| Image search results - "antique" |
(503f) Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus Silver DenariusCn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus Silver Denarius, Sear-323, Cr-393/1a, Syd-752, RSC-Cornelia 54, struck 76-75 BC at Spanish Mint, 3.94 grams, 18 mm. EF. Obverse: GPR above Diademed, draped and bearded bust of the Genius of the Roman People facing right, sceptre over shoulder; Reverse: EX in left field, SC in right field; CN LEN Q in exergue, Sceptre with wreath, terrestrial globe and rudder. An exceptional example that is especially well centered and struck on a slightly larger flan than normally encountered with fully lustrous surfaces and a most attractive irridescent antique toning. Held back from the Superb EF/FDC by a small banker's mark in the right obverse field, but still worthy of the finest collection of Roman Republican denarii. Ex Glenn Woods.
Re: CORNELIA 54:
“Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus may be the same moneyer whose issues have been already described (no.s 702-704). Mommsen suggested that these coins were struck in 74 B.C. as a special issue, authorized by the Senate, to defray the cost of armaments against Mithridates of Pontus and the Mediterranean pirates. But Grueber’s view that they were struck in 76 B.C. by Cn. Cornelius Lentulus acting in the capacity of quaestor of Pompey, seems more in accordance with the evidence of finds" (see: G. ii, p. 359n and The Coinage of the Roman Republic, by Edward A. Sydenham, 1976, pgs. 1).
H. A. Seaby shows the coin with the smaller head (Roman Silver Coins Vol. I, Republic to Augustus pg. 33) while David R Sear shows a coin sporting a larger version (Roman Coins and Their Values, pg. 132).
“Cn. Lentulus strikes in Spain in his capacity as quaestor to the proconsul Pompey, who had been sent to the peninsula to assist Q. Caecillus Metellus Piusagainst sertorius”(Roman Coins and Their Values, by David Sear, Vol.1, 2000, pg. 132).
This is not an imperatorial minted coin for Pompey. At the time these coins were minted the Procounsel Pompey was sent to Spain to aid in the war against Sertorius. The moneyer Cn Lentulus served as his Quaestor where he continued to mint coins for Rome.
CN = Cneaus; LEN = Lentulus
Cneaus was his first name. His last, or family name is Lentulus and this clan is a lesser clan within the Cornelii, which is what his middle name of Cornelius implies.
Q = This tells us that he was a Quaestor, or Roman magistrate with judicial powers at the time when the coin was issued, with the responsibility for the treasury. Had this been a position that he once held it would be noted on the coin as PROQ or pro [past] Questor.
For Further Reading on the Cornelia 54 & 55:
Coins of the Roman Republic in the British Museum, by H. A. Grueber. London, 1910, Vol. II, pgs. 358, 359, 52, 57
Roman Silver Coins Vol. I, Republic to Augustus, by H.A.Seaby 1952, pgs. 32-33
The Coinage of the Roman Republic, by Edward A. Sydenham, 1976, pgs. 122, 241
Roman Coins and Their Values, by David Sear, Vol.1, 2000, pg. 132, 133
Roman Republican Coinage Volume I by Michael H. Crawford 2001, pg. 407
by Jerry Edward Cornelius, April 2006, THE 81 ROMAN COINS OF THE CORNELIA
http://www.cornelius93.com/Cornelia54.htmlCleisthenes
|
|
1409a, Julian II "the Philosopher," February 360 - 26 June 363 A.D.Julian II, A.D. 360-363; RIC 167; VF; 2.7g, 20mm; Constantinople mint; Obverse: DN FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG, helmeted & cuirassed bust right, holding spear & shield; Reverse: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath; CONSPB in exergue; Attractive green patina. Ex Nemesis.
De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors
Julian the Apostate (360-363 A.D.)
Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Michael DiMaio, Jr., Salve Regina University
Introduction
The emperor Flavius Claudius Julianus reigned from 360 to 26 June 363, when he was killed fighting against the Persians. Despite his short rule, his emperorship was pivotal in the development of the history of the later Roman empire. This essay is not meant to be a comprehensive look at the various issues central to the reign of Julian and the history of the later empire. Rather, this short work is meant to be a brief history and introduction for the general reader. Julian was the last direct descendent of the Constantinian line to ascend to the purple, and it is one of history's great ironies that he was the last non-Christian emperor. As such, he has been vilified by most Christian sources, beginning with John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzus in the later fourth century. This tradition was picked up by the fifth century Eusebian continuators Sozomen, Socrates Scholasticus, and Theodoret and passed on to scholars down through the 20th century. Most contemporary sources, however, paint a much more balanced picture of Julian and his reign. The adoption of Christianity by emperors and society, while still a vital concern, was but one of several issues that concerned Julian.
It is fortunate that extensive writings from Julian himself exist, which help interpret his reign in the light of contemporary evidence. Still extant are some letters, several panegyrics, and a few satires. Other contemporary sources include the soldier Ammianus Marcellinus' history, correspondence between Julian and Libanius of Antioch, several panegyrics, laws from the Theodosian Code, inscriptions, and coinage. These sources show Julian's emphasis on restoration. He saw himself as the restorer of the traditional values of Roman society. Of course much of this was rhetoric, meant to defend Julian against charges that he was a usurper. At the same time this theme of restoration was central to all emperors of the fourth century. Julian thought that he was the one emperor who could regain what was viewed as the lost glory of the Roman empire. To achieve this goal he courted select groups of social elites to get across his message of restoration. This was the way that emperors functioned in the fourth century. By choosing whom to include in the sharing of power, they sought to shape society.
Early Life
Julian was born at Constantinople in 331. His father was Julius Constantius, half-brother of the emperor Constantine through Constantius Chlorus, and his mother was Basilina, Julius' second wife. Julian had two half-brothers via Julius' first marriage. One of these was Gallus, who played a major role in Julian's life. Julian appeared destined for a bright future via his father's connection to the Constantinian house. After many years of tense relations with his three half-brothers, Constantine seemed to have welcomed them into the fold of the imperial family. From 333 to 335, Constantine conferred a series of honors upon his three half-siblings, including appointing Julius Constantius as one of the consuls for 335. Julian's mother was equally distinguished. Ammianus related that she was from a noble family. This is supported by Libanius, who claimed that she was the daughter of Julius Julianus, a Praetorian Prefect under Licinius, who was such a model of administrative virtue that he was pardoned and honored by Constantine.
Despite the fact that his mother died shortly after giving birth to him, Julian experienced an idyllic early childhood. This ended when Constantius II conducted a purge of many of his relatives shortly after Constantine's death in 337, particularly targeting the families of Constantine's half-brothers. ulian and Gallus were spared, probably due to their young age. Julian was put under the care of Mardonius, a Scythian eunuch who had tutored his mother, in 339, and was raised in the Greek philosophical tradition, and probably lived in Nicomedia. Ammianus also supplied the fact that while in Nicomedia, Julian was cared for by the local bishop Eusebius, of whom the future emperor was a distant relation. Julian was educated by some of the most famous names in grammar and rhetoric in the Greek world at that time, including Nicocles and Hecebolius. In 344 Constantius II sent Julian and Gallus to Macellum in Cappadocia, where they remained for six years. In 351, Gallus was made Caesar by Constantius II and Julian was allowed to return to Nicomedia, where he studied under Aedesius, Eusebius, and Chrysanthius, all famed philosophers, and was exposed to the Neo-Platonism that would become such a prominent part of his life. But Julian was most proud of the time he spent studying under Maximus of Ephesus, a noted Neo-Platonic philospher and theurgist. It was Maximus who completed Julian's full-scale conversion to Neo-Platonism. Later, when he was Caesar, Julian told of how he put letters from this philosopher under his pillows so that he would continue to absorb wisdom while he slept, and while campaigning on the Rhine, he sent his speeches to Maximus for approval before letting others hear them. When Gallus was executed in 354 for treason by Constantius II, Julian was summoned to Italy and essentially kept under house arrest at Comum, near Milan, for seven months before Constantius' wife Eusebia convinced the emperor that Julian posed no threat. This allowed Julian to return to Greece and continue his life as a scholar where he studied under the Neo-Platonist Priscus. Julian's life of scholarly pursuit, however, ended abruptly when he was summoned to the imperial court and made Caesar by Constantius II on 6 November 355.
Julian as Caesar
Constantius II realized an essential truth of the empire that had been evident since the time of the Tetrarchy--the empire was too big to be ruled effectively by one man. Julian was pressed into service as Caesar, or subordinate emperor, because an imperial presence was needed in the west, in particular in the Gallic provinces. Julian, due to the emperor's earlier purges, was the only viable candidate of the imperial family left who could act as Caesar. Constantius enjoined Julian with the task of restoring order along the Rhine frontier. A few days after he was made Caesar, Julian was married to Constantius' sister Helena in order to cement the alliance between the two men. On 1 December 355, Julian journeyed north, and in Augusta Taurinorum he learned that Alamannic raiders had destroyed Colonia Agrippina. He then proceeded to Vienne where he spent the winter. At Vienne, he learned that Augustudunum was also under siege, but was being held by a veteran garrison. He made this his first priority, and arrived there on 24 June 356. When he had assured himself that the city was in no immediate danger, he journeyed to Augusta Treverorum via Autessioduram, and from there to Durocortorum where he rendezvoused with his army. Julian had the army stage a series of punitive strikes around the Dieuse region, and then he moved them towards the Argentoratum/Mongontiacum region when word of barbarian incursions reached him.
From there, Julian moved on to Colonia Agrippina, and negotiated a peace with the local barbarian leaders who had assaulted the city. He then wintered at Senonae. He spent the early part of the campaigning season of 357 fighting off besiegers at Senonae, and then conducting operations around Lugdunum and Tres Tabernae. Later that summer, he encountered his watershed moment as a military general. Ammianus went into great detail about Julian's victory over seven rogue Alamannic chieftains near Argentoratum, and Julian himself bragged about it in his later writing. After this battle, the soldiers acclaimed Julian Augustus, but he rejected this title. After mounting a series of follow-up raids into Alamannic territory, he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia, and on the way defeated some Frankish raiders in the Mosa region. Julian considered this campaign one of the major events of his time as Caesar.
Julian began his 358 military campaigns early, hoping to catch the barbarians by surprise. His first target was the Franks in the northern Rhine region. He then proceeded to restore some forts in the Mosa region, but his soldiers threatened to mutiny because they were on short rations and had not been paid their donative since Julian had become Caesar. After he soothed his soldiers, Julian spent the rest of the summer negotiating a peace with various Alamannic leaders in the mid and lower Rhine areas, and retired to winter quarters at Lutetia. In 359, he prepared once again to carry out a series of punitive expeditions against the Alamanni in the Rhine region who were still hostile to the Roman presence. In preparation, the Caesar repopulated seven previously destroyed cities and set them up as supply bases and staging areas. This was done with the help of the people with whom Julian had negotiated a peace the year before. Julian then had a detachment of lightly armed soldiers cross the Rhine near Mogontiacum and conduct a guerilla strike against several chieftains. As a result of these campaigns, Julian was able to negotiate a peace with all but a handful of the Alamannic leaders, and he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia.
Of course, Julian did more than act as a general during his time as Caesar. According to Ammianus, Julian was an able administrator who took steps to correct the injustices of Constantius' appointees. Ammianus related the story of how Julian prevented Florentius, the Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, from raising taxes, and also how Julian actually took over as governor for the province of Belgica Secunda. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, supported Ammianus' basic assessment of Julian in this regard when he reported that Julian was an able representative of the emperor to the Gallic provincials. There is also epigraphic evidence to support Julian's popularity amongst the provincial elites. An inscription found near Beneventum in Apulia reads:
"To Flavius Claudius Julianus, most noble and sanctified Caesar, from the caring Tocius Maximus, vir clarissimus, for the care of the res publica from Beneventum".
Tocius Maximus, as a vir clarissimus, was at the highest point in the social spectrum and was a leader in his local community. This inscription shows that Julian was successful in establishing a positive image amongst provincial elites while he was Caesar.
Julian Augustus
In early 360, Constantius, driven by jealousy of Julian's success, stripped Julian of many troops and officers, ostensibly because the emperor needed them for his upcoming campaign against the Persians. One of the legions ordered east, the Petulantes, did not want to leave Gaul because the majority of the soldiers in the unit were from this region. As a result they mutinied and hailed Julian as Augustus at Lutetia. Julian refused this acclamation as he had done at Argentoratum earlier, but the soldiers would have none of his denial. They raised him on a shield and adorned him with a neck chain, which had formerly been the possession of the standard-bearer of the Petulantes and symbolized a royal diadem. Julian appeared reluctantly to acquiesce to their wishes, and promised a generous donative. The exact date of his acclamation is unknown, but most scholars put it in February or March. Julian himself supported Ammianus' picture of a jealous Constantius. In his Letter to the Athenians, a document constructed to answer charges that he was a usurper, Julian stated that from the start he, as Caesar, had been meant as a figurehead to the soldiers and provincials. The real power he claimed lay with the generals and officials already present in Gaul. In fact, according to Julian, the generals were charged with watching him as much as the enemy. His account of the actual acclamation closely followed what Ammianus told us, but he stressed even more his reluctance to take power. Julian claimed that he did so only after praying to Zeus for guidance.
Fearing the reaction of Constantius, Julian sent a letter to his fellow emperor justifying the events at Lutetia and trying to arrange a peaceful solution. This letter berated Constantius for forcing the troops in Gaul into an untenable situation. Ammianus stated that Julian's letter blamed Constantius' decision to transfer Gallic legions east as the reason for the soldiers' rebellion. Julian once again asserted that he was an unwilling participant who was only following the desire of the soldiers. In both of these basic accounts Ammianus and Julian are playing upon the theme of restoration. Implicit in their version of Julian's acclamation is the argument that Constantius was unfit to rule. The soldiers were the vehicle of the gods' will. The Letter to the Athenians is full of references to the fact that Julian was assuming the mantle of Augustus at the instigation of the gods. Ammianus summed up this position nicely when he related the story of how, when Julian was agonizing over whether to accept the soldiers' acclamation, he had a dream in which he was visited by the Genius (guardian spirit) of the Roman state. The Genius told Julian that it had often tried to bestow high honors upon Julian but had been rebuffed. Now, the Genius went on to say, was Julian's final chance to take the power that was rightfully his. If the Caesar refused this chance, the Genius would depart forever, and both Julian and the state would rue Julian's rejection. Julian himself wrote a letter to his friend Maximus of Ephesus in November of 361 detailing his thoughts on his proclamation. In this letter, Julian stated that the soldiers proclaimed him Augustus against his will. Julian, however, defended his accession, saying that the gods willed it and that he had treated his enemies with clemency and justice. He went on to say that he led the troops in propitiating the traditional deities, because the gods commanded him to return to the traditional rites, and would reward him if he fulfilled this duty.
During 360 an uneasy peace simmered between the two emperors. Julian spent the 360 campaigning season continuing his efforts to restore order along the Rhine, while Constantius continued operations against the Persians. Julian wintered in Vienne, and celebrated his Quinquennalia. It was at this time that his wife Helena died, and he sent her remains to Rome for a proper burial at his family villa on the Via Nomentana where the body of her sister was entombed. The uneasy peace held through the summer of 361, but Julian concentrated his military operations around harassing the Alamannic chieftain Vadomarius and his allies, who had concluded a peace treaty with Constantius some years earlier. By the end of the summer, Julian decided to put an end to the waiting and gathered his army to march east against Constantius. The empire teetered on the brink of another civil war. Constantius had spent the summer negotiating with the Persians and making preparations for possible military action against his cousin. When he was assured that the Persians would not attack, he summoned his army and sallied forth to meet Julian. As the armies drew inexorably closer to one another, the empire was saved from another bloody civil war when Constantius died unexpectedly of natural causes on 3 November near the town of Mopsucrenae in Cilicia, naming Julian -- the sources say-- as his legitimate successor.
Julian was in Dacia when he learned of his cousin's death. He made his way through Thrace and came to Constantinople on 11 December 361 where Julian honored the emperor with the funeral rites appropriate for a man of his station. Julian immediately set about putting his supporters in positions of power and trimming the imperial bureaucracy, which had become extremely overstaffed during Constantius' reign. Cooks and barbers had increased during the late emperor's reign and Julian expelled them from his court. Ammianus gave a mixed assessment of how the new emperor handled the followers of Constantius. Traditionally, emperors were supposed to show clemency to the supporters of a defeated enemy. Julian, however, gave some men over to death to appease the army. Ammianus used the case of Ursulus, Constantius' comes sacrum largitionum, to illustrate his point. Ursulus had actually tried to acquire money for the Gallic troops when Julian had first been appointed Caesar, but he had also made a disparaging remark about the ineffectiveness of the army after the battle of Amida. The soldiers remembered this, and when Julian became sole Augustus, they demanded Ursulus' head. Julian obliged, much to the disapproval of Ammianus. This seems to be a case of Julian courting the favor of the military leadership, and is indicative of a pattern in which Julian courted the goodwill of various societal elites to legitimize his position as emperor.
Another case in point is the officials who made up the imperial bureaucracy. Many of them were subjected to trial and punishment. To achieve this goal, during the last weeks of December 361 Julian assembled a military tribunal at Chalcedon, empanelling six judges to try the cases. The president of the tribunal was Salutius, just promoted to the rank of Praetorian Prefect; the five other members were Mamertinus, the orator, and four general officers: Jovinus, Agilo, Nevitta, and Arbetio. Relative to the proceedings of the tribunal, Ammianus noted that the judges, " . . . oversaw the cases more vehemently than was right or fair, with the exception of a few . . .." Ammianus' account of Julian's attempt at reform of the imperial bureaucracy is supported by legal evidence from the Theodosian Code. A series of laws sent to Mamertinus, Julian's appointee as Praetorian Prefect in Italy, Illyricum, and Africa, illustrate this point nicely. On 6 June 362, Mamertinus received a law that prohibited provincial governors from bypassing the Vicars when giving their reports to the Prefect. Traditionally, Vicars were given civil authority over a group of provinces, and were in theory meant to serve as a middle step between governors and Prefects. This law suggests that the Vicars were being left out, at least in Illyricum. Julian issued another edict to Mamertinus on 22 February 362 to stop abuse of the public post by governors. According to this law, only Mamertinus could issue post warrants, but the Vicars were given twelve blank warrants to be used as they saw fit, and each governor was given two. Continuing the trend of bureaucratic reform, Julian also imposed penalties on governors who purposefully delayed appeals in court cases they had heard. The emperor also established a new official to weigh solidi used in official government transactions to combat coin clipping.
For Julian, reigning in the abuses of imperial bureaucrats was one step in restoring the prestige of the office of emperor. Because he could not affect all elements of society personally, Julian, like other Neo-Flavian emperors, decided to concentrate on select groups of societal elites as intercessors between himself and the general populace. One of these groups was the imperial bureaucracy. Julian made it very clear that imperial officials were intercessors in a very real sense in a letter to Alypius, Vicar of Britain. In this letter, sent from Gaul sometime before 361, the emperor praises Alypius for his use of "mildness and moderation with courage and force" in his rule of the provincials. Such virtues were characteristic of the emperors, and it was good that Alypius is representing Julian in this way. Julian courted the army because it put him in power. Another group he sought to include in his rule was the traditional Senatorial aristocracy. One of his first appointments as consul was Claudius Mamertinus, a Gallic Senator and rhetorician. Mamertinus' speech in praise of Julian delivered at Constantinople in January of 362 is preserved. In this speech, Claudius presented his consular selection as inaugurating a new golden age and Julian as the restorer of the empire founded by Augustus. The image Mamertinus gave of his own consulate inaugurating a new golden age is not merely formulaic. The comparison of Julian to Augustus has very real, if implicit, relevance to Claudius' situation. Claudius emphasized the imperial period as the true age of renewal. Augustus ushered in a new era with his formation of a partnership between the emperor and the Senate based upon a series of honors and offices bestowed upon the Senate in return for their role as intercessor between emperor and populace. It was this system that Julian was restoring, and the consulate was one concrete example of this bond. To be chosen as a consul by the emperor, who himself had been divinely mandated, was a divine honor. In addition to being named consul, Mamertinus went on to hold several offices under Julian, including the Prefecture of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Similarly, inscriptional evidence illustrates a link between municipal elites and Julian during his time as Caesar, something which continued after he became emperor. One concrete example comes from the municipal senate of Aceruntia in Apulia, which established a monument on which Julian is styled as "Repairer of the World."
Julian seems to have given up actual Christian belief before his acclamation as emperor and was a practitioner of more traditional Greco-Roman religious beliefs, in particular, a follower of certain late antique Platonist philosophers who were especially adept at theurgy as was noted earlier. In fact Julian himself spoke of his conversion to Neo-Platonism in a letter to the Alexandrians written in 363. He stated that he had abandoned Christianity when he was twenty years old and been an adherent of the traditional Greco-Roman deities for the twelve years prior to writing this letter.
(For the complete text of this article see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/julian.htm)
Julian’s Persian Campaign
The exact goals Julian had for his ill-fated Persian campaign were never clear. The Sassanid Persians, and before them the Parthians, had been a traditional enemy from the time of the Late Republic, and indeed Constantius had been conducting a war against them before Julian's accession forced the former to forge an uneasy peace. Julian, however, had no concrete reason to reopen hostilities in the east. Socrates Scholasticus attributed Julian's motives to imitation of Alexander the Great, but perhaps the real reason lay in his need to gather the support of the army. Despite his acclamation by the Gallic legions, relations between Julian and the top military officers was uneasy at best. A war against the Persians would have brought prestige and power both to Julian and the army.
Julian set out on his fateful campaign on 5 March 363. Using his trademark strategy of striking quickly and where least expected, he moved his army through Heirapolis and from there speedily across the Euphrates and into the province of Mesopotamia, where he stopped at the town of Batnae. His plan was to eventually return through Armenia and winter in Tarsus. Once in Mesopotamia, Julian was faced with the decision of whether to travel south through the province of Babylonia or cross the Tigris into Assyria, and he eventually decided to move south through Babylonia and turn west into Assyria at a later date. By 27 March, he had the bulk of his army across the Euphrates, and had also arranged a flotilla to guard his supply line along the mighty river. He then left his generals Procopius and Sebastianus to help Arsacius, the king of Armenia and a Roman client, to guard the northern Tigris line. It was also during this time that he received the surrender of many prominent local leaders who had nominally supported the Persians. These men supplied Julian with money and troops for further military action against their former masters. Julian decided to turn south into Babylonia and proceeded along the Euphrates, coming to the fortress of Cercusium at the junction of the Abora and Euphrates Rivers around the first of April, and from there he took his army west to a region called Zaitha near the abandoned town of Dura where they visited the tomb of the emperor Gordian which was in the area. On April 7 he set out from there into the heart of Babylonia and towards Assyria.
Ammianus then stated that Julian and his army crossed into Assyria, which on the face of things appears very confusing. Julian still seems to be operating within the province of Babylonia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The confusion is alleviated when one realizes that,for Ammianus, the region of Assyria encompassed the provinces of Babylonia and Assyria. On their march, Julian's forces took the fortress of Anatha, received the surrender and support of several more local princes, and ravaged the countryside of Assyria between the rivers. As the army continued south, they came across the fortresses Thilutha and Achaiachala, but these places were too well defended and Julian decided to leave them alone. Further south were the cities Diacira and Ozogardana, which the Roman forces sacked and burned. Soon, Julian came to Pirisabora and a brief siege ensued, but the city fell and was also looted and destroyed. It was also at this time that the Roman army met its first systematic resistance from the Persians. As the Romans penetrated further south and west, the local inhabitants began to flood their route. Nevertheless, the Roman forces pressed on and came to Maiozamalcha, a sizable city not far from Ctesiphon. After a short siege, this city too fell to Julian. Inexorably, Julian's forces zeroed in on Ctesiphon, but as they drew closer, the Persian resistance grew fiercer, with guerilla raids whittling at Julian's men and supplies. A sizable force of the army was lost and the emperor himself was almost killed taking a fort a few miles from the target city.
Finally, the army approached Ctesiphon following a canal that linked the Tigris and Euphrates. It soon became apparent after a few preliminary skirmishes that a protracted siege would be necessary to take this important city. Many of his generals, however, thought that pursuing this course of action would be foolish. Julian reluctantly agreed, but became enraged by this failure and ordered his fleet to be burned as he decided to march through the province of Assyria. Julian had planned for his army to live off the land, but the Persians employed a scorched-earth policy. When it became apparent that his army would perish (because his supplies were beginning to dwindle) from starvation and the heat if he continued his campaign, and also in the face of superior numbers of the enemy, Julian ordered a retreat on 16 June. As the Roman army retreated, they were constantly harassed by guerilla strikes. It was during one of these raids that Julian got caught up in the fighting and took a spear to his abdomen. Mortally wounded he was carried to his tent, where, after conferring with some of his officers, he died. The date was 26 June 363.
Conclusion
Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.
Copyright (C) 2002, Walter E. Roberts and Michael DiMaio, Jr. Used by permission.
In reality, Julian worked to promote culture and philosophy in any manifestation. He tried to reduce taxes and the public debts of municipalities; he augmented administrative decentralisation; he promoted a campaign of austerity to reduce public expenditure (setting himself as the example). He reformed the postal service and eliminated the powerful secret police.
by Federico Morando; JULIAN II, The Apostate, See the Julian II Page on NumisWiki
Flavius Claudius Iulianus was born in 331 or maybe 332 A.D. in Constantinople. He ruled the Western Empire as Caesar from 355 to 360 and was hailed Augustus by his legions in Lutetia (Paris) in 360. Julian was a gifted administrator and military strategist. Famed as the last pagan emperor, his reinstatement of the pagan religion earned him the moniker "the Apostate." As evidenced by his brilliant writing, some of which has survived to the present day, the title "the Philosopher" may have been more appropriate. He died from wounds suffered during the Persian campaign of 363 A.D. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
|
|
1754 - États de RennesLouis XV
6,47g
28 mm
argent
LUD. XV. REDIVIVO ET TRIUMPHANTI.
"Louis XV ressuscité et triomphant"
Statue du roi sur un piédestal, vêtu à l’antique, derrière, des drapeaux ; à droite la Bretagne assise, devant, les armes de la province, derrière, une ancre sortant de la mer ; à gauche Hygie et un autel allumé .
Sur le piédestal on peut lire l'inscription :
LUDOVICO XV
REGI CHRISTIANISSIMO
REDIVIVO ET TRIUMPHANTI.
HOC AMORIS PIGNUS
ET SALUTATIS PUBLICAE MOMUMENTUM
COMITIA ARMORICA POSUERE
ANNO M DCC LIV
au revers :
JETON DES ESTATS DE BRETAGNE 1754.
Écu couronné écartelé aux 1 et 4 de France, aux 2 et 3 de Bretagne, sur un manteau semé de fleurs de lis et d’hermines
Daniel 102PYL
|
|
1754 - États de RennesLouis XV
6,55g
28 mm
argent
LUD. XV. REDIVIVO ET TRIUMPHANTI.
"Louis XV ressuscité et triomphant"
Statue du roi sur un piédestal,
vêtu à l’antique, derrière, des drapeaux;
à droite la Bretagne assise,
devant les armes de la province,
derrière une ancre sortant de la mer;
à gauche Hygie et un autel allumé .
Sur le piédestal on peut lire l'inscription :
LUDOVICO XV
REGI CHRISTIANISSIMO
REDIVIVO ET TRIUMPHANTI.
HOC AMORIS PIGNUS
ET SALUTATIS PUBLICAE MOMUMENTUM
COMITIA ARMORICA POSUERE
ANNO M DCC LIV
au revers :
JETON DES ESTATS DE BRETAGNE 1754.
Écu couronné écartelé aux 1 et 4 de France,
aux 2 et 3 de Bretagne,
sur un manteau semé de fleurs de lis et d’hermines
Daniel 102 PYL
|
|
44 - Coueron, Loire-Atlantique, France5 centimes, cuivre, 19 mm
A/ USINES DE COUERON
R/ 5 C
Réfs : Elie 20.1
Gabalor
|
|
44 - Nantes, Loire-Atlantique, France.1k 500, laiton, 27 mm
A/ EMPLOYES DU CHEMIN DE FER D'ORLEANS // BOULANGERIE COOPERATIVE
R/ NANTES 1 k 500 174
Réfs : Elie 10.2a
Gabalor
|
|
64 - Bayonne, Pyrénées-Atlantique, FranceChambre de Commerce, Bayonne, Pyrénées Atlantiques
Aluminium, 24 mm
A/ CHAMBRE DE COMMERCE DE BAYONNE 1920
R/ CHAMBRE DE COMMERCE - BAYONNE // 50 c
Réfs : Elie 10.5
Gabalor
|
|
64 - Bayonne, Pyrénées-Atlantique, FranceChambre de Commerce, Bayonne, Pyrénées Atlantiques
Fer, 25 mm
A/ CHAMBRE DE COMMERCE / BAYONNE 1917
R/ REMBOURSABLE AVANT 1922 // 10 c
Réfs : Elie 10.2
Gabalor
|
|
64 - Pau, Pyrénées-Atlantique, FranceMichelet O. (épicier), Pau, Pyrénées Atlantiques
Aluminium, 16 mm
A/ HENRIC LOU BIARNES - PAU
R/ O MICHELET - 5 c REMBOURSABLE EN MARCHANDISES
Réfs : Elie 50.1
Gabalor
|
|
Antique Drawing - Roman CavalrymanPencil drawing from 1875 (Can't make out the artists name) nogoodnicksleft
|
|
Antique Glass Bottle #01Antique Glass Bottle #01
type: Bottle
size: height:104mm, widest diameter:44mm, smallest diameter:16mm,
weight: 61,63g,
date: A.D.,
ref: ???
distribution: ???,
Q-001quadrans
|
|
Antique Glass Bottle #02Antique Glass Bottle #02
type: Bottle
size: height:107mm, widest diameter:26,5mm, smallest diameter:12mm,
weight: 21,42g,
date: A.D.,
ref: ???
distribution: ???,
Q-002quadrans
|
|
Antique Glass Bottle #03Antique Glass Bottle #03
type: Bottle
size: height:80mm, widest diameter:28mm, smallest diameter:12,5mm,
weight: 18,79g,
date: A.D.,
ref: ???
distribution: ???,
Q-003quadrans
|
|
Antique oil lampAntique terra-cotta oil lamp with Christian symbol Tanit
|
|
antique silver-barpresumably antique silver-bar
cast and cut in half with a blade
∅ 29mm, 8,97gLaurentius
|
|
Antique, AE-Mace head , #01Antique, AE-Mace head, #01
type: Mace head ???
size: 23x27x14,5mm,
weight: 25,66g,
date: Roman Age ??? or medieval ??? A.D.,
ref: ???
distribution: ???,
Q-001quadrans
|
|
Antique, AE-Pelta shaped horse harness or knob or button #01Antique, AE-Pelta shaped horse harness or knob or button #01
type: AE-Pelta shaped Roman (?) horse harness,
size: 26x22,5x9mm,
weight: 7,5g,
date: ??? A.D.,
ref: ???
distribution: Rome (?),
Q-001quadrans
|
|
Antique, AE-Roman horse harness, decorated with millefiori glass inlay #01Antique, AE-Roman horse harness, decorated with millefiori glass inlay #01
type: AE-round plate or phalera from Roman horse harness, decorated with millefiori glass inlay,
size: 28mm,
weight: 6,87g,
date: c. 2nd century A.D.,
ref: ???
distribution: Rome,
Q-001quadrans
|
|
Antique, AR-Axe-shape, pendant or ear ring, #01Antique, AR-Axe-shape, pendant or ear ring, #01
type: Silver pendant or ear ring
size: 10,5x21mm,
weight: 0,91g,
date: ??? A.D.,
ref: ???
distribution: ???,
Q-001quadrans
|
|
Antique, Double-sided, both-side faced AE-Object, Visigothic bronzes, harness items ??? #01Antique, Double-sided, both-side faced AE-Object, Visigothic bronzes, harness items ??? #01
avers: Animal face (Wolf) right.
revers: Facing heads.
size: 16,5x22,5mm, weight: 3,62g,
date: A.D., ref: ???
distribution: Visigothic bronzes ???,
Q-001quadrans
|
|
Antique-AE-Cross, Medieval, pendant, AE #01Antique-AE-Cross, Medieval, pendant, AE #01
type: Cross, pendant,
desciption: Decorated with punched-dot "Five Wounds of Christ" design and ornate terminals. Olive-green patina .
size: 43,5x32mm,
weight: 3,84g,
date: c. X-XII centuries A.D.,
ref: ???
distribution: ???,
Q-001quadrans
|
|
Antique-AE-Pearl or Amulet #01Antique-AE-Pearl or Amulet #01
type:AE-Pearl-or Amulet
size: 17x13mm,
weight: 7,08g,
date: Bronz Age ??? A.D.,
ref: ???
distribution: ???,
Q-001quadrans
|
|
Antique-Medical-instrument-AE-001Antique-Medical-instrument-AE-001
type:Medical Instrument
size: 102x4mm,
weight: 5,63g,
date: ??? A.D.,
ref: ???
distribution: ???,
Q-001quadrans
|
|
Antony & Octavia tetradrachmM ANTONIVS IMP COS DESIG ITER ET TERT
Conjoined heads of Antony and Octavia right, Antony wearing an ivy wreath
III VIR RPC
Dionysus standing left, holding cantharus and thyrsus on cista mystica flanked by two interlaced snakes
Ephesus, summer-autumn 39 BC
11.22g
Imperators 263, RPC 2202, Babelon Antonia 61, Syndenham 1198, BMCRR east 135
Punch mark on the obverse protrudes onto the reverse
Ex-Numisantique
This series of Cistophori from Asia commemorates the marriage of Antony and Octavia and celebrate's Antony's divine status in the east as the "New Dionysus" which was bestowed on him when he arrived in Ephesus in 41 BC. Antony's titulature of "Imperator and Consul designate for the second and third times" fixes the period of issue to the latter part of 39 BC after the Pact of Misenum in July and before Antony's second Imperatorial acclamation in the winter of 39-38BC
Jay GT4
|
|
asmcalee782a1brockageElagabalus
Antioch, Syria
Obv. Laureate head right, brockage from reverse
Rev. S·C, Δ ε above, eagle below, all within laurel wreath fastened at top with diamond. Brockage from obverse.
21 mm, 3.41 gms.
McAlee 782(a)Charles M
|
|
ASSOS, TROAS AR HemiobolOBV: Veiled female head left
REV: Griffin right, A to left, in dotted linear square within incuse square
Struck at Assos, 420-380 BC
.3g, 6.88mm
BMC Lycia, Pamphlia, and Pisidia p. 21, #100, plate 6 #4 (attributed to Lycia). Cf. CNG e-auction 287, September 2012, lot 128
ex Saint Paul AntiquesLegatus
|
|
Athena and her owl In Greek mythology, a Little Owl baby (Athene noctua) traditionally represents or accompanies Athena, the virgin goddess of wisdom, or Minerva, her syncretic incarnation in Roman mythology. Because of such association, the bird often referred to as the "owl of Athena" or the "owl of Minerva" has been used as a symbol of knowledge, wisdom, perspicacity and erudition throughout the Western world.
The reasons behind the association of Athena and the owl are lost in time. Some mythographers, such as David Kinsley and Martin P. Nilsson suggest that she may descend from a Minoan palace goddess associated with birds and Marija Gimbutas claim to trace Athena's origins as an Old European bird and snake goddess.
On the other hand, Cynthia Berger theorizes about the appeal of some characteristics of owls such as their ability to see in the dark to be used as symbol of wisdom while others, such as William Geoffrey Arnott, propose a simple association between founding myths of Athens and the significant number of Little Owls in the region (a fact noted since antiquity by Aristophanes in The Birds and Lysistrata).
In any case, the city of Athens seems to have adopted the owl as proof of allegiance to its patron virgin goddess, which according to a popular etiological myth reproduced on the West pediment of the Parthenon, secured the favor of its citizens by providing them with a more enticing gift than Poséidon.
Owls were commonly reproduced by Athenians in vases, weights and prize amphoras for the Panathenaic Games. The owl of Athena even became the common obverse of the Athenian tetradrachms after 510 BC and according to Philochorus, the Athenian tetradrachm was known as glaux throughout the ancient world and "owl" in present day numismatics. They were not, however, used exclusively by them to represent Athena and were even used for motivation during battles by other Greek cities, such as in the victory of Agathocles of Syracuse over the Carthaginians in 310 B.C. in which owls flying through the ranks were interpreted as Athena’s blessing or in the Battle of Salamis, chronicled in Plutarch's biography of Themistocles.
(Source: Wikipédia)
|
|
|
|
Aurelian (AD 270-275)AE Antoninianus (23mm, 4.45 g). Serdica mint. AD 275. AVRELIANVS P AVG, radiate, cuirassed bust right / RESTITVT ORBIS, woman standing right, presenting wreath to emperor, star in lower centre; mintmark KAB. RIC Va 299var.
Ex Calgary Coin & Antique.
Romancollector
|
|
Becker Marius AureusWhite metal strike from Becker's dies for an aureus of Marius, cf RIC 1. Not an antiquity but antique.mauseus
|
|
Becker Tetricus I AureusWhite metal strike from Becker's dies for an aureus of Tetricus I, cf RIC 19. Not an antiquity but antique.mauseus
|
|
Bramsen 0280. La Venus de Medicis, 1803.Obv. Head of Napoleon.
Exergue, JEUFFROY FECIT 1803. DENON DIR. G.D. MUSÉE C. D. ARTS
Rev. the antique statue of the Venus de Medicis.
Legend, AUX ARTS LA VICTOIRE. L'AN IV DU CONSULAT DE BONAPARTE.
Depicts the Venus de Medici in the Louvre, and the occasion of Napoleons visit to the museum. The legend "Aux arts la victoire" is a reference to Napoleon's philosophy of "To the victors belong the spoils" . 1803.LordBest
|
|
Bramsen 0868. Ouverture du canal de l'Ourcq, 1809. Obv. Laureate head right NAPOLEON EMP ET ROI
Rev. Paris, allegorically represented as a female, sitting to the front, on the side of an antique vessel, the prow and rudder appears on each side of her; on her head a turretted crown; her right arm and hand is stretched out, a naked Naid is pouring water over it from an urn, on which is inscribed, URCA; on her left arm, she supports a cornucopia filled with fruit and wheat-ears; another Naid on the left, on one knee, is laving her left foot with water, which she also pours from an urn, on which is inscribed, SEQUANA.
Legend, ANDRIEU F. DENON D.
Exergue, VRCA PARISIOS DEDVCTA — XV AUGUSTI MDCCCIX.
Commemorates the the construction of the Ourcq canal in 1809.LordBest
|
|
C. Vibius C.f. C.n. Pansa, DenariusRRC 449/1b
48 b.c.
described:
struck 48BC at Rome, 3.5 grams, 17.5 mm. Nice VF
Obv: PANSA - Mask of bearded Pan facing right, hair decorated with three rows of berries, pedum behind
Rev: C VIBIVS C F C N IOVIS AXVR - Laureate Jupiter Anxurus seated left, holding patera in right hand and sceptre in left hand
Especially well centered and struck on a slightly tight flan with lovely light antique toning covering both surfaces. Most attractive.
Norbert
|
|
City of Olympos in Antique Lycian Area #02, Curch, Early Byzantion period, 5th-6th century A.D.City of Olympos in Antique Lycian Area #02, Curch, Early Byzantion period, 5th-6th century A.D.quadrans
|
|
City of Olympos in Antique Lycian Area #03, Sarcophagus of Antimachos, 2nd. century A.D.City of Olympos in Antique Lycian Area #03, Sarcophagus of Antimachos, 2nd. century A.D.quadrans
|
|
City of Olympos in Antique Lycian Area #04, The Building with mosaics, Bilt in 5th century A.D.City of Olympos in Antique Lycian Area #04, The Building with mosaics, Bilt in 5th century A.D.quadrans
|
|
City of Olympos in Antique Lycian Area #05, Theatre #03, Bilt in, 145 A.D.City of Olympos in Antique Lycian Area #05, Theatre #03, Bilt in, 145 A.D.quadrans
|
|
City of Olympos in Antique Lycian Area #06, Theatre #01, Bilt in, 145 A.D.City of Olympos in Antique Lycian Area #06, Theatre #01, Bilt in, 145 A.D.quadrans
|
|
City of Olympos in Antique Lycian Area #07, Theatre #02, Bilt in, 145 A.D.City of Olympos in Antique Lycian Area #07, Theatre #02, Bilt in, 145 A.D.quadrans
|
|
Gallienus, Göbl 827q (Viminacium)Gallienus 253 - 268
AR - Antoninianus, 4.24g, 22mm, 45°
Viminacium, AD 257
obv. IMP GALLIENVS P AVG
draped bust, radiate head r.
rev. SPES PVBLICA
Spes advancing l., holding flower r. and lifting robe with l.
Göbl 827q (Viminacium); RIC V, 403 (Mediolanum); C.990
about VF, flan crack at 6 o'clock
added to www.wildwinds.com
99% of the types with P AVG are from Viminacium. Spes depicted antique-like as usual.Jochen
|
|
Gaston d'Orleans (1627-1650), Double Tournois type 14 - 1640Atelier de Trevoux
+ GASTON . VSV . D . LA . SOV . DOMB Buste de 3/4 drapé a l'antique a droite
+ DOVBLE . TOVR . NOIS . 1640, Trois lis sous un lambel
2.96 gr
Ref : Divo Dombes # 205, CGKL # 748 (h4 ?)Potator II
|
|
Gaston d'Orleans (1627-1650), Double Tournois type 16 - 1641Atelier de Trevoux
+ GASTON . VSV . D . LA . SOV . DOM . G, Buste drapé a l'antique a droite
+ DOVBLE . TOVRNOIS . 1641, Trois lis sous un lambel
2.92 gr
Ref : Divo Dombes # 207v, CGKL # 752 (a2 ou b2), Boudeau # 1086Potator II
|
|
Gaston d'Orleans (1627-1650), Double Tournois type 16 - 1642Atelier de Trevoux
+ GASTON . VSV . D . LA . SOVV . DOM . G, Buste drapé a l'antique a droite
+ DOVBLE . TOVRNOIS . 1642, Trois lis sous un lambel
2.92 gr
Ref : Divo Dombes # 207, CGKL # 752 (b2), Boudeau # 1086
Potator II
|
|
Gaston d'Orleans (1627-1650), Double Tournois type 16, cuivre - 1641Atelier de Trévoux
+ GASTON . VSV . D . LA . SOV . DOM . G . Buste drapé à l'antique à droite
+ DOVBLE TOVRNOIS . 1641 Trois lis sous un lambel
3.15 gr
Ref : Divo Dombes # 207v, CGKL # 752 (d?), Boudeau # 1086Potator II
|
|
Geta (as Augustus), 209–11 CEAR denarius, Rome mint, 210 CE; 19mm, 3.11g, 6h; BM —, CRB —, RIC —, RSC —. Obv: P SEPT GETA PIVS AVG BRIT; laureate bust right. Rx: VICTORI – AE BRIT; Victory seated left on shields, holding shield on right knee and palm. Commemorates victories declared in Britain. Very rare mule; CNG states, “this reverse type is unknown on coins of Geta. It is known, however, for aurei of Caracalla (RIC IV 174). As the reverse die is worn, it is possible that the minters felt the die was too deteriorated to continue producing aurei, but sufficient for striking denarii.” According to Curtis L. Clay, “only one other is known to me, in my collection, from different dies, much less fine, ex Gitbud & Naumann, eBay, 19 March 2011.”
ex CNG eAuction 282, 11 July 2012, lot 333
ex Dr. J.S. Vogelaar Collection, CNG eAuction 215, 29 July 2009, lot 473
Dr. J.S. “Stoffel” Vogelaar (1949–2010), a resident of Bohea, County Mayo, Ireland, but native to Puttershoek, Holland, was a well-known antique, coin, and book dealer. He was an expert in the field of Romano-British coinage and amassed a large collectionBritannicus
|
|
IONIA, MILETUS AR Diobol, 1/12 StaterOBVERSE: Forepart of lion left
REVERSE: Floral star pattern in incuse square
Struck at Miletos, 510-494 BC
1g; 7.5mm
SNG Cop. 952
ex Saint Paul Antiques, LTDLegatus
|
|
Louis XIII (1610-1643) - Quart d'ecu d'argent du 3° type 1643 AAtelier de Paris (A)
LVDOVICVS . XIII . D .G . FR . ET . NAV . REX, buste lauré, drapé et cuirassé a l'antique à droite
rose SIT . NOMEN . DOMINI BENEDICTVM . 1643, ecu de France couronné, A à la pointe de l'ecu
6.86 gr
Ref : Ciani # 1661v
06-230Potator II
|
|
LYCIAN DYNASTS, MITHRAPATA AR 1/6 staterOBVERSE: Facing lion's scalp
REVERSE: Triskeles within shallow incuse square; in field, astralagos
Struck at Uncertain mint, 390-370 BC
1g; 12mm
Müseler VII, 83; SNG von Aulock 4246; Falghera 196; SNG Copenhagen 27
ex Saint Paul Antiques, LTDLegatus
|
|
LYCIAN DYNASTS, MITHRAPATA AR 1/6 staterOBVERSE: Facing lion's scalp
REVERSE: Triskeles within shallow incuse square; in field, dolphin
Struck at Uncertain mint, 390-370 BC
.8g; 12.5mm
SNG Copenhagen Supp. 476 var. (no symbol)
ex Saint Paul Antiques, LTDLegatus
|
|
Marc Antony LEGIO XIXSilver Denarius
Roman Imperatorial
Marc Antony LEGIO XIX
? Patrae Mint. Fall 32-Spring 31 BC.
Fine
18.0 mm / 2.93 g / 270°
Obverse: Galley right with rowers, mast with banners at prow. "ANT*AVG / III VIR*R*P*C"
Reverse: "LEG XIX", aquila between two legionary standards.
Ex NumisAntique 2016
Crawford 544/35
MyID: 028ATenthGen
|
|
Marcus Aurelius (Caesar) Coin: Brass SestertiusAVRELIVS CAESAR AVG PII F - Head of Marcus Aurelius, bare, right
TR POT COS II S C - Minerva, helmeted, draped, standing, right, holding vertical spear in right hand and resting left hand on round shield set on ground.
Exergue:
Mint: Rome (145 AD)
Wt./Size/Axis: 23.60g / 30.9mm / 360
References:
RIC III 1248 (Antoninus Pius)
Banti 299
Acquisition/Sale: erie-antiques eBay $0.00 03/18
Notes: Jun 13, 18 - The Gary R. Wilson CollectionGRWilson
|
|
Maximianus(Follis?). Purchased in Tiergarten Antique market.I had my doubts about this one, as I had purchased it for 8 Euros, and was afraid that a coin (even a bronze one of maximianus) cannot go for so little when in such good condition. I took it to a few numismatic shops and asked the opinions of people there (including the guy in Paris I got the Commodus Sestertius from). They told me they believe it's real. I was told in Paris that the coin's edges have been tooled - that it was likely part of a piece of jewelry at some point, which diminishes it's value - hence the low price. Another numismatician offered to buy it off me for 15 Euros (double what I paid). I kept the coin.
Alex F
|
|
MYSIA AR HemiobolOBVERSE: Forepart of running boar left, tunny fish behind upward
REVERSE: Head of roaring lion left within incuse square, star above
Struck at Kyzikos, 480-450BC
0.3g, 9 mm
Sear 3850
ex Saint Paul Antiques LTDLegatus
|
|
Neapolis, Campania275-250 BC
AR Didrachm (20mm, 6.92g)
O: Diademed head of the nymph Parthenope left, wearing triple earring; poppy head behind.
R: Man-faced bull standing right; Nike flying right above, crowning bull; IΣ below, [N]EAΠOΛITΩ[N] in ex.
Sambon 510; HN Italy 586; SNG ANS 400; Hands Class VI; Sear 309v (eagle head)
ex Numisantique
The Greek colony on what is now known as the Bay of Naples was one of the earliest in Italy, originally established by settlers from Euboea, and possibly named Parthenope after the local Nymph. The city was later re-founded nearby and renamed Neapolis, or ‘New City’. Its proximity to Rome brought Italian customs to the colony, while conversely bringing a heavy Greek influence to the Romans.
It is not surprising then that Neapolis was one of the first Greek colonies to ally itself with Rome near the end of the fourth century BC, and was instrumental in repelling Hannibal a hundred years later.Enodia
|
|
Nero (Augustus) Coin: Brass SestertiusNERO CLAVD CAESAR AVG GER P M TR P IMP P P - Laureate head right
PACE P R TERRA MARIQ PARTA IANVM CLVSIT S-C - Temple of Janus with latticed windows & garland hung across doors; closed double doors on the right.
Exergue:
Mint: Rome (65AD)
Wt./Size/Axis: 20.70g / 33.75mm / 180
Rarity: Common
References:
RIC 266
cf Sear 1959
BMC 161
WCN 139
Acquisition/Sale: erie-antiques Ebay $0.00 10/17
Notes: Nov 8, 18 - The Gary R. Wilson CollectionGRWilson
|
|
Nummus (?) of TheodosiusI purchased this in Aachen at a more generic antique store. The owner had a box of coins from all over and different periods mixed together. This was one of a few roman coins in there... he did not seem to know what this coin actually was.
Alex F
|
|
Philip II.Obv. IMP MIVL PHILIPPVS AVG
Radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right
Rv. PM TRP III COS PP
Felicitas standing half-left, holding caduceus with right hand and cornucopia in left arm
RIC - Bland - Òvàri 25B, 4,58g , Antiochia
Ex DARA Antiques Museum E-Auction 3 Nr. 560 07.11.2021Priscus
|
|
Philippopolis Antoninus Pius Gargilius Antiquus (161AD) Zeus seatedAE 30
Antoninus Pius
Governor L. Pullaienus Gargilius Antiquus (161 AD)
AVT AI AΔPIA] | ANTΩNEINOC
Laureate head right
HΓE ΓAPΓIΛI AN |TIKOV ΦIΛIΠΠOΠOΛITΩN (inscribed circularly)
Zeus seated left, holding patera and scepter
Thick fabric; stripped orichalcum patina
cf. Varbanov (E) III 683 = 698 (both depicted); cf. Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) p. 215 #28; cf. Mionnet Supp. II p.446 #1432; BMC –
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Antoninus Pius L. Pullaienus Gargilius Antiquus Antoninus Pius
AE 30 17.49g
Governor L. Pullaienus Gargilius Antiquus (161 AD)
AVT AI AΔPIA | ANTΩNEINOC
Laureate head right
HΓE ΓAPΓIΛI ANTIKOV ΦIΛIΠΠOΠOΛI
Exergue: TΩN
Tyche mural crowned enthroned left holding cornucopiae and rudder
Varbanov (E) III -; Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) -; Mionnet Supp. II -; BMC –; SNG Cop. -
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Antoninus Pius L. Pullaienus Gargilius Antiquus (161 AD)Phillipopolis
Antoninus Pius
AE 29 19.80g.
Governor L. Pullaienus Gargilius Antiquus (161 AD)
Obv: AVT AI AΔPIA | [AN T]ΩNEIN[OC (faint partial legend)
Laureate head right
Rev: HΓE ΓAPΓIΛI ANTIKOV ΦIΛIΠΠOΠO
Exergue: ΛITΩN
City-goddess as Homonoia enthroned left holding patera and cornucopiae
Varbanov (E) III 687 (depicted p. 94); cf. BMC 6 (scepter instead of cornucopia); idem Mushmov "Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis"(1924) p.216 #35; Mionnet Sup II -.
Varbanov cites CNG XXVII Sept 29 2003 lot 1203. CNG does not appear to have archived auctions that far back on their website.
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Antoninus Pius L. Pullaienus Gargilius Antiquus (161 AD)Antoninus Pius
AE 31 20.1g.
Governor L. Pullaienus Gargilius Antiquus (161 AD)
AVT AI AΔPIA | ANTΩ[NEINOC
Laureate head right
HΓE ΓAPΓIΛI ANTIKOV ΦIΛIΠΠO[ΠOΛEI
Exergue: TΩN
Zeus enthroned left holding scepter and patera
Varbanov (E) III 683 = 698 (both depicted); cf. Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) p. 215 #28; cf. Mionnet Supp. II p.446 #1433; BMC –
two-tone green patinarennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Antoninus Pius L. Pullaienus Gargilius Antiquus (161 AD)Antoninus Pius
AE 30 20g
Governor L. Pullaienus Gargilius Antiquus (161 AD)
AVT AI AΔPIA | ANTΩNEINOC
Laureate head right
HΓE ΓAPΓIΛI ANTIKOV ΦIΛIΠΠOΠOΛEI TΩN
Two helmed warriors clasping hands
Mionnet Supp. II 1437; SNG Cop767; Varbanov (E) III679-81, cf 694-;Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) 37; BMC-
Moushmov and Varbanov suggest these warriors represent the Dioscouri.
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Antoninus Pius Pius L. Pullaienus Gargilius Antiquus (161 AD) HebrosAntoninus Pius
AE 29 16.47g.
Governor L. Pullaienus Gargilius Antiquus (161 AD)
AVT AI AΔPIA | ANTΩNEINOC (faint)
Laureate head right
HΓE ΓAPΓIΛI AN]TIKOV ΦIΛIΠΠOΠOΛEITΩN
River-god Hebros recumbent left holding waterplant in right and resting left elbow on overturned urn from which water flows
Stripped orichalcum patina
Cf. Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) 39-44; cf. Varbanov (E) III 667-8; 672-78 ) ; cf. SNG Cop. 768; cf.BMC 5; cf. Mionnet Supp II 1438-44rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Commodus Caecilius Maternus EagleAE 28 13.9gr
Commodus
Philippopolis
Governor Caecilius Maternus ( 187 Stein)
Ob: AV KAI M AVP | KOMOΔOC
Laureate head right
Rev: HΓE KAI MATEPNO [V ΦIΛIΠΠOΠOΛ
EITΩN?
Eagle with wings spread, head left with wreath in beak. Talons hold globe and ear of wheat
Varbanov (E) III-; Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) -; Mionnet Supp. II -; BMC –rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Commodus Caecilius Servilianus Nike in BigaAE 30 14.64g
Ob: AV KAI M AVP | KOMOΔOC
Laureate head right
Rev: [HΓE KAI CEPOVEIΛIANOV]
Ex: ΦIΛIΠΠOΠO
ΛEITΩN
Nike in slow biga right holding palm
Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) 161; Varbanov (E) III 940 (depicted); cf. BMC 18; Mionnet Supp. II -; SNG Cop. –
dark patina
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Commodus Caecilius Servilianus (186AD)AE 29 16.1gr
Commodus
Philippopolis
Governor Caecilius Servilianus (perhaps 186 AD; Stein)
Ob: AV KAI M AVP | KOMOΔOC
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust right
Rev: HΓE KAI CEPOVEIΛIANOV ΦIΛIÎ
Ex:ΠOΠOΛEI
TΩN
Homonoia standing left holding cornucopiae in left
and patera in outstretched right hand to her left column(?)
Varbanov (E) III -; BMC -; Mionnet Supp. II -; SNG Cop. -; Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) –
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Commodus Caecilius Servilianus river-godAE 29
Commodus
Philippopolis
Governor Caecilius Servilianus (perhaps 186 AD; Stein)
Ob: AV KAI M AVP | KOMOΔOC
Laureate head right
Rev: HΓE KAI [CEPOV]EIΛIANOV ΦI
EX:ΛIΠΠOΠOΛ
EITΩN
River-god Hebros recumbent left holding waterplant in right and resting left elbow on overturned urn from which water flows
Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) 160; Varbanov (E) III -; BMC -; Mionnet Supp. II -; SNG Cop.–
Rough brown patina
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Commodus Caecilius Servilianus ZeusAE 31 20.5g
Ob: AY KAI M YP | KOMOΔOC
Laureate head right
Rev: HΓE KAI CEPOVEIΛIANO |V ΦIΛIΠΠOΠOΛEI
Ex: TΩN
Zeus enthroned to left holding scepter and patera
Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) 158; Varbanov (E) III 944; BMC -; Mionnet Supp. II -; SNG Cop.–
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Commodus Nike in Biga with serpentsAE 30 15.45g
Caecilius Servilianus (186?)
Ob: AV KAI M AVP | KOMOΔOC
Laureate head right
Rev: HΓE KAI CEPOVEIΛIANOV
Ex: ΦIΛIΠΠOΠO
ΛEITΩN
Nike in slow biga right holding palm with two serpents in front right
Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) 161; cf. Varbanov (E) III 940; cf. BMC 18; Mionnet Supp. II -; SNG Cop. –; RPC IV.1 7515 (temp); Righetti 303
pretty green patinarennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Commodus Servilianus AthenaAE 29
Commodus
Philippopolis
Caecilius Servilianus (perhaps 186 AD; Stein)
Ob: AV K M AV | KOMOΔOC
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust right
Rev: HΓE KAI CEPOYEIΛIANOY [ΦIΛIΠΠOΠO]ΛEITΩN
Athena standing left holding patera over flaming altar shield and upright spear at side
Varbanov (E) III 926; Mionnet Supp. II-; BMC -; SNG Cop. -; Mushmov "Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis' (1924) –
Pretty sea-green patina with some rough spots
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Commodus Tyche Caecilius Servilianus AE 28 16.51gr
Governor Caecilius Servilianus (perhaps 186 AD; Stein)
Ob: AV KAI [M] AVP | KOMOΔOC
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust right
Rev: HΓE KAI CEPOVEIΛIA | NOV ΦIΛIΠΠOΠ.
Ex: OΛEITΩN
Tyche standing head left with rudder and cornucopia
Varbanov (E) III -; BMC -; Mionnet Supp. II -; coinarchives-; Mushmov "Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis"(1924) -
Very dark green patina
Ex: Pegasus auction XIX Nov. 18 2008 lot 286
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Lucius Verus Governor Q. Tullius Maximus (161-9 AD)AE 30
Ob: AV KAI Λ AVPH | ΛIOC OVHPOC
Au(tokrater) Kai(sar) L(ucius) Aure(lius) Verus
Bare bearded head
Rx: HΓE TOVΛ MAΞIMOV AΠOΔ VΠAT
Hege(moneuontos) Tul(liou) Maximou apod(edeigmenou) hupat(ou)
Ex: ΦIΛIΠΠO
Zeus enthroned left; holding upright scepter in left hand and patera in outstretched right
BMC-; Minnet Supp. II-; Varbanov (E) III-; Mushmov "Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis" (1924) -; apparently unpublished;
This coin was issued under the legate of Thrace Quintus Tullius Maximus (161-169AD)
Apodedeigmenou is a passive perfect participle of apodeiknumi, which is often used to denote holding or being appointed to an office. hupatou generally means consul or leader in this context (Polybius uses this greek word specifically for consul; 6.12.1 in plural). Both words in genitive absolute.
Stein reported the conjecture of R. Munsterburg, who in his article, “Verkannte Titel auf griechischen Munzen” from Jahreshefte des Osterreicheschen Archaologischen Institutes in Wien XVIII (1915) pp.312-313, avers that a coin incorrectly reported by A. Degrand in Numismatique Revue 1900 pp.414 #38 (a Lucius Verus River-god; with no plate unfortunately), HGE. TO.YL MAXIMOY APODYIGD(?) to read as, HGE TOUL MAXIMOU APOD(DEIGMENOU) HUPA(TOU) = consulis designati.
The pi and alpha of hupatou are incorrectly read by Degrand as an iota +gamma+delta; sic VIΓΔ = VΠA.
Varbanov correctly divides the APOD from the VPA on coins for M. Aurelius and L. Verus, where it is present. Cf. Varbanov(E) III 903-906 for L. Verus; 797-802 for M. Aurelius.
What is so interesting about this coin is that it has that extra terminal tau, unlike the coin reported by the specimens in Varbanov or by Degrand (which was in Philippopolis (Plovdiv) Bulgaria where he was some sort of French minister at the turn of the 19th century). This tau adds some more credence to Munsterburg’s conjecture, (not that it was in doubt).
A. Degrand "Monnaies Inedites ou peu connues de la Moesie Inferieure et de la Thrace" Numismatique Revue ser. 4 vol 4 pp. 402-422 (1900).rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Lucius Verus Q. Tullius Maximus (161-169 AD)AE 30 15.71g
Lucius Verus Philippopolis
Q. Tullius Maximus (161-169 AD)
Obv: AV KAI Λ AVP | HΛIOC OVHPOC
Bare head right
Rev: HΓ K TO[VΛ MAΞIMOV ΦIΛI]ΠΠOΠOΛETIΩ (sic)
Homonoia standing facing, head left holding cornucopiae in left and patera over lit altar
Varbanov (E) III-; Mushmov "Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis"(1924) -; Mionnet Supp. II -; BMC –
Reverse die exhibits the kappa for the praenomen Quintus.
smooth chocolate patina
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Lucius Verus Q. Tullius Maximus (161-9 AD)AE 31 19.92 gr.
Ob: AV KAI Λ AV | PHΛIOC OVHPOC
Draped and cuirassed bust right
Rev: OMON AV HΓ TOVΛ M | AΞI | MOV ΦIΛIΠΠOΠO
Ex: [ΛEI]TΩN?
Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus togate clasping right hands.
It came from the seller with an envelope that stated it was part of lot #856 from Freeman &Sear 3/10/95 (Mail Bid Sale 1).
Neither the obverse nor reverse are listed in Varbanov (E) III; cf. 125 pp. 24 for Marcus Aurelius at Perinthus, which has OMONOIA AVTOKPATOPΩN ΠEPINΘIΩN as the reverse legend.
I’m still unsure on the reverse legend, but comparing it to the one for Perinthus above, with some abbreviations, I think this is a reasonable conjecture. Orthography in exergue is speculative. The abbreviation of OMON for OMONOIA could be compared to CONCORD for CONCORDIA on bronzes of the co-emperors.
BMC-; Varbanov (E) III-; Mionnet Supp.II-; Mushmov "Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis" (1924) -rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Septimius Severus St. Barbarus Dionysos riding pantherPhilippopolis
AE30 15.61g
Septimius Severus
Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)
Ob: AV K Λ C CEVHPOC Π
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust
Rx: HΓE CTA BAPBAPOV ΦIΛIΠΠO
Ex: ΠOΛEITΩN
Dionysos riding panther right
Varbanov(E) III 1190(depicted); Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) 271; Mionnet -; BMC -; SNG Cop. -
rough greenish-brown patinarennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Septimius Severus St. Barbarus River-godAE 29
Septimius Severus
Philippopolis
T. Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)
Ob: AV KAI CE | [CEVHPOC Π]
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust
Rx: HΓE CTA [ BAPBAPOV ΦIΛI]ΠΠO
Ex: ΠOΛITΩ[N
River-god Hebros recumbent left holding waterplant in right and resting left elbow on overturned urn from which water flows
Striped orichalcum patina
Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) 278; cf. Varbanov(E) III 1180-82. ; Mionnet -; BMC -; SNG Cop. - rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Septimius Severus St. Barbarus TempleAE 31
Philippopolis
Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)
Ob: AV K Λ CEΠ∙ CEVHPOC Π (very faint)
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust
Rev: HΓ CTA BAPBAPOV ΦIΛIΠΠ
Ex: [O]ΠOΛEI
[T]ΩN
Tetra style temple containing a statue of Apollo
Varbanov(E) III 1172(depicted); Mionnet -; BMC -; SNG Cop. -; Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) -
smooth blackish-green patina; wornrennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Septimius Severus Stat Barbarus city goddessAE 26 11.8 grams
Ob: A]V• K•Î› V CE | CEVHPOC Î
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust
Rev: HΓ• CTA BAPBAPOV • ΦIΛ[IÎ Î O]Î OΛITΩN
City goddess with mural crown seated on pile of rocks facing left holding poppy
Nice green patina
Mionnet Supp. II p. 462, 1534; Varbanov (E) III -; Moushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) -; BMC -; SNG Cop. -
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Septimius Severus Statilius BarbarusAE 26 Septimius Severus
Philippopolis
T. Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)
Ob: AV KAI CE | CEVHPO[C Î
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust
Rx: HΓ] CTATI BAPBA | POV ΦIΛIÎ [… ]
Emperor standing right, foot on captive. In right hand spear, in left parazonium
Varbanov (E) III -; BMC-: MionnetSupp.II – ; acsearch.info-;Mushmov "Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis"(1924) -
Common obverse die. Certainly not a surprising reverse type to surface.
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Septimius Severus Statilius Barbarus AE 29 14.75gr.
Septimius Severus
Philippopolis
Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)
Ob: AV KAI CE / CEVHPO[C Π
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust
Rx: HΓ[E CTATIΛ BAPBAPOV] ΦIΛIΠΠO | Π | OΛITΩN
Imperator eques
Emperor riding a galloping horse right with transverse spear and flowing mantle
Varbanov(E) III 1193 (depicted); Mionnet -; BMC -; SNG Cop. -; Mushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) - ; but cf. 282 rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Septimius Severus Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)Septimius Severus
AE 28 14.1g
Philippopolis
T. Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)
Ob: AV ∙ K ∙ Λ ∙ CE ∙ | CEVHP[OC] Π
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust
Rev: HΓ CTA BAPBAPOV ΦIΛIΠΠOΠOΛIT
Eagle with spread wings on fulmen, head right with wreath in beak
BMC p. 164 #28; Mionnet Supp. II -; Varbanov (E) III 1176; SNG Cop. -; Mushmov "Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis" (1924) -
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Septimius Severus Statilius Barbarus HygieiaSeptimius Severus
AE 29 14.10g
Philippopolis
T. Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)
Ob: AVK Λ C | CEVHPOC Π
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust
Rev: HΓE T CTA BAPBAPOV ΦIΛIΠΠOΠOΛEI
Ex: TΩN
Hygieia standing feeding snake
Mionnet Supp. II -; Varbanov (E) III -; Moushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) -; BMC -; SNG Cop. -
Attractive, crusty patina
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Septimius Severus T. Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)Septimius Severus
AE 30 16.01g
Philippopolis
T. Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)
Ob: AVK Λ [C | CEVHPOC Π]
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust
Rx: HΓ] CTA BAP[BAPOV ΦIΛI]ΠΠOΠOΛEI
Ex:TΩN
Helios advancing right with outstretched right arm, left behind back holding whip?
Pretty dark-green, smooth patina
Varbanov (E) III -; BMC-; Mionnet – ; acsearch.info-;Mushmov "Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis"(1924) -
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Septimius Severus T. Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)Septimius Severus
AE 27 16.8g
Philippopolis
T. Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)
Ob: [AVK Λ CE] | CEVHP[OC]
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust
Rev: HΓE T CTA BAPBAPOV
Ethnic divided in fields by eagle’s body:
ΦIΛI |ΠΠ[O
Π]O| ΛE[I
T] | Ω[N
Eagle with wings spread on globe
Rough blackish/brown patina
Cf.Varbanov (E) III 1177 (not depicted, probably a diff.die and obv); BMC-; Mionnet Supp. II – ; acsearch.info-;Mushmov "Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis" (1924) -
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Septimius Severus T. Statilius Barbarus HeraAE 30 14.00gr
Septimius Severus
Philippopolis
T. Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)
Ob: AV] KAI CE | CEVHPOC Π
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust
Rx: HΓ CTA B|APBA |P|OV ΦIΛIΠΠOΠOΛI/
T/ΩN in fields (omega and nu retrograde)
Hera standing facing, left hand holding patera and right scepter, head left
Varbanov(E) III 1178 (depicted); Mionnet -; BMC -; SNG Cop. -; Mushmov "Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis" (1924) -
rennrad12020
|
|
Philippopolis Statilius Barbarus Asklepios Septimius Severus AE 27 12.09gr.
Septimius Severus
Philippopolis
Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)
Ob: AV KAI CE | CEVHPO[C (legend on right side very faint)
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust
Rx: HΓ[E] CTATI BAPBA[P]O[V] ΦIΛIΠ[ΠOΠOΛEITΩN]
Asklepios standing right resting on serpent entwined staff
Varbanov (E) III p.140 #1194; BMC-;Mushmov "Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis"(1924) -; Mionnet Supp. II-.
Tannish-brown patina, worn. Old scratch on Septimius’ head, light pitting both sides. Irregularly shaped planchet.
rennrad12020
|
|
Philipus SestertiusThis is the first roman coin I ever purchased. I was in Brussels in Spring 2011, and I was going through the antique stores on Rue de Midi. My name is Filip, so it felt natural that the first ancient coin I buy should be of Philip. I saw this and was immediately hooked.Alex F
|
|
Phillipopolis Septimius Severus Statilius Barbarus river-godSeptimius Severus
AE 30 14.78g
Philippopolis
T. Statilius Barbarus (196-8 AD)
Ob: AV• K •Î›• C• | CEVHPOC • Î
Laureate draped and cuirassed bust
Rev: HΓ CTA • BAPBAPOV• ΦIΛIÎ Î OÎ O•
Ex: •Î›EITΩN
River-god Hebros recumbent left, right hand outstretched, resting left elbow on overturned urn from which water flows ship in background
Mionnet Supp. II - ; Varbanov (E) III 1169 (depicted); Moushmov Les Monnaies Antiques de Philippopolis (1924) -; BMC -; SNG Cop. -rennrad12020
|
|
Premier Empire - Napoléon I - Quart de franc à la lampe par Gengembre - AN XII Paris, essai.Bronze, 15 mm, 1,38 g.
A/ NAPOLEON EMPEREUR, tête nue de Napoléon à droite.
R/ PROCEDE DE PH. GENGEMBRE // .XII. Lampe antique.
Réfs : Gad. 345.Gabalor
|
|
|
|
|
