus, who played a major role in Julian's life. Julian appeared destined for a bright future via his father's connection to the Constantinian house. After many years of tense relations with his three half-brothers, Constantine seemed to have welcomed them into the fold of the imperial family. From 333 to 335, Constantine conferred a series of honors upon his three half-siblings, including appointing Julius Constantius as one of the consuls for 335. Julian's mother was equally distinguished. Ammianus related that she was from a noble family. This is supported by Libanius, who claimed that she was the daughter of Julius Julianus, a Praetorian Prefect under Licinius, who was such a model of administrative virtue that he was pardoned and honored by Constantine.

Despite the fact that his mother died shortly after giving birth to him, Julian experienced an idyllic early childhood. This ended when Constantius II conducted a purge of many of his relatives shortly after Constantine's death in 337, particularly targeting the families of Constantine's half-brothers. ulian and Gallus were spared, probably due to their young age. Julian was put under the care of Mardonius, a Scythian eunuch who had tutored his mother, in 339, and was raised in the Greek philosophical tradition, and probably lived in Nicomedia. Ammianus also supplied the fact that while in Nicomedia, Julian was cared for by the local bishop Eusebius, of whom the future emperor was a distant relation. Julian was educated by some of the most famous names in grammar and rhetoric in the Greek world at that time, including Nicocles and Hecebolius. In 344 Constantius II sent Julian and Gallus to Macellum in Cappadocia, where they remained for six years. In 351, Gallus was made Caesar by Constantius II and Julian was allowed to return to Nicomedia, where he studied under Aedesius, Eusebius, and Chrysanthius, all famed philosophers, and was exposed to the Neo-Platonism that would become such a prominent part of his life. But Julian was most proud of the time he spent studying under Maximus of Ephesus, a noted Neo-Platonic philospher and theurgist. It was Maximus who completed Julian's full-scale conversion to Neo-Platonism. Later, when he was Caesar, Julian told of how he put letters from this philosopher under his pillows so that he would continue to absorb wisdom while he slept, and while campaigning on the Rhine, he sent his speeches to Maximus for approval before letting others hear them. When Gallus was executed in 354 for treason by Constantius II, Julian was summoned to Italy and essentially kept under house arrest at Comum, near Milan, for seven months before Constantius' wife Eusebia convinced the emperor that Julian posed no threat. This allowed Julian to return to Greece and continue his life as a scholar where he studied under the Neo-Platonist Priscus. Julian's life of scholarly pursuit, however, ended abruptly when he was summoned to the imperial court and made Caesar by Constantius II on 6 November 355.

Julian as Caesar

Constantius II realized an essential truth of the empire that had been evident since the time of the Tetrarchy--the empire was too big to be ruled effectively by one man. Julian was pressed into service as Caesar, or subordinate emperor, because an imperial presence was needed in the west, in particular in the Gallic provinces. Julian, due to the emperor's earlier purges, was the only viable candidate of the imperial family left who could act as Caesar. Constantius enjoined Julian with the task of restoring order along the Rhine frontier. A few days after he was made Caesar, Julian was married to Constantius' sister Helena in order to cement the alliance between the two men. On 1 December 355, Julian journeyed north, and in Augusta Taurinorum he learned that Alamannic raiders had destroyed Colonia Agrippina. He then proceeded to Vienne where he spent the winter. At Vienne, he learned that Augustudunum was also under siege, but was being held by a veteran garrison. He made this his first priority, and arrived there on 24 June 356. When he had assured himself that the city was in no immediate danger, he journeyed to Augusta Treverorum via Autessioduram, and from there to Durocortorum where he rendezvoused with his army. Julian had the army stage a series of punitive strikes around the Dieuse region, and then he moved them towards the Argentoratum/Mongontiacum region when word of barbarian incursions reached him.

From there, Julian moved on to Colonia Agrippina, and negotiated a peace with the local barbarian leaders who had assaulted the city. He then wintered at Senonae. He spent the early part of the campaigning season of 357 fighting off besiegers at Senonae, and then conducting operations around Lugdunum and Tres Tabernae. Later that summer, he encountered his watershed moment as a military general. Ammianus went into great detail about Julian's victory over seven rogue Alamannic chieftains near Argentoratum, and Julian himself bragged about it in his later writing. After this battle, the soldiers acclaimed Julian Augustus, but he rejected this title. After mounting a series of follow-up raids into Alamannic territory, he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia, and on the way defeated some Frankish raiders in the Mosa region. Julian considered this campaign one of the major events of his time as Caesar.

Julian began his 358 military campaigns early, hoping to catch the barbarians by surprise. His first target was the Franks in the northern Rhine region. He then proceeded to restore some forts in the Mosa region, but his soldiers threatened to mutiny because they were on short rations and had not been paid their donative since Julian had become Caesar. After he soothed his soldiers, Julian spent the rest of the summer negotiating a peace with various Alamannic leaders in the mid and lower Rhine areas, and retired to winter quarters at Lutetia. In 359, he prepared once again to carry out a series of punitive expeditions against the Alamanni in the Rhine region who were still hostile to the Roman presence. In preparation, the Caesar repopulated seven previously destroyed cities and set them up as supply bases and staging areas. This was done with the help of the people with whom Julian had negotiated a peace the year before. Julian then had a detachment of lightly armed soldiers cross the Rhine near Mogontiacum and conduct a guerilla strike against several chieftains. As a result of these campaigns, Julian was able to negotiate a peace with all but a handful of the Alamannic leaders, and he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia.

Of course, Julian did more than act as a general during his time as Caesar. According to Ammianus, Julian was an able administrator who took steps to correct the injustices of Constantius' appointees. Ammianus related the story of how Julian prevented Florentius, the Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, from raising taxes, and also how Julian actually took over as governor for the province of Belgica Secunda. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, supported Ammianus' basic assessment of Julian in this regard when he reported that Julian was an able representative of the emperor to the Gallic provincials. There is also epigraphic evidence to support Julian's popularity amongst the provincial elites. An inscription found near Beneventum in Apulia reads:
"To Flavius Claudius Julianus, most noble and sanctified Caesar, from the caring Tocius Maximus, vir clarissimus, for the care of the res publica from Beneventum".

Tocius Maximus, as a vir clarissimus, was at the highest point in the social spectrum and was a leader in his local community. This inscription shows that Julian was successful in establishing a positive image amongst provincial elites while he was Caesar.

Julian Augustus

In early 360, Constantius, driven by jealousy of Julian's success, stripped Julian of many troops and officers, ostensibly because the emperor needed them for his upcoming campaign against the Persians. One of the legions ordered east, the Petulantes, did not want to leave Gaul because the majority of the soldiers in the unit were from this region. As a result they mutinied and hailed Julian as Augustus at Lutetia. Julian refused this acclamation as he had done at Argentoratum earlier, but the soldiers would have none of his denial. They raised him on a shield and adorned him with a neck chain, which had formerly been the possession of the standard-bearer of the Petulantes and symbolized a royal diadem. Julian appeared reluctantly to acquiesce to their wishes, and promised a generous donative. The exact date of his acclamation is unknown, but most scholars put it in February or March. Julian himself supported Ammianus' picture of a jealous Constantius. In his Letter to the Athenians, a document constructed to answer charges that he was a usurper, Julian stated that from the start he, as Caesar, had been meant as a figurehead to the soldiers and provincials. The real power he claimed lay with the generals and officials already present in Gaul. In fact, according to Julian, the generals were charged with watching him as much as the enemy. His account of the actual acclamation closely followed what Ammianus told us, but he stressed even more his reluctance to take power. Julian claimed that he did so only after praying to Zeus for guidance.

Fearing the reaction of Constantius, Julian sent a letter to his fellow emperor justifying the events at Lutetia and trying to arrange a peaceful solution. This letter berated Constantius for forcing the troops in Gaul into an untenable situation. Ammianus stated that Julian's letter blamed Constantius' decision to transfer Gallic legions east as the reason for the soldiers' rebellion. Julian once again asserted that he was an unwilling participant who was only following the desire of the soldiers. In both of these basic accounts Ammianus and Julian are playing upon the theme of restoration. Implicit in their version of Julian's acclamation is the argument that Constantius was unfit to rule. The soldiers were the vehicle of the gods' will. The Letter to the Athenians is full of references to the fact that Julian was assuming the mantle of Augustus at the instigation of the gods. Ammianus summed up this position nicely when he related the story of how, when Julian was agonizing over whether to accept the soldiers' acclamation, he had a dream in which he was visited by the Genius (guardian spirit) of the Roman state. The Genius told Julian that it had often tried to bestow high honors upon Julian but had been rebuffed. Now, the Genius went on to say, was Julian's final chance to take the power that was rightfully his. If the Caesar refused this chance, the Genius would depart forever, and both Julian and the state would rue Julian's rejection. Julian himself wrote a letter to his friend Maximus of Ephesus in November of 361 detailing his thoughts on his proclamation. In this letter, Julian stated that the soldiers proclaimed him Augustus against his will. Julian, however, defended his accession, saying that the gods willed it and that he had treated his enemies with clemency and justice. He went on to say that he led the troops in propitiating the traditional deities, because the gods commanded him to return to the traditional rites, and would reward him if he fulfilled this duty.

During 360 an uneasy peace simmered between the two emperors. Julian spent the 360 campaigning season continuing his efforts to restore order along the Rhine, while Constantius continued operations against the Persians. Julian wintered in Vienne, and celebrated his Quinquennalia. It was at this time that his wife Helena died, and he sent her remains to Rome for a proper burial at his family villa on the Via Nomentana where the body of her sister was entombed. The uneasy peace held through the summer of 361, but Julian concentrated his military operations around harassing the Alamannic chieftain Vadomarius and his allies, who had concluded a peace treaty with Constantius some years earlier. By the end of the summer, Julian decided to put an end to the waiting and gathered his army to march east against Constantius. The empire teetered on the brink of another civil war. Constantius had spent the summer negotiating with the Persians and making preparations for possible military action against his cousin. When he was assured that the Persians would not attack, he summoned his army and sallied forth to meet Julian. As the armies drew inexorably closer to one another, the empire was saved from another bloody civil war when Constantius died unexpectedly of natural causes on 3 November near the town of Mopsucrenae in Cilicia, naming Julian -- the sources say-- as his legitimate successor.

Julian was in Dacia when he learned of his cousin's death. He made his way through Thrace and came to Constantinople on 11 December 361 where Julian honored the emperor with the funeral rites appropriate for a man of his station. Julian immediately set about putting his supporters in positions of power and trimming the imperial bureaucracy, which had become extremely overstaffed during Constantius' reign. Cooks and barbers had increased during the late emperor's reign and Julian expelled them from his court. Ammianus gave a mixed assessment of how the new emperor handled the followers of Constantius. Traditionally, emperors were supposed to show clemency to the supporters of a defeated enemy. Julian, however, gave some men over to death to appease the army. Ammianus used the case of Ursulus, Constantius' comes sacrum largitionum, to illustrate his point. Ursulus had actually tried to acquire money for the Gallic troops when Julian had first been appointed Caesar, but he had also made a disparaging remark about the ineffectiveness of the army after the battle of Amida. The soldiers remembered this, and when Julian became sole Augustus, they demanded Ursulus' head. Julian obliged, much to the disapproval of Ammianus. This seems to be a case of Julian courting the favor of the military leadership, and is indicative of a pattern in which Julian courted the goodwill of various societal elites to legitimize his position as emperor.

Another case in point is the officials who made up the imperial bureaucracy. Many of them were subjected to trial and punishment. To achieve this goal, during the last weeks of December 361 Julian assembled a military tribunal at Chalcedon, empanelling six judges to try the cases. The president of the tribunal was Salutius, just promoted to the rank of Praetorian Prefect; the five other members were Mamertinus, the orator, and four general officers: Jovinus, Agilo, Nevitta, and Arbetio. Relative to the proceedings of the tribunal, Ammianus noted that the judges, " . . . oversaw the cases more vehemently than was right or fair, with the exception of a few . . .." Ammianus' account of Julian's attempt at reform of the imperial bureaucracy is supported by legal evidence from the Theodosian Code. A series of laws sent to Mamertinus, Julian's appointee as Praetorian Prefect in Italy, Illyricum, and Africa, illustrate this point nicely. On 6 June 362, Mamertinus received a law that prohibited provincial governors from bypassing the Vicars when giving their reports to the Prefect. Traditionally, Vicars were given civil authority over a group of provinces, and were in theory meant to serve as a middle step between governors and Prefects. This law suggests that the Vicars were being left out, at least in Illyricum. Julian issued another edict to Mamertinus on 22 February 362 to stop abuse of the public post by governors. According to this law, only Mamertinus could issue post warrants, but the Vicars were given twelve blank warrants to be used as they saw fit, and each governor was given two. Continuing the trend of bureaucratic reform, Julian also imposed penalties on governors who purposefully delayed appeals in court cases they had heard. The emperor also established a new official to weigh solidi used in official government transactions to combat coin clipping.

For Julian, reigning in the abuses of imperial bureaucrats was one step in restoring the prestige of the office of emperor. Because he could not affect all elements of society personally, Julian, like other Neo-Flavian emperors, decided to concentrate on select groups of societal elites as intercessors between himself and the general populace. One of these groups was the imperial bureaucracy. Julian made it very clear that imperial officials were intercessors in a very real sense in a letter to Alypius, Vicar of Britain. In this letter, sent from Gaul sometime before 361, the emperor praises Alypius for his use of "mildness and moderation with courage and force" in his rule of the provincials. Such virtues were characteristic of the emperors, and it was good that Alypius is representing Julian in this way. Julian courted the army because it put him in power. Another group he sought to include in his rule was the traditional Senatorial aristocracy. One of his first appointments as consul was Claudius Mamertinus, a Gallic Senator and rhetorician. Mamertinus' speech in praise of Julian delivered at Constantinople in January of 362 is preserved. In this speech, Claudius presented his consular selection as inaugurating a new golden age and Julian as the restorer of the empire founded by Augustus. The image Mamertinus gave of his own consulate inaugurating a new golden age is not merely formulaic. The comparison of Julian to Augustus has very real, if implicit, relevance to Claudius' situation. Claudius emphasized the imperial period as the true age of renewal. Augustus ushered in a new era with his formation of a partnership between the emperor and the Senate based upon a series of honors and offices bestowed upon the Senate in return for their role as intercessor between emperor and populace. It was this system that Julian was restoring, and the consulate was one concrete example of this bond. To be chosen as a consul by the emperor, who himself had been divinely mandated, was a divine honor. In addition to being named consul, Mamertinus went on to hold several offices under Julian, including the Prefecture of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Similarly, inscriptional evidence illustrates a link between municipal elites and Julian during his time as Caesar, something which continued after he became emperor. One concrete example comes from the municipal senate of Aceruntia in Apulia, which established a monument on which Julian is styled as "Repairer of the World."

Julian seems to have given up actual Christian belief before his acclamation as emperor and was a practitioner of more traditional Greco-Roman religious beliefs, in particular, a follower of certain late antique Platonist philosophers who were especially adept at theurgy as was noted earlier. In fact Julian himself spoke of his conversion to Neo-Platonism in a letter to the Alexandrians written in 363. He stated that he had abandoned Christianity when he was twenty years old and been an adherent of the traditional Greco-Roman deities for the twelve years prior to writing this letter.

(For the complete text of this article see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/julian.htm)

Julian’s Persian Campaign

The exact goals Julian had for his ill-fated Persian campaign were never clear. The Sassanid Persians, and before them the Parthians, had been a traditional enemy from the time of the Late Republic, and indeed Constantius had been conducting a war against them before Julian's accession forced the former to forge an uneasy peace. Julian, however, had no concrete reason to reopen hostilities in the east. Socrates Scholasticus attributed Julian's motives to imitation of Alexander the Great, but perhaps the real reason lay in his need to gather the support of the army. Despite his acclamation by the Gallic legions, relations between Julian and the top military officers was uneasy at best. A war against the Persians would have brought prestige and power both to Julian and the army.

Julian set out on his fateful campaign on 5 March 363. Using his trademark strategy of striking quickly and where least expected, he moved his army through Heirapolis and from there speedily across the Euphrates and into the province of Mesopotamia, where he stopped at the town of Batnae. His plan was to eventually return through Armenia and winter in Tarsus. Once in Mesopotamia, Julian was faced with the decision of whether to travel south through the province of Babylonia or cross the Tigris into Assyria, and he eventually decided to move south through Babylonia and turn west into Assyria at a later date. By 27 March, he had the bulk of his army across the Euphrates, and had also arranged a flotilla to guard his supply line along the mighty river. He then left his generals Procopius and Sebastianus to help Arsacius, the king of Armenia and a Roman client, to guard the northern Tigris line. It was also during this time that he received the surrender of many prominent local leaders who had nominally supported the Persians. These men supplied Julian with money and troops for further military action against their former masters. Julian decided to turn south into Babylonia and proceeded along the Euphrates, coming to the fortress of Cercusium at the junction of the Abora and Euphrates Rivers around the first of April, and from there he took his army west to a region called Zaitha near the abandoned town of Dura where they visited the tomb of the emperor Gordian which was in the area. On April 7 he set out from there into the heart of Babylonia and towards Assyria.

Ammianus then stated that Julian and his army crossed into Assyria, which on the face of things appears very confusing. Julian still seems to be operating within the province of Babylonia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The confusion is alleviated when one realizes that,for Ammianus, the region of Assyria encompassed the provinces of Babylonia and Assyria. On their march, Julian's forces took the fortress of Anatha, received the surrender and support of several more local princes, and ravaged the countryside of Assyria between the rivers. As the army continued south, they came across the fortresses Thilutha and Achaiachala, but these places were too well defended and Julian decided to leave them alone. Further south were the cities Diacira and Ozogardana, which the Roman forces sacked and burned. Soon, Julian came to Pirisabora and a brief siege ensued, but the city fell and was also looted and destroyed. It was also at this time that the Roman army met its first systematic resistance from the Persians. As the Romans penetrated further south and west, the local inhabitants began to flood their route. Nevertheless, the Roman forces pressed on and came to Maiozamalcha, a sizable city not far from Ctesiphon. After a short siege, this city too fell to Julian. Inexorably, Julian's forces zeroed in on Ctesiphon, but as they drew closer, the Persian resistance grew fiercer, with guerilla raids whittling at Julian's men and supplies. A sizable force of the army was lost and the emperor himself was almost killed taking a fort a few miles from the target city.
Finally, the army approached Ctesiphon following a canal that linked the Tigris and Euphrates. It soon became apparent after a few preliminary skirmishes that a protracted siege would be necessary to take this important city. Many of his generals, however, thought that pursuing this course of action would be foolish. Julian reluctantly agreed, but became enraged by this failure and ordered his fleet to be burned as he decided to march through the province of Assyria. Julian had planned for his army to live off the land, but the Persians employed a scorched-earth policy. When it became apparent that his army would perish (because his supplies were beginning to dwindle) from starvation and the heat if he continued his campaign, and also in the face of superior numbers of the enemy, Julian ordered a retreat on 16 June. As the Roman army retreated, they were constantly harassed by guerilla strikes. It was during one of these raids that Julian got caught up in the fighting and took a spear to his abdomen. Mortally wounded he was carried to his tent, where, after conferring with some of his officers, he died. The date was 26 June 363.

Conclusion

Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.
Copyright (C) 2002, Walter E. Roberts and Michael DiMaio, Jr. Used by permission.

In reality, Julian worked to promote culture and philosophy in any manifestation. He tried to reduce taxes and the public debts of municipalities; he augmented administrative decentralisation; he promoted a campaign of austerity to reduce public expenditure (setting himself as the example). He reformed the postal service and eliminated the powerful secret police.
by Federico Morando; JULIAN II, The Apostate, See the Julian II Page on NumisWiki

Flavius Claudius Iulianus was born in 331 or maybe 332 A.D. in Constantinople. He ruled the Western Empire as Caesar from 355 to 360 and was hailed Augustus by his legions in Lutetia (Paris) in 360. Julian was a gifted administrator and military strategist. Famed as the last pagan emperor, his reinstatement of the pagan religion earned him the moniker "the Apostate." As evidenced by his brilliant writing, some of which has survived to the present day, the title "the Philosopher" may have been more appropriate. He died from wounds suffered during the Persian campaign of 363 A.D. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.

2 commentsCleisthenes

161aFaustina Junior
AE 22 mm
Ephesus in Ionia
Rev Nike walking left
mauseus

1641 - Mark Antony and Lucius Antonius, DenariusDenarius minted in Ephesus in 41 BC
M ANT IMP AVG III VIR RPCM NERVA PROQ P, Bare head of Mark Antony right
L ANTONIUS COS, Bare head of Lucius Antonius right
3.58 gr
Ref : HCRI # 246, RCV #1509, Cohen #2
Following description taken from NAC auction 40, #617, about an other example of the same coin :
"This denarius, depicting the bare heads of Marc Antony and his youngest brother Lucius Antony, is a rare dual-portrait issue of the Imperatorial period. The family resemblance is uncanny, and one wonders if they truly looked this much alike, or if it is another case of portrait fusion, much like we observe with the dual-portrait billon tetradrachms of Antioch on which the face of the Egyptian queen Cleopatra VII takes on the square dimensions of Marc Antony. When Antony fled Rome to separate himself from Octavian and to take up his governorship in Gaul, Lucius went with him, and suffered equally from the siege of Mutina. This coin, however, was struck in a later period, when Lucius had for a second time taken up arms against Octavian in the west. Marc Antony was already in the east, and that is the region from which this coinage emanates. Since Lucius lost the ‘Perusine War’ he waged against Octavian, and was subsequently appointed to an office in Spain, where he died, it is likely that he never even saw one of his portrait coins."3 commentsPotator II

18-06 - VESPASIANO (69 - 79 D.C.)AR Denario 18 mm 3.2 gr.

Anv: "IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS III" - Busto laureado viendo a derecha.
Rev: "PACI AVGVSTAE" - Victoria avanzando a derecha, portando corona de laureles y Palma. "EPE" en campo derecho.

Acuñada 71 D.C.
Ceca: Ephesus
Rareza: S

Referencias: RIC Vol.II #333 Pag.54 - Sear RCTV Vol.1 #2270 Pag.433 - BMCRE #457 - Cohen Vol.1 #276 Pag.388 - DVM #38 Pag.101 - CBN #351 - RSC Vol. II #276 Pag.44mdelvalle

18-18 - VESPASIANO (69 - 79 D.C.)AR Denario 18 mm 3.2 gr.

Anv: "IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS III" - Busto laureado viendo a derecha.
Rev: "PACI AVGVSTAE" - Victoria avanzando a derecha, portando corona de laureles y Palma. "EPE" en campo derecho.

Acuñada 71 D.C.
Ceca: Ephesus
Rareza: S

Referencias: RIC Vol.II #333 Pag.54 - Sear RCTV Vol.1 #2270 Pag.433 - BMCRE #457 - Cohen Vol.1 #276 Pag.388 - DVM #38 Pag.101 - CBN #351 - RSC Vol. II #276 Pag.44mdelvalle

1af2 Lepidus, Octavian, and Marc Antony40-39 BC

Ephesus, AE 1/2 unit 19mm

Jugate bare heads of the Second Triumvirate members, right

ΑΡΧΙΕΡΕΥΣ ΓΡΑΜ ΓΛΑΥΚΩΝ ΕΦΕ ΠΟΛΕΜΑΙΟΣ, facing cult statue of Artemis (with supports)

RPC 2572A

Thanks to OldMoney for the attribution

5.0 grams

See the individual descriptions of my coins from Octavian, Marc Antony, and Lepidus for more historical information.4 commentsBlindado

1ba Caesar's Siege of MassiliaL Hostilivs Saserna, moneyer
49-44 BC

Denarius, 48 BC

Head of Gallia, right, Gaulish trumpet behind
HOSTILIVS SASTERNA, Diana of Ephesus with stag

Seaby, Hostilia 4

This piece appears to refer to Julius Caesar's siege of Massilia (Marseille) during the civil war in 49 BC.

In The Civil Wars, Julius Caesar recorded: While this treaty was going forward, Domitius arrived at Massilia with his fleet, and was received into the city, and made governor of it. The chief management of the war was intrusted to him. At his command they send the fleet to all parts; they seize all the merchantmen they could meet with, and carry them into the harbor; they apply the nails, timber, and rigging, with which they were furnished to rig and refit their other vessels. They lay up in the public stores, all the corn that was found in the ships, and reserve the rest of their lading and convoy for the siege of the town, should such an event take place. Provoked at such ill treatment, Caesar led three legions against Massilia, and resolved to provide turrets, and vineae to assault the town, and to build twelve ships at Arelas, which being completed and rigged in thirty days (from the time the timber was cut down), and being brought to Massilia, he put under the command of Decimus Brutus; and left Caius Trebonius his lieutenant, to invest the city. Blindado

1cu Trebonianus Gallus251-253

AE Viminacium

Laureate, draped bust, right, IMP C GALLVS P FELIX AVG
Moesia standing facing, head left, hands outstretched over a bull and a lion at her sides, PMS COL VIM

Moushmov 56

For Gallus' perfidy against Decius, see the Decius entry. Zosimus reports regarding Gallus' reign: Gallus, who declared his son Volusianus his associate in the empire, published an open declaration, that Decius and his army had perished by his contrivance. The Barbarians now became more prosperous than before. For Callus not only permitted them to return home with the plunder, but promised to pay them annually a sum of money, and allowed them to carry off all the noblest captives; most of whom had been taken at Philippopolis in Thrace.

Gallus, having made these regulations, came to Rome, priding himself on the peace he had made with the Barbarians. And though he at first spoke with approbation of Decius's mode of government, and adopted one of his sons, yet, after some time was elapsed, fearing that some of them who were fond of new projects might recur to a recapitulation of the princely virtues of Decius, and therefore might at some opportunity give the empire to his son, he concerted the young man's destruction, without regard either to his own adoption of him, or to common honour and justice.

Gallus was so supine in the administration of the empire, that the Scythians in the first place terrified all the neighbouring nations, and then laid waste all the countries as far by degrees as the sea coast; not leaving one nation subject to the Romans unpillaged, and taking almost all the unfortified towns, and many that were fortified. Besides the war on every side, which was insupportably burdensome to them, the cities and villages were infested with a pestilence, which swept away the remainder of mankind in those regions; nor was so great a mortality ever known in any former period.

At this crisis, observing that the emperors were unable to defend the state, but neglected all without the walls of Rome, the Goths, the Borani, the Urugundi, and the Carpi once more plundered the cities of Europe of all that had been left in them; while in another quarter, the Persians invaded Asia, in which they acquired possession of Mesopotamia, and proceeded even as far as Antioch in Syria, took that city, which is the metropolis of all the east, destroyed many of the inhabitants, and carried the remainder into captivity, returning home with immense plunder, after they had destroyed all the buildings in the city, both public and private, without meeting with the least resistance. And indeed the Persians had a fair opportunity to have made themselves masters of all Asia, had they not been so overjoyed at their excessive spoils, as to be contented with keeping and carrying home what they had acquired.

Meantime the Scythians of Europe were in perfect security and went over into Asia, spoiling all the country as far as Cappodocia, Pesinus, and Ephesus, until Aemilianus, commander of the Pannonian legions, endeavouring as much as possible to encourage his troops, whom the prosperity of the Barbarians had so disheartened that they durst not face them, and reminding them of the renown of Roman courage, surprised the Barbarians that were in that neighbourhood. Having destroyed great numbers of them, and led his forces into their country, removing every obstruction to his progress, and at length freeing the subjects of the Roman empire from their ferocity, he was appointed emperor by his army. On this he collected all the forces of that country, who were become more bold since his successes against the Barbarians, and directed his march towards Italy, with the design of fighting Gallus, who was as yet. unprepared to contend with him. For Gallus had never heard of what had occurred in the east, and therefore made only what accidental preparations were in his reach, while Valerianus went to bring the Celtic and German legions. But Aemilianus advanced with great speed into Italy, and the armies were very near to each other, when the soldiers of Gallus, reflecting that his force was much inferior to the enemy both in number and strength, and likewise that he was a negligent indolent man, put him and his son to death, and going over to the party of Aemilianus, appeared to establish his authority.Blindado

2. Bithynia, Kalchedon, 340-320 BC, AR Siglos Bull standing left on grain ear, KAΛX above.
Granulated mill-sail incuse square.

SNG BM Black Sea 112; SNG von Aulock 482; Sear 3738.

(18 mm, 5.31 g).
Ephesus Numismatics.

The symbolism of the bull and the heifer on the obverse of the coins of twin cities of Kalchedon (Asia Minor) and Byzantion (Europe) respectively is striking and points to a shared identity. They stood astride the southern entrance to the Bosporus. Both were 7th century BC foundations of Megara and jointly they controlled the vital grain trade from the Black Sea into the Mediterranean.

The grain ear upon which the bull of Kalchedon stands alludes to this fact. That of the dolphin beneath the Heifer of Byzantion is a reflection of the maritime orientation of the city and the bountiful pods of dolphins that even to this day frolic in swift flowing waters of the Bosporus beneath the old city walls of Constantinople which succeded Byzantion and was in turn succeded by Istanbul.

The twin cities merged in the modern era to become the great and fascinating metropolis of Istanbul. Ancient Kalchedon dominated the Asian side of the Bosporus. The remains of the ancient city lie ben.igma

2061 IONIA, Ephesus Hadrian, Artemis Reference.
RPC III, 2061; BMC 229; vA 1885

Obv. ΑΥ ΚΑΙ ΤΡ ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟС СΕ
Laureate head right

Rev: ΕΦΕ-СΙΩΝ
Tetrastyle temple within which cult statue of Artemis Ephesia with supports

8.2 gr
24 mm
hokidoki

2065 IONIA, Ephesus Hadrian, Kenchrios ricliningReference. very rare
RPC III, 2065/2; Type reference K 182; Helios 3, 29 April 2009, lot 375

Obv. ΑΥ ΚΑΙ ΤΡΑ ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟС СΕ
Laureate head of Hadrian right

Rev. ΕΦΕСΙΩΝ, ΚΕΝΧΡΙΟС (in exergue)
River-god Kenchrios reclining, l., holding branch in his r. hand, cornucopia in his l., his l. arm on an inverted vase from which water flows.

11.45 gr
23 mm
12hokidoki

2072 IONIA, Ephesus Hadrian, ArtemisReference.
RPC III, 2072 BMC Ionia 230 (pag. 77)

Obv. ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟC KAIKAP
Laureate head right.

Rev. ЄΦЄ / CΙΩΝ
Artemis holding torch, in biga of galloping stags.

3.89 gr
18 mm
6hokidoki

2074 IONIA, Ephesus Hadrian, cult statue of ArtemisReference.
RPC III, 2074; SNG von Auock 7866; SNG Copenhagen 388; SNG München 128

Obv. ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟС ΚΑΙСΑΡ ΟΛΥΜΠΙΟС
Laureate head of Hadrian right

Rev. ΑΡΤΕΜΙС ΕΦΕСΙΑ
Cult statue of Artemis Ephesia with supports between two stags

18.08 gr
29 mm
6hokidoki

2078 IONIA, Ephesus Hadrian, WreathReference
RPC III, 2078; SNG COP. -. SNG v. Aulock -. SNG München -. BMC -

Obv. ΑΥ ΚΑΙ ΤΡΑ ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟС СΕ СΕΒΑСΤΗ СΑΒΕΙΝΑ
Laureate head of Hadrian, l. looking r. facing draped bust of Sabina with hair coiled and piled on top of head above double stephane, r., looking l.

Rev. ΕΦΕ/СΙΩΝ
Wreath

7.75 gr
22 mm
6hokidoki

219bAnnia Faustina
Ephesus in Ionia
Æ 28mm
ANNIA Î¦AVCTÐ„INA CÐ„B
Diademed and draped bust right
Ð„Î¦Ð„CÐ„Î©N Î” NÐ„Î©KOPÎ©N
Elagabalus standing facing with head right being crowned by Sol
BMC 309
mauseus

4) Antony and OctaviaThe Triumvirs.
Mark Antony and Octavia.
Summer-autumn 39 BC.
AR Cistophorus (27mm, 10.90 g, 2h). Ephesus mint.

Head of Antony right, wearing ivy wreath; lituus below; all within wreath of ivy and flowers / Draped bust of Octavia right above cista mystica, flanked by interlaced serpents.

CRI 262; Sydenham 1197; RSC 2; RPC 2201. Fine, toned, light scratches.

Ex CNG - Nov 20134 commentsSosius

4) Antony and Octavian DenariusMark Antony and Octavian
AR Denarius, 2.97g
Ephesus, spring/summer, 41 BC

M ANT IMP AVG III VIR R P C M BARBAT Q P (MP and AV in monogram), Bare hd of Mark Antony right / CAESAR IMP PONT III VIR R P C, Bare head of Octavian right

Sear 1504

This series of coins commemorates the establishment of the second Triumvirate of November 43 B.C. between Antony, Octavian and Lepidus. Both sides bear the inscription "III VIR R P C", meaning "One of Three Men for the Regulation of the Republic. Within a few years Antony would depart Italy for the Eastern provinces.

The moneyer for this coin is M. Barbatius Pollio who was also a Questor in 41 BC. Barbatius bears the title of "Quaestor pro praetore" abbreviated to QP a distinction shared by his colleague L. Gelllius.

Photo and text credit goes to FORVM member Jay GT4, from whom I purchased the coin in 2011. Thanks, Jay!
RM00341 commentsSosius

41-54 AD - CLAUDIUS & AGRIPPINA Junior AE18 of Ephesos - struck 49-50 ADobv: Jugate laureate heads of Claudius and draped bust of Agrippina II, right
rev: EFE / KOYCI-NIOC / TO-D (stag standing right) (D = episcopus for the fourth time)
ref: BMC 205, RPC 2624, SNG Cop.373
mint: Ephesos
6.49 gms, 18 mm
Very rare - original green patina

Julia Agrippina (Agrippina the Younger) was the 4th wife of the emperor Claudius. She was murdered by her son, Nero, in 59 A.D. 1 commentsberserker

517/2 Octavian and AntonyMarcus Antonius and Octavian. AR Denarius. Ephesus Mint, Spring-Summer 41 B.C. (3.42g, 19.1m, 0h)). Obv: M ANT IMP AVG III VIR R PC M BARBAT Q P, bare head of Antony r., Rev: CAESAR IMP PONT III VIR [R P C], bare head of Octavian r. Craw. 517/2, RSC 8a, RCV 1504.

A duel portrait of two of the three triumvirs. This example has fairly complete legends, and high relief portraits. This coin was minted before the Treaty of Brundisium, where the empire was apportion between the triumvirs.1 commentsLucas H

Agrippa II under TitusAgrippa II under Titus; A.D. 79-81; AE 24 (24.4 mm, 12.76 grams)
Hendin 612 / 1284a / 6314a
Struck year 26 (74/75 AD) of Agrippa’s era which began in AD 49

Obverse: laureate head of Titus right; AYTOKPA TITOC KAICAP CEBAC
Reverse: Nike walking right holding wreath and palm-branch; star in right field; ETO KS ΒΑ / AΓΡΙΠΠΑ
(ex. Ephesus Numismatics)
1 commentscmcdon0923

Alexander the Great, Ephesusdrachm
336-323 BC
4.19 grams
Alexander in the guise of Herakles with lion skin headdress
Zeus seated left on throne with eagle on outstretched hand. Symbol to left of Zeus.
Ephesus was an important Greek city thus it is no surprise that their coinage shows a more refined sense of artistry. Coins struck in Ehesus signal a higher level of sophistication.
JBGood

Antony & Octavia tetradrachm Silver Cistophorus

M ANTONIVS IMP COS DESIG ITER ET TERT
Head of Antony right, wreathed with ivy, lituus below, all within ivy wreath

III VIR R P C
Draped bust of Octavia right above cista mystica flanked by two snakes

Ephesus, summer-autumn 39 BC
10.42g

Sear 1512, RPC 2201

Ex-Incitatus

This issue commemorates the marriage between Antony and Octavia and also celebrates Antony as "the new Dionysus". The honor was bestowed on Antony in 41 BC when he arrived in Ephesus. Antony is named as Imperator and Consul designate for the second and third time. This fixes the date towards the end of 39 BC. after the pact of Misenum in July. At that time the consular designations were agreed upon for the next eight years. However it must also be dated before the winter of 39-38 BC when Antony was acclaimed as Imperator for the second time.

Octavia is not specifically mentioned by name, but certainly there can be no doubt it is her image found on the reverse given the time this coin was minted.5 commentsJay GT4

Antony & Octavia tetradrachmM ANTONIVS IMP COS DESIG ITER ET TERT
Conjoined heads of Antony and Octavia right, Antony wearing an ivy wreath

III VIR RPC
Dionysus standing left, holding cantharus and thyrsus on cista mystica flanked by two interlaced snakes

Ephesus, summer-autumn 39 BC

11.22g

Imperators 263, RPC 2202, Babelon Antonia 61, Syndenham 1198, BMCRR east 135

Punch mark on the obverse protrudes onto the reverse

Ex-Numisantique

This series of Cistophori from Asia commemorates the marriage of Antony and Octavia and celebrate's Antony's divine status in the east as the "New Dionysus" which was bestowed on him when he arrived in Ephesus in 41 BC. Antony's titulature of "Imperator and Consul designate for the second and third times" fixes the period of issue to the latter part of 39 BC after the Pact of Misenum in July and before Antony's second Imperatorial acclamation in the winter of 39-38BC
7 commentsJay GT4

Artemis Ephesia. Known as the beautiful Artemis Ephesia, in the Ephesus Archaeological Museum, it is one of 4 cult statues found in the Prytaneion in 1956, of Roman 1st century manufacture.

Photo William Hooton August 2021. Will A. Hooton

Artemis, (Diana of Ephesus), in her TempleTI. CLAVD CAES AVG. Claudius bare head, facing left. / DIAN-EPHE Cult statue of Diana (Artemis) of Ephesus inside a tetra style temple, set on three tiered base; pediment decorated by figures flanking three windows.
RIC I 118; RPC I 2222; BMCRE 229; RSC 30; Sear Millennium 1839. Ephesus ca. 41-42 AD.
(25 mm, 11.14 g, 6h)

The statue of Artemis (Diana) at Ephesus was one of the Seven Wonders of the ancient world. Depicted on this coin, which was minted shortly after Claudius’ accession to the throne, there remains no trace of the statue, or the temple that housed it, other than some recently stacked column remnants to mark the location. Pliny The Elder described the temple as 115 meters in length, 55 meters in width, made almost entirely of marble; consisting of 127 Ionic style columns 18 meters in height. The original temple, which stood on the site from about 550 BC, was destroyed by arson in 356 BC. It was rebuilt around 330 BC in the form depicted on the coin, only to be destroyed by the Goths in 262 AD. Again rebuilt it was destroyed for the final time by Christians in 401 AD. The columns and marble of the temple were used to construct other buildings. Some of the columns found their way into the church of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople (Istanbul).

The site of the temple was rediscovered in 1869 by an expedition sponsored by the British Museum, but little remains to be seen today. A Christian inscription found at Ephesus reads Destroying the delusive image of the demon Artemis, Demeas has erected this symbol of Truth, the God that drives away idols, and the Cross of priests, deathless and victorious sign of Christ. This Christian zeal explains why so little remains of the site despite its repute in the ancient pre-Christian world.

This coin is rare with a few dozen examples known. In contrast to most examples, which show a four tiered temple base, the reverse of this coin shows a three-tiered temple base. The rectangles on the pediment of the temple are frequently identified as tables, or altars. However, it is more likely that these are windows in the pediment to facilitate lighting of the statue in the interior of the temple. The Ionic style of the columns, as described by Pliny, is clearly visible in the reverse image.
1 comments

Artemis, Ionia, EphesusIonia, Ephesus
Rev.: ЄΦЄCIΩN, Artemis driving biga of stags right, drawing arrow from quiver and holding bow.
AE, 3.15g, 17mm

for obverse, reverse and coin details click hereshanxi

Artemis, Ionia, EphesusEphesos (Circa 50-27 BC)
Jason, magistrate
Obv.: Ε - Φ, Artemis advancing right, drawing arrow from quiver at shoulder and holding bow; hound at her feet.
AE, 10.88 g, 25 mm.

for obverse, reverse and coin details click hereshanxi

Artemis, Ionia, Ephesus, Artemis on stagIONIA. Ephesos.

Rev: EΦECIΩN A ACIAC, Artemis seated on stag right; holding bow and drawing arrow from quiver.
AE, 8.68g, 25mm

for obverse, reverse and coin details click here
shanxi

Artemis, Ionia, Ephesus, LetoIonia, Ephesus

Rev.: EΦECIΩN Γ NEΩKOPΩN, Leto advancing right, head left, holding her children, Artemis (right) and Apollo (left); Apollo holding branch; Artemis holding bow and drawing arrow.
AE, 27mm, 7.21 g

for obverse, reverse and coin details click hereshanxi

Asia Minor, Ionia, Ephesos AE25Ephesos (Circa 50-27 BC)
Jason, magistrate
Obv.: Ε - Φ, Artemis advancing right, drawing arrow from quiver at shoulder and holding bow; hound at her feet
Rev.: ΙΑΣΩΝ, Cock standing right with palm over wing within laurel wreath.
AE, 10.88 g, 25 mm.
Ref.: SNG Copenhagen 344shanxi

Asia Minor, Ionia, Ephesos, Domitia, two NemesesDomitia
Ionia, Ephesos
AE20
Obv: ΔΟΜΙΤΙΑ CΕ-ΒΑCΤΗ, Draped bust right
Rev: OMONOIA ANΘY KAICEN ΠΑΙΤΟΥ / ZMYP - EΦΕ, Two Nemeses standing facing one another.
Ae, 4.30g, 20 mm
Ref.: RPC 10922 commentsshanxi

Asia Minor, Ionia, Ephesus, Domitia, VenusDomitia
Ionia, Ephesus
Cistophorus (AD 82-96).
Obv.: DOMITIA AVGVSTA, Draped bust right.
Rev.: VENVS AVG, Venus standing right, back facing, leaning upon column to left, holding helmet and sceptre.
Ag, 10.39g, 26mm
Ref.: RIC² 847 (Domitian); RPC II 870.2 commentsshanxi

Asia Minor, Ionia, Ephesus, Geta, ArtemisGeta
Ionia, Ephesus
Obv.: Λ CЄ Π ΓЄTAC K, bareheaded, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev.: ЄΦЄCIΩN, Artemis driving biga of stags right, drawing arrow from quiver and holding bow.
AE, 3.15g, 17mm
Ref.: SNG München 169-70
Ex Bankhaus Aufhäuser, 1995
Ex Dr. P. Vogl collection
Ex Numismatik Naumann, auction 49, lot 430shanxi

Asia Minor, Ionia, Ephesus, Octavian, PaxOctavian
Ionia, Ephesus
Cistophorus (ca. 28 BC).
Obv.: IMP CAESAR DIVI F COS VI LIBERTATIS P R VINDEX, Laureate head right.
Rev.: PAX, Pax standing left, holding caduceus; to right, serpent rising left from altar; all within wreath.
Ag, 11.51g, 26mm
Ref.: RIC² 476, RPC I 2203, CRI 433.
Ex Numismatik Naumann, auction 53, lot 4472 commentsshanxi

Asia Minor, Ionia, Ephesus, Valerian I, Artemis on stagValerian I
Ionia, Ephesos.
(AD 253-260)
Obv: AYT K ΠO ΛIKINI OYAΛEPIANOC, Laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: EΦECIΩN A ACIAC, Artemis seated on stag right; holding bow and drawing arrow from quiver.
AE, 8.68g, 25mm
Ref.: Karwiese 1136 (V12/R54); BMC -; SNG von Aulock -, RPC X, — (unassigned; ID 61035) [this coin]shanxi

Asia Minor, Ionia, Ephesus, Valerian I, Artemis on stag; RPC X (unassigned; ID 61035)Valerian I
Ionia, Ephesos.
(AD 253-260)
Obv: AYT K ΠO ΛIKINI OYAΛEPIANOC, Laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: EΦECIΩN A ACIAC, Artemis seated on stag right; holding bow and drawing arrow from quiver.
AE, 8.68g, 25mm
Ref.: Karwiese 1136 (V12/R54); BMC -; SNG von Aulock -, RPC X, — (unassigned; ID 61035) [this coin]shanxi

Asia Minor, Phrygia, Hyrgaleis, Faustina IFaustina I
Phrygia, Hyrgaleis
Apollodotos (archon and strategos)
Obv.: ΦΑVϹΤƐΙΝΑ ϹƐΒΑϹΤΗ, draped bust of Faustina I, r.
Rev: ƐΠΙ ΑΠΟΛΛΟΔΟΤΟΥ Α Ϲ ΥΡΓΑΛƐΩΝ, cult statue of Artemis of Ephesus standing, facing, wearing kalathos, having supports; between crescent (on l.) and star (on r.)
Ae, 3.60g, 21 mm
Ref.: RPC IV.2, 1823
shanxi

Asia Minor, Uncertain, Ephesus or Pergamon, AugustusAugustus
27-14 BC
Uncertain, Ephesus or Pergamon
Obv.: CAISAR, bare head right
Rev.: AVGVSTVS (AVGV-STVS) within wreath
Æ, 24mm, 8,31g
Ref.: RIC² I 485, RPC I 22314 commentsshanxi

AUGUSTUSAR cistophoric tetradrachm. (12.07 gm). Ephesus mint, 25-20 BC. Bare head right. IMP CAESAR / Capricorn right, head left, holding cornucopiae ,AVGUSTVS below ; all within laurel wreath. RIC I 480; Sutherland Group VI, 241a (O35/R45-same reverse die); RSC 16. Toned.
Ex. Glenn.W.Woods. Triton VII, Lot: 847. Sternberg XI (20-21 November 1981), lot 566.benito

AUGUSTUSAR cistophoric tetradrachm. (12.07 gm). Ephesus mint, 25-20 BC. Bare head right. IMP CAESAR / Capricorn right, head left, holding cornucopiae ,AVGUSTVS below ; all within laurel wreath.
RIC I 480; Sutherland Group VI, 241a (O35/R45-same reverse die); RSC 16.Triton VII, Lot: 847. Sternberg XI (20-21 November 1981), lot 566
2 commentsbenito

Augustusaw.CAESAR: Head of Augustus, bare, right
rew. AVGVSTVS: Legend in one line in laurel wreath
data25 B.C.
nominał As (moneta)
mennica Efez
RIC I (second edition) Augustus 486
RPC 2235 Ephesus
RPC 4100 AntiochWaldemar S

Augustus (RIC 479, Coin #740)RIC 479 (R2), AR Cistophori, Ephesus, 25 BC.
OBV: IMP CAESAR; Bare head right.
REV: AVGVSTVS; Garlanded altar sculpted with two confronting
deer, linear border.
SIZE: 26.6mm, 11.80g6 commentsMaynardGee

Augustus - Cist TetradrachmAugustus Cistophoric Tetradrachm
19-18 BC
Ephesus Mint

OBV: IMP CAESAR
REV: AUGUSTUS
Garland alter, 2 hinds standing facing

RIC 482, RSC 33, RPC 2215, Sear 15871 comments

Augustus - Cist TetradrachmAugustus Cistophoric Tetradrachm
28-20 BC
Ephesus Mint

OBV: IMP CEASAR DIVI F COS VI LIBERTATIS P R VINDEX
REV: PAX
Pax standing left holding caduceus, serpent arising from cista mystica to right, all within laurel wreath

RIC 476, RPC 2203, RSC 218

PROVINZ ASIA. Augustus, 27 v.Chr. - 14 n.Chr. Cistophor (11,44g). ca. 28 v. Chr. Mzst. Ephesos. Vs.: IMP CAESAR DIVI F COS VI LIBERTATIS P R VINDEX, Kopf des Augustus mit Lorbeerkranz r. Rs.: PAX, auf einem Parazonium stehende Pax mit Kerykeion, r. cista mystica mit Schlange. RIC 476. RPC 2203. Sutherland Group I Taf.1f. ss

Ex Gorny & Mosch

Augustus AsBare head of Augustus right, CAESAR / AVGVSTVS in one line in laurel-wreath. Ephesus mint, c. 25 BC. RIC I 486 (pg. 80).
socalcoins

Augustus provincialAugustus 27 BC - 14 AD. Antioch or Ephesus

25 mm., 9,87g.

CAESAR, bare head right

AVGVSTVS in laurel wreath

References: Either RPC 4100 or RPC 2235; RIC 486; Hunter 290; Cohen 34

AAFXRL

Augustus, AE26, RIC I 486Augustus
27 B.C. – 14 A.D.

Coin: AE26

Obverse: CAESAR, bare headed bust facing right.
Reverse: AVGVSTVS, within a Laurel Wreath.

Weight: 12.93 g, Diameter: 26.5 x 25.6 x 2.8 mm, Die axis: 0°, Mint: Ephesus, struck in 25 B.C. Reference: RIC I 486Constantine IV

Augustus, Ephesus ?Augustus, 27 BC - 14 AD　Ephesus (or Mysia, Pergamon) 26 mm, 10.8 g. Obverse: bare head of Augustus right. Reverse: laurel wreath, AVGVSTVS within. ex areich, photo credit areich. Ref if Ephesus: RIC 486; RPC 2235.

Podiceps

Augustus. Provincial coinage in Bronze.Roman Empire. Augustus. 27 BC-14 AD. AE As (10.4 gm, 26.1mm, 12h) 27-25 BC, "CA" coinage of Antioch ad Orontem or Ephesus. Bare head of Augustus right. CAESAR. / AUGUSTUS within laurel wreath. nEF. CNG Auction 45 #911. RPC 2235 (Ephesus) or 4100 (Antioch); RIC I #486; AMCRE 704 or 707; BMC 731 or 733; Howgego (NC 1982, pp. 1-20) #2c or #3; McAlee 190; SNG Cop 7 #143.Anaximander

AVG and TICAE on AUGUSTUS AS (25 BC)(26mm - 10.8g). Obv: Bust right (CAESAR), countermarked "AVG" (AVGUSTUS) & "TICAE" (TIBERIUS CAESAR). Rev: Legend within wreath (AVGVSTVS). Minted in Ephesus. Reference for this coin is RIC 486. Augustus was adopted by Julius Caesar as heir. After the assassination of Caesar, Octavian and Mark Antony fought together and won the resulting Civil War. They shared the rule of the Roman Empire. Antony's alliance with Cleopatra provoked a split with Octavian that led to a new Civil War. At the Battle of Actium (31 BC) Antony was defeated and Octavian became the sole ruler of the Empire. He was declared "Augustus" and became the proto-type emperor of Rome.1 comments

BalbinusBust of Balbinus. Ephesus Archaeological Museum. Photo William Hooton August 2021. Will A. Hooton

BCC LT26Lead Tessera
Caesarea Maritima
Obv: Cult statue of Artemis, or
possibly Zeus Heliopolites?
Rev: Blank
A fragmentary cult statue of
the Artemis of Ephesus was
found at Caesarea, Raban,
Holum, 1996.
12 x 8mm. 0.54gm.
cf. BCC LT25, LT35, or LT9
cf Hamburger #15 and #16v-drome

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