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Maximus Crowvs
Maximus (Caesar, 235/6-238). AR Denarius Rome mint, 236-7.
O: MAXIMVS CAES GERM; Rvssell Crowvs Bareheaded and draped bust right
R: PRINC IVVENTVTIS; Maximus standing left, holding baton and spear; two signa to right
- RIC IV ?Nemonater
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Magnus Maximus, AE2. Lyons. AD 383-388. DN MAG MAXI-MVS PF AVG, pearl-diademed, draped, cuirassed bust right / REPARATIO-REIPVB, Emperor standing left, holding Victory on globe and raising kneeling, turreted woman. No fieldmark. Mintmark LVGP. RIC IX Lyons 32; Sear 20649.Antonivs Protti
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JUSTINIAN I, AE Half-Follis (20 Nummi), struck 548/549 at Antioch (Theoupolis)Obverse: D N IVSTINIANVS P P AVG. Helmeted and cuirassed facing bust of Justinian I holding globus cruciger in his right hand and shield in his left; cross in right field.
Reverse: Large K, cross above and mint-mark O/Π below. A/N/N/O in field to left of K and regnal year XXII in field to right
Diameter: 25mm | Weight: 7.8gms | Die Axis: 11
SBCV: 230 | DOC: 238.3
Much of Antioch was destroyed by a great earthquake on 29th November 528 and, following this disaster, the city was renamed Theoupolis.
548: On June 28th of this year, at the age of 48, the Empress Theodora died. Her body is buried in the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople.
Also in this year Justinian I relieved Belisarius from military command in favour of the elderly Byzantine general Narses.
549: This year, after Belisarius had returned to Constantinople, the Ostrogoths under Totila besieged Rome for a third time. The Ostrogoths then conquered the city of Perugia in central Italy and stationed a Gothic garrison there.
549 was also the year that the last ever chariot races were held in the Circus Maximus in Rome.
*Alex
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JUSTINIAN I, AE Decanummium (10 Nummi), struck 548/549 at CarthageObverse: D N IVSTINIANVS P P AG. Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust of Justinian I facing right.
Reverse: VICTORIA AG. Victory advancing facing holding wreath in right hand and globus cruciger in left, in exergue X with star either side. (The X indicates the mark of value, i.e. 10 Nummi).
Diameter: 20.7mm | Weight: 4.24gms | Die Axis: 9
SBCV: 271 | DOC: 304
SCARCE
548: On June 28th of this year, at the age of 48, the Empress Theodora died. Her body is buried in the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople.
Also in this year Justinian I relieved Belisarius from military command in favour of the elderly Byzantine general Narses.
549: This year, after Belisarius had returned to Constantinople, the Ostrogoths under Totila besieged Rome for a third time. The Ostrogoths then conquered the city of Perugia in central Italy and stationed a Gothic garrison there.
549 was the year that the last ever chariot races were held in the Circus Maximus in Rome.
*Alex
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31.5 MaximusAE25 of Deultum
Sosius
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Magnus Maximus, RIC VIII 26a Arles, 383-388 CE.Magnus Maximus AE2
Obverse: D N MAG MAXIMVS P F AVG, pearl diademed, draped & cuirassed bust right.
Reverse: REPARATIO REIPB, Emperor standing left, raising kneeling woman.
PCOM in ex. Arles mint, 21.9 mm, 4.4 g.NORMAN K
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Trajan: Augustus 98-117 AD Trajan ‘heroic bust’ AR Denarius
Denomination: AR Denarius
Year: Autumn 116-August 117 AD
Bust: Laureate ‘heroic’ bust right, wearing aegis, with bare chest showing
Obverse: IMP CAES NER TRAIAN OPTIM AVG GERM DAC
Reverse: PARTHICO P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q R
Type: Felicitas standing left, holding caduceus and cornucopiae
Mint: Rome
Weight & Measures: 3.41g; 19mm
RIC: RIC 333
Provenance: Ex Michael Kelly Collection of Roman Silver Coins; Ex CNG, E-sale 99, Lot 623 (10/13/2004).
Translation: OB: Imperator Caesar Nerva Trajan Optimus Princeps Augustus, Germanicus, Dacicus; for Emperor Caesar Nerva Trajan, The most perfect prince, Augustus, Conquerer of the Germans and Daicians.
Translation: Rev: Parthicus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribunicia Potestate, Consul VI, Pater Patriae, Senatus Populusque Romanus; for Conquer of the Parthians, High Priest, Tribune of the Roman people, Consul for the 6th time, Father of his country, as recognized by the senate and the people of Rome.
Notes: Felicitas, Roman goddess of good luck. Justin L1
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ROME
PB Tessera (19mm, 3.15 g, 12 h)
Togate priest standing left, holding patera
Modius with three grain ears, A C flanking
Rostowzew 1571 var. (size, no modius)
AC may stand for “Antoninus Caesar”, thereby making the togate figure the emperor in the guise of Pontifex Maximus. The presence of a modius also suggests a relation to the annona, implying a reading of “Annona Caesaris.”Ardatirion
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RIC.84b Magnus Maximus (siliqua, Virtvs Romanorvm)Magnus Maximus, usurpor (383-384), western roman emperor (384-388)
Siliqua: Virtvs Romanorvm (383-388, Trèves mint)
silver 900‰, 18 mm diameter, 2.24 g, die axis: 1 h
A/ D N MAG MAX-IMVS P F AVG; pearl diademed, draped & cuirassed bust right
R/ VIRTVS RO-MANORVM / TRPS in exergue; Roma seated left on throne, holding Victory on globe and spear
Die breaking on the cheek
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RIC.29a Magnus Maximus (AE4, Spes Romanorvm)Magnus Maximus, usurpor (383-384), western roman emperor (384-388)
Nummus AE4 : Spes Romanorvm (383-388, Arles mint)
bronze, 12 mm diameter, 1.40 g, die axis: 5 h,
A/ D N MAG MAXI-MVS P F AVG; pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right
R/ SPES RO-MA-NORVM / PCON; open camp-gate with star between its two turrets
RIC.29a
NBD.55515
Ferrando II 1677 (C2)
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RIC.35 Magnus Maximus (AE4, Vot V Mvlt X)Magnus Maximus, usurpor (383-384), western roman emperor (384-388)
Nummus AE4 : Vot V Mvlt X (383-388, Lyon mint)
bronze, 14 mm diameter, 1.72 g, die axis: 6 h,
A/ [D N MA]G MAXI-MVS P F AV[G]; pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right
R/ VOT / V/ MVLT / X / LVCS in exergue; in wreath
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RIC.26a1 Magnus Maximus (AE2, Reparatio Reipvb)Magnus Maximus, usurpor (383-384), western roman emperor (384-388)
Maiorina pecunia AE2 : Reparatio Reipvb (383-388, Arles mint)
bronze, 23 mm diameter, 4.23 g, die axis: 5 h
A/ D N MAG MAXI-MVS P F AVG; pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right
R/ REPARATIO-REIPVB / PCON in exergue, C in the field; emperor standing facing left, with right hand raising kneeled turreted woman, and holding Victory on globe in left hand
RIC.IX 26.a.1(C)
Ferrando II 1669 (C4)
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RIC.26a2 Magnus Maximus (AE2, Reparatio Reipvb)Magnus Maximus, usurpor (383-384), western roman emperor (384-388)
Maiorina pecunia AE2 : Reparatio Reipvb (383-388, Arles mint)
bronze, 21 mm diameter, 5.04 g, die axis: 1 h
A/ D N MAG MAXI-MVS P F AVG; pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right
R/ REPARATIO-REIPVB / SCON in exergue, C in the field; emperor standing facing left, with right hand raising kneeled turreted woman, and holding Victory on globe in left hand
RIC.IX 26.a.2(C)
Ferrando II 1670 (C4)
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RIC.32.(6 or 7) Magnus Maximus (AE2, Reparatio Reipvb)Magnus Maximus, usurpor (383-384), western roman emperor (384-388)
Maiorina pecunia AE2 : Reparatio Reipvb (383-388, Lyon mint)
bronze, 23 mm diameter, 3.95 g, die axis: 7 h,
A/ D N MAG MAXI-MVS P F AVG; pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right
R/ REPARATIO-REIPVB / LVG? in exergue, C in the field; emperor standing facing left, with right hand raising kneeled turreted woman, and holding Victory on globe in left hand
RIC.IX 32.(6 ou 7)(S)
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RIC.85 Magnus Maximus (AE2, Reparatio Reipvb)Magnus Maximus, usurpor (383-384), western roman emperor (384-388)
Maiorina pecunia AE2 : Reparatio Reipvb (383-388, Trèves mint)
bronze, 23 mm diameter, 5.23 g, die axis: 7 h,
A/ D N MAG MAX-IMVS P F AVG; pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right
R/ REPARATIO-REIPVB / SMTRP; emperor standing facing left, with right hand raising kneeled turreted woman, and holding Victory on globe in left hand
RIC.IX 85.1(S)
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RIC.33 Magnus Maximus (AE2, Victoria Avg)Magnus Maximus, usurpor (383-384), western roman emperor (384-388)
Maiorina pecunia AE2 : Victoria Avgg (383-388, Lyon mint)
bronze, 21 mm diameter, 4.41 g, die axis: 6 h,
A/ D N MAG MAXI-MVS P F AVG; pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right
R/ VICTOR-IA AVGG / LVGP; emperor standing left, holding victory and standard
RIC.IX 33.1(S)
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(0193) SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS193 - 211 AD
AE 24 mm; 9.36 g
O: Laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right;
R: Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus Heliopolitanus, viewed in perspective from above; numerous columns and flight of steps in front
Syria, Heliopolis; cf. SNG Cop 429; SNG München 1031laney
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(0235) MAXIMUS CAESAR235 - 238 AD
AE27 mm max., 7.33 g
O: G IOV OVHP MAZIMOC KAICA, draped & cuirassed bust right
R: NIKOMEDEWN DIC NEWKORWN, Serapis standing left with raised hand and leaning on sceptre
Bithynia, Nicomedia; Recuiel General 347 v.laney
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(0235) MAXIMUS CAESAR235-238 AD
AE 26 mm, 7.5 g
O: Γ ΙΟΥΛ ΟΥΗΡ ΜΑΞΙΜΟC KAIC ΓΕΡ Draped bust right
R: ΜΗΤΡΟ-Π / ΠΟΝΤΟΥ Τ/ΟΜΕΩC Dioskouri reclining left, side-by-side, one holding a patera; D in upper left field (value mark)
Moesia Inferior, Tomis
laney
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(0383) MAGNUS MAXIMUS383 - 388 AD
AE 22 mm 4.29 g
O: DN MAG MAXIMVS PF AVG
DIAD BUST R
R: REPARATIO REIPVB
EMPEROR STANDING, HEAD L. HOLDING VICTORY ON GLOBE AND RAISING KNEELING FEMALE
LVGP IN EXE
LUGDUNUM
SCARCElaney
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(0383) MAGNUS MAXIMUS383 - 388 AD
AE 24 mm 4.16 g
O: DN MAG MAXIMVS PF AVG
DIAD BUST R
R: REPARATIO REIPVB
EMPEROR STANDING, HEAD L. HOLDING VICTORY ON GLOBE AND RAISING KNEELING FEMALE
PCON IN EXE
ARELATElaney
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(0383) MAGNUS MAXIMUS383 - 388 AD
AE 22 mm 5.07 g
O: DN MAG MAXIMVS P F AVG, diademed, draped & cuirassed bust right.
R: VICTORIA AVGG, emperor stading facing, head left, holding Victory & standard
LVGP IN EXE
LUGDUNUMlaney
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(0383) MAGNUS MAXIMUS383 - 388 AD
AE 21.5 mm X 25 mm 4.48 g
O DN MAG MAXI[MV]S PF AVG
DIAD DRAPED AND CUIR BUST R
R: REPARATIO REI[PVB]
MAGNUS STANDING L HOLDING VICTORY ON GLOBE AND RAISING KNEELING FEMALElaney
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(0383) MAGNUS MAXIMUSMAGNUS MAXIMUS
383 - 388 AD
O: DN MAG MAXIMVS PF AVG
DIAD BUST R
R: REPARATIO REIPVB
EMPEROR STANDING, HEAD L. HOLDING VICTORY ON GLOBE AND RAISING KNEELING FEMALE
SCON IN EXE
ARELATE
RIC 26(a) IXlaney
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(0383) MAGNUS MAXIMUS383 - 388 AD
AE 21.5 mm 4.28 gO: DN MAG MAXIMVS PF AVG
DIAD BUST R
R: REPARATIO REIPVB
EMPEROR STANDING, HEAD L. HOLDING VICTORY ON GLOBE AND RAISING KNEELING FEMALE
laney
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(0383) MAGNUS MAXIMUS383 - 388 AD
AE 21 mm 4.62 g
O: DN MAG MAXIMVS PF AVG
DIAD BUST R
R: REPARATIO REIPVB
EMPEROR STANDING, HEAD L. HOLDING VICTORY ON GLOBE AND RAISING KNEELING FEMALE
laney
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(0383) MAGNUS MAXIMUS383 - 388 AD
AE 22 mm; 6.25 g
O: DN MAG MAXIMVS PF AVG diademed bust right
R: REPARATIO REIPVB Emperor standing head left, holding Victory on globe and raising kneeling female; SCON in exe
Arleate mint; RIC 26(a) IXlaney
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(0383) MAGNUS MAXIMUS383 - 388 AD
AE 21.5 mm X 25 mm 4.48 g
O DN MAG MAXI[MV]S PF AVG diademed, craped and cuirassed bust right
R: REPARATIO REI[PVB] Magnus staging left holding Victory on globe and raising kneeling female
laney
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(0383) MAGNUS MAXIMUS383-388 AD
AE 22 mm, 4.81 g
O: D N MAG MAXIMVS P F AVG, pearl diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust right;
R:REPARATIO REIPVB, emperor standing facing, head left, raising turreted woman with right hand, Victory on globe in left hand, Victory crowning him with wreath and holding palm frondlaney
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(502a) Roman Republic, L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, 90 B.C.Silver denarius, S 235, Calpurnia 11, Crawford 340/1, Syd 663a, VF, rainbow toning, Rome mint, 3.772g, 18.5mm, 180o, 90 B.C. obverse: laureate head of Apollo right, scorpion behind; Reverse naked horseman galloping right holding palm, L PISO FRVGI and control number CXI below; ex-CNA XV 6/5/91, #443. Ex FORVM.
A portion of the following text is a passage taken from the excellent article “The Calpurnii and Roman Family History: An Analysis of the Piso Frugi Coin in the Joel Handshu Collection at the College of Charleston,” by Chance W. Cook:
In the Roman world, particularly prior to the inception of the principate, moneyers were allotted a high degree of latitude to mint their coins as they saw fit. The tres viri monetales, the three men in charge of minting coins, who served one-year terms, often emblazoned their coins with an incredible variety of images and inscriptions reflecting the grandeur, history, and religion of Rome. Yet also prominent are references to personal or familial accomplishments; in this manner coins were also a means by which the tres viri monetales could honor their forbearers. Most obvious from an analysis of the Piso Frugi denarius is the respect and admiration that Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi, who minted the coin, had for his ancestors. For the images he selected for his dies relate directly to the lofty deeds performed by his Calpurnii forbearers in the century prior to his term as moneyer. The Calpurnii were present at many of the watershed events in the late Republic and had long distinguished themselves in serving the state, becoming an influential and well-respected family whose defense of traditional Roman values cannot be doubted.
Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi, who was moneyer in 90 B.C., depicted Apollo on the obverse and the galloping horseman on the reverse, as does his son Gaius. However, all of L. Piso Frugi’s coins have lettering similar to “L-PISO-FRVGI” on the reverse, quite disparate from his son Gaius’ derivations of “C-PISO-L-F-FRV.”
Moreover, C. Piso Frugi coins are noted as possessing “superior workmanship” to those produced by L. Piso Frugi.
The Frugi cognomen, which became hereditary, was first given to L. Calpurnius Piso, consul in 133 B.C., for his integrity and overall moral virtue. Cicero is noted as saying that frugal men possessed the three cardinal Stoic virtues of bravery, justice, and wisdom; indeed in the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, a synonym of frugalitas is bonus, generically meaning “good” but also implying virtuous behavior. Gary Forsythe notes that Cicero would sometimes invoke L. Calpurnius Piso’s name at the beginning of speeches as “a paragon of moral rectitude” for his audience.
L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi’s inclusion of the laureled head of Apollo, essentially the same obverse die used by his son Gaius (c. 67 B.C.), was due to his family’s important role in the establishment of the Ludi Apollinares, the Games of Apollo, which were first instituted in 212 B.C. at the height of Hannibal’s invasion of Italy during the Second Punic War. By that time, Hannibal had crushed Roman armies at Cannae, seized Tarentum and was invading Campania.
Games had been used throughout Roman history as a means of allaying the fears
of the populace and distracting them from issues at hand; the Ludi Apollinares were no different. Forsythe follows the traditional interpretation that in 211 B.C., when C. Calpurnius Piso was praetor, he became the chief magistrate in Rome while both consuls were absent and the three other praetors were sent on military expeditions against Hannibal.
At this juncture, he put forth a motion in the Senate to make the Ludi Apollinares a yearly event, which was passed; the Ludi Apollinares did indeed become an important festival, eventually spanning eight days in the later Republic. However, this interpretation is debatable; H.H. Scullard suggests that the games were not made permanent until 208 B.C. after a severe plague prompted the Senate to make them a fixture on the calendar. The Senators believed Apollo would serve as a “healing god” for the people of Rome.
Nonetheless, the Calpurnii obviously believed their ancestor had played an integral role in the establishment of the Ludi Apollinares and thus prominently displayed
the head or bust of Apollo on the obverse of the coins they minted.
The meaning of the galloping horseman found on the reverse of the L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi coin is more complicated. It is possible that this is yet another reference to the Ludi Apollinares. Chariot races in the Circus Maximus were a major component of the games, along with animal hunts and theatrical performances.
A more intriguing possibility is that the horseman is a reference to C. Calpurnius Piso, son of the Calpurnius Piso who is said to have founded the Ludi Apollinares. This C. Calpurnius Piso was given a military command in 186 B.C. to quell a revolt in Spain. He was victorious, restoring order to the province and also gaining significant wealth in the process.
Upon his return to Rome in 184, he was granted a triumph by the Senate and eventually erected an arch on the Capitoline Hill celebrating his victory. Of course
the arch prominently displayed the Calpurnius name. Piso, however, was not an infantry commander; he led the cavalry.
The difficulty in accepting C. Calpurnius Piso’s victory in Spain as the impetus for the galloping horseman image is that not all of C. Piso Frugi’s coins depict the horseman or cavalryman carrying the palm, which is a symbol of victory. One is inclined to believe that the victory palm would be prominent in all of the coins minted by C. Piso Frugi (the son of L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi) if it indeed signified the great triumph of C. Calpurnius Piso in 186 B.C. Yet the palm’s appearance is clearly not a direct reference to military feats of C. Piso Frugi’s day. As noted, it is accepted that his coins were minted in 67 B.C.; in that year, the major victory by Roman forces was Pompey’s swift defeat of the pirates throughout the Mediterranean.
Chrestomathy: Annual Review of Undergraduate Research at the College of Charleston. Volume 1, 2002: pp. 1-10© 2002 by the College of Charleston, Charleston SC 29424, USA.All rights to be retained by the author.
http://www.cofc.edu/chrestomathy/vol1/cook.pdf
There are six (debatably seven) prominent Romans who have been known to posterity as Lucius Calpurnius Piso:
Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi: (d. 261 A.D.) a Roman usurper, whose existence is
questionable, based on the unreliable Historia Augusta.
Lucius Calpurnius Piso Licinianus: deputy Roman Emperor, 10 January 69 to15 January
69, appointed by Galba.
Lucius Calpurnius Piso: Consul in 27 A.D.
Lucius Calpurnius Piso: Consul in 1 B.C., augur
Lucius Calpurnius Piso: Consul in 15 B.C., pontifex
Lucius Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus: Consul in 58 B.C. (the uncle of Julius Caesar)
Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi: Moneyer in 90 B.C. (our man)
All but one (or two--if you believe in the existence of "Frugi the usurper" ca. 261 A.D.) of these gentlemen lack the Frugi cognomen, indicating they are not from the same direct lineage as our moneyer, though all are Calpurnii.
Calpurnius Piso Frugi's massive issue was intended to support the war against the Marsic Confederation. The type has numerous variations and control marks.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lucius_Calpurnius_Piso
http://www.forumancientcoins.com/catalog/indexfrm.asp?vpar=55&pos=0
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
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*SOLD*Maximus Caesar As
Attribution: RIC IV 10, Cohen 13, rare
Date: AD 236
Obverse: C IVL VERVS MAXIMVS CAES, bare-headed, draped bust as seen from behind (scarcer obverse inscription)
Reverse: PRINCIPI IVVENTVTIS, Maximus stg. l. holding baton in r.hand & transverse spear in l., to r. behind, two legionary standards, S C in r. and l. fields
Size: 25 mm
Weight: 9.6 grams
ex-ForvmNoah
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001 Caesar (100-44 B.C.), AR-denarius, Crawf 443-1, Plated (Fouree), Military mint travelling with Caesar (Gaul), #2001 Caesar (100-44 B.C.), AR-denarius, Crawf 443-1, Plated (Fouree), Military mint travelling with Caesar (Gaul), #2
avers:-CAESAR in exergue, elephant right, trampling on serpent.
revers:- Simpulum, sprinkler, axe (surmounted by a wolf's head) and priest's hat.
exerg:-/-//CAESAR, diameter: 17-20mm, weight: 2,66g, axes: 5h,
mint: Military mint travelling with Caesar (Gaul), date: 49-48 B.C., ref: Crawford-443/1, Sydneham-1006, RSC-49, BMCRR (Gaul) 27
Q-002
"This is the first coin struck in the name of Julius Caesar. The symbolism on the obverse apparently alludes to the conquest of good over evil, Caesar's victory over the Gauls, while the reverse refers to Caesar's possession of the office of Pontifex Maximus."quadrans
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001 Caesar (100-44 B.C.), Crawf 443-1, Military mint traveling with Caesar (Gaul), AR-denarius, #1001 Caesar (100-44 B.C.), Crawf 443-1, Military mint traveling with Caesar (Gaul), AR-denarius, #1
avers: CAESAR in exergue, elephant right, trampling on a serpent.
reverse: Simpulum, sprinkler, axe (surmounted by a wolf's head) and priest's hat.
exergue: -/-//CAESAR, diameter: 18,5-19,0mm, weight: 3,93g, axes: 4h,
mint: Military mint travelling with Caesar (Gaul), date: 49-48 B.C., ref: Crawford-443/1, Sydenham-1006, RSC-49, BMCRR (Gaul) 27
Q-001
"This is the first coin struck in the name of Julius Caesar. The symbolism on the obverse apparently alludes to the conquest of good over evil, Caesar's victory over the Gauls, while the reverse refers to Caesar's possession of the office of Pontifex Maximus."quadrans
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001 Caesar (100-44 B.C.), Crawf 443-1, Military mint traveling with Caesar (Gaul), AR-denarius, #2001 Caesar (100-44 B.C.), Crawf 443-1, Military mint traveling with Caesar (Gaul), AR-denarius, #2
avers: CAESAR in exergue, elephant right, trampling on a serpent.
reverse: Simpulum, sprinkler, axe (surmounted by a wolf's head) and priest's hat.
exergue: -/-//CAESAR, diameter: 19mm, weight: 3,65g, axes: 10h,
mint: Military mint travelling with Caesar (Gaul), date: 49-48 B.C., ref: Crawford-443/1, Sydenham-1006, RSC-49, BMCRR (Gaul) 27
Q-002
"This is the first coin struck in the name of Julius Caesar. The symbolism on the obverse apparently alludes to the conquest of good over evil, Caesar's victory over the Gauls, while the reverse refers to Caesar's possession of the office of Pontifex Maximus."quadrans
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001 Caesar (100-44 B.C.), Crawf 443-1, Military mint traveling with Caesar (Gaul), AR-denarius, Plated (Fouree), #1001 Caesar (100-44 B.C.), Crawf 443-1, Military mint traveling with Caesar (Gaul), AR-denarius, Plated (Fouree), #1
avers: CAESAR in exergue, elephant right, trampling on a serpent.
reverse: Simpulum, sprinkler, axe (surmounted by a wolf's head) and priest's hat.
exergue: -/-//CAESAR, diameter: 17-20mm, weight: 2,66g, axes: 5h,
mint: Military mint travelling with Caesar (Gaul), date: 49-48 B.C., ref: Crawford-443/1, Sydenham-1006, RSC-49, BMCRR (Gaul) 27
Q-001
"This is the first coin struck in the name of Julius Caesar. The symbolism on the obverse apparently alludes to the conquest of good over evil, Caesar's victory over the Gauls, while the reverse refers to Caesar's possession of the office of Pontifex Maximus."quadrans
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001l. LepidusMarcus Aemilius Lepidus. Third member of the Triumvirate. A strong supporter of Julius Caesar. After Caesar's death, he was appointed as pontifex maximus. He played very much a subsidiary role in the Triumvirate and was of minimal impact in the struggle between Octavian and Mark Antony. After Octavian won the war, he stripped Lepidus of all his positions except pontifex maximus and put Lepidus in a rather loose exile. He died in 13 or 12 BC.
Coin: November-December 43 BC. AR Denarius (19mm, 3.70 g, 5h). Military mint traveling with Lepidus in Italy. LEPIDVS•PONT•MAX•III•VIR•R•P•C• Bare head of Lepidus right / CAESAR•IMP•III•VIR•R•P•C•, Bare head of Octavian right. Crawford 495/2a; CRI 140; Sydenham 1323; RSC 2a; RBW 1752. CNG Auction 524 Lot 452, 28 Sep 2022.lawrence c
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005. Nero 54-68AD. AE Sestertius, Rome mint, 65AD. Annona & Ceres. 35.6mm Orichalcum sestertius, RIC I 138, BMCRE I 129, Mac Dowall WCN 128, Cohen I 18, BnF II -, Hunter I -, SRCV -, EF, superb portrait, full legends, attractive toning, bumps, light smoothing, Rome mint, weight 26.564g, maximum diameter 35.6mm, die axis 180o, 65 A.D.; obverse NERO CLAVD CAESAR AVG GER P M TR P IMP P P (Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Pontifex Maximus Tribunicia Potestate Imperator Pater Patriae), laureate head left, short beard visible, no globe at point of bust; reverse ANNONA AVGVSTI CERES, Annona standing right, right hand on hip, cornucopia in left hand, facing Ceres enthroned left, veiled, feet on footstool, stalks of grain in right hand, torch in left hand; in center modius on garlanded altar, prow behind, S C (senatus consulto) in exergueLordBest
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01 01 Julius Caesar Julius Caesar. 49-44 B.C. AR Denarius. Military mint traveling with Caesar in Gaul. c. 49-48 B.C. (3.72g, 19.0m, 4h). Obv: CAESAR in ex., elephant r. trampling serpent. Rev: simpulum, sprinkler, axe surmounted by wolf’s head, and apex. Cr 443/1; Syd. 1006.
This is the first issue in Caesar’s name. The obverse could symbolize the victory of good over evil in general, or the victory of Caesar’s forces over the Pompeians specifically. The reverse clearly refers to Caesar’s status as Pontifex Maximus.Lucas H
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0150 Hadrian Sestertius Roma 118 AD FortunaReference.
RIC III, 150; RIC II, 551a; Banti 414; Strack 515
Bust A4
Obv. IMP CAESAR TRAIANVS HADRIANVS AVG
Laureate bare bust with drapery
Rev. PONT MAX TR POT COS II S C FORT RED (S-C in ex.)
Fortuna, draped, seated left on low seat, holding rudder on ground in right hand and cornucopiae in left.
26.04 gr
33 mm
h
Note. Matt Smith
Legend: reads PONT(ifex) MAX(imus) TR(ibunicia) POT(estate) COS [II], or “Pontifex Maximus, Tribunicia Potestas [i.e. endowed with power of tribune], Consul for the second time.okidoki
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0150 Hadrian Sestertius Roma 118 AD Fortuna Reference.
RIC 150; Strack 515; RIC II, 551a; Banti 416
Bust A4 with Aegis
Obv. IMP CAESAR TRAIANVS HADRIANVS AVG
Laureate bare bust with Aegis
Rev. PONT MAX TR POT COS II S C FORT RED (S-C in ex.)
Fortuna, draped, seated left on low seat, holding rudder on ground in right hand and cornucopiae in left.
25.10 gr
33 mm
6h
Note.
Legend: reads PONT(ifex) MAX(imus) TR(ibunicia) POT(estate) COS [II], or “Pontifex Maximus, Tribunicia Potestas
[i.e. endowed with power of tribune], Consul for the second time.okidoki
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0158 Hadrian Orichalcum Sestertius, Roma 118 AD RomaReference.
RIC II, 547; Strack 511; C. 91; BMC 1120; RIC 158
Bust A4
Obv. IMP CAESAR TRAIANVS HADRIANVS AVG
Laureate bust with drapery.
Rev. PONT MAX TR POT COS II in ex. ADVENTVS AVG / S C
Roma seated right on cuirass and shield, holding vertical spear and clasping hands with Hadrian, standing left, and holding scroll
28.79 gr
35 mm
6h
Legend: reads PONT(ifex) MAX(imus) TR(ibunicia) POT(estate) COS [II], or “Pontifex Maximus, Tribunicia Potestas [i.e. endowed with power of tribune], Consul for the second time.” The reverse exergue reads ADVENTVS [AVG](usti), or “the arrival of Augustus,” and S(enatus) C(onsulto), which indicates the coin’s value is supported “by the decree of the Senate.”okidoki
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032c. MaximusSon of Maximinus Thrax, and named as Caesar around 236. Killed along with father.lawrence c
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032c01. Maximus AE Sestertius. (32mm, 20.75 g, 12h). Rome mint. 3rd emission of Maximinus I, late AD 236-237. Obv: MAXIMVS CAES GERM, bare-headed, draped bust right. Rev: PIETAS AVG, lituus, knife, patera, vase, simpulum, and sprinkler, SC in ex. RIC 11, Cohen 7.
lawrence c
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032c02. MaximusAE of Alexandria, Troas. 22mm, 5.95 g. Obv: IVL MAXIMVS CAESA (retrograde S) (or similar); bare-headed, draped and cuirassed bust of Maximus, r. Rev: COL A TRO[?]; horse advancing, r., grazing; on the background, tree. Similar to Bellinger 379, RPC Temporary 4090.lawrence c
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041-054 AD - Claudius - RIC I 097 or 113 - Libertas ReverseEmperor: Claudius (r. 41-54 AD)
Date: 41-54 AD
Condition: Fair
Denomination: As
Obverse: TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG P M TR P IMP (P P?)
Tiberius Claudius Caesar Emperor Pontifex Maximus Tribunicia Potestas Imperator (Pater Patriae?)
Bare head left
Reverse: LIBERTAS AVGVSTA
S - C to left and right
The Emperor restores liberty.
Libertas, draped, standing facing, head right, right holding pileus, left extended.
Rome mint
RIC I Claudius 97 or 113; VM 16
6.38g; 29.3mm; 210°Pep
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05 - Personalities of the EmpireDiadumenian, Elagabalus, Julia Maesa, Julia Soaemias, Aquilia Severa, Annia Faustina, Severus Alexander, Julia Mamaea, Orbiana, Maximinus I, Paulina, Maximus and Gordian Imdelvalle
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05 - Personalities of the EmpireDiadumenian, Elagabalus, Julia Maesa, Julia Soaemias, Aquilia Severa, Annia Faustina, Severus Alexander, Julia Mamaea, Orbiana, Maximinus I, Paulina, Maximus and Gordian Imdelvalle
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063 Maximus. AR denariusobv: IVL VERVS MAXIMVS CAES drp. bust r.
rev: PIETAS AVG jug between lituus and knife to l. simpulum
and sprinkler to r.hill132
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067 Maximus (235-238 A.D. as Caesar), Roma, RIC IV 13, AE-Sestertius, PRINCIPI IVVENTVTIS, Caesar standing left in military attire, #1067 Maximus (235-238 A.D. as Caesar), Roma, RIC IV 13, AE-Sestertius, PRINCIPI IVVENTVTIS, Caesar standing left in military attire, #1
avers: MAXIMVS CAES GERM, Bare, draped bust right.
reverse: PRINCIPI IVVENTVTIS, Caesar standing left in military attire, holding short scepter and transverse spear, two standards behind.
exergue: S/C//--, diameter: 29,0-30,0mm, weight: 18,73g, axis: 0h,
mint: Roma, date: 235-238 AD.,
ref: RIC IV 13, BMCRE 213, Cohen 14, BMC 213, RCTV 8411,
Q-001quadrans
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067p Maximus (235-238 A.D.), Bithynia, Nikaia, Howgego 65, AE-19, Ν ΙΚ ΑΙ Ε /ΩN, Between and beneath three standards, #1067p Maximus (235-238 A.D.), Bithynia, Nikaia, Howgego 65, AE-19, Ν ΙΚ ΑΙ Ε /ΩN, Between and beneath three standards, #1
avers: Γ IOV OVH MAXIMOC K, Bare, draped, cuirassed bust right.
reverse: Ν ΙΚ ΑΙ Ε /ΩN, Between and beneath three standards.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 18,5mm, weight: 3,67g, axis: 1h,
mint: Bithynia, Nikaia, date: 235-38 AD.,
ref: Howgego 65, BMC Bithynia Not in!
Q-001quadrans
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067p Maximus (235-238 A.D.), Bithynia, Nikaia, RecGen 676, AE-22, ΝΙΚΑΙΕΩN, Homonoia (Concordia) standing left, #1067p Maximus (235-238 A.D.), Bithynia, Nikaia, RecGen 676, AE-22, ΝΙΚΑΙΕΩN, Homonoia (Concordia) standing left, #1
avers: Γ IOV OVH MAXIMOC K, Bare, draped, cuirassed bust right.
reverse: ΝΙΚ ΑΙ ΕΩN, Homonoia (Concordia) standing left, holding patera and cornucopia.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 22mm, weight: 6,68g, axis: 6h,
mint: Bithynia, Nikaia, date: 235-38 AD.,
ref: RecGen 676,
Q-001quadrans
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067p Maximus (235-238 A.D.), Thrace, Deultum, Mushmov-3660, AE-23, COL F L PAC DEVLT, River god reclining left, #1067p Maximus (235-238 A.D.), Thrace, Deultum, Mushmov-3660, AE-23, COL F L PAC DEVLT, River god reclining left, #1
avers: C IVL VER MAXIMVS CAES, Bare-headed, draped, and cuirassed bust right.
reverse: COL F L PAC DE VLT, River god reclining left, holding reed and cornucopia, resting on an urn from which waters flow.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 23,0mm, weight:6,79g, axis:1h,
mint: Thrace, Deultum, date: 235-237 A.D.,
ref: Mushmov 3660, Jurukova 228,
Q-001quadrans
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069. Commodus.Denarius, 189 AD, Rome mint.
Obverse: M COMM ANT P FEL AVG BRIT / Laureate bust of Commodus.
Reverse: OPTIME MAXIME C V P P / Jupiter standing, holding thunderbolt and spear.
3.37 gm., 18 mm.
RIC #192; Sear #5664.
Jupiter was called optimus for his beneficence, and maximus for his power. These were also qualities Commodus attributed to himself. This coin and a similar brass coin also of Commodus, represent the only time the inscription OPTIME MAXIME appear on Roman coinage.Callimachus
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074 Philippus I. (244-249 A.D.), RIC IV-III 0069, Antioch, AR-Antoninianus, PAX FVNDATA CVM PERSIS, Pax standing facing, Scarce, #1074 Philippus I. (244-249 A.D.), RIC IV-III 0069, Antioch, AR-Antoninianus, PAX FVNDATA CVM PERSIS, Pax standing facing, Scarce, #1
avers:- IMP C M IVL PHILIPPVS P F AVG P M, Radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
revers:- PAX FVNDATA CVM PERSIS, Pax standing facing, head left, holding olive-branch and transverse sceptre
exe:-/-//--, diameter: 21mm, weight: 3,95g, axis: h,
mint: Antioch, date: 244 A.D., ref: RIC-IV-III-069, p-76, C-113,
Q-001
History: The reverse legend on this coin "peace established with Persia" makes reference to one of Philip's first acts as emperor - the peace treaty with the Sasanian king Shapur I. Also, the P M used in the obverse legend refers to 'Persicus Maximus' as opposed to 'Pontifex Maximus.'quadrans
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075 Magnus Maximus. AE4obv: DN MAG MA_XIMVS PF AVG pearl dia. drp. cuir. bust r.
rev: SPES RO_MA_NORVM campgate with two turrents star above
ex: SMAQS
hill132
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076 Magnus maximus. AE4obv: DN MAG MA_XIMVS PF AVG pearl dia. drp. cuir. bust r.
rev: SPES RO_MA NORVM campgate with two turrents star above
ex: SMAQPhill132
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078 Magnus maximus. AE4obv: DN MAG MAXI_NVS PF AVG pearl dia. drp. uir. bust r.
rev: SPES RO_MA NORVM campgate with two turrents star above
ex: SCONhill132
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079 Magnus Maximus AE4obv: DN MAG MAXI_MVS PF AVG pearl dia. drp. cuir. bust r.
rev: SPES RO_MA_NORVM campgate with two turrents star above
ex: SCONhill132
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092. Maximus Caesar (235-238 A.D.)Av.: MAXIMVS CAES GERM
Rv.: PRINCIPI IVVENTVTIS / S-C
AE Sestertius Ø30 / 17.7g
RIC IV 13 Rome, Cohen 14
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092. Maximus Caesar (235-238 A.D.)Av.: MAXIMVS CAES GERM
Rv.: PRINCIPI IVVENTVTIS / S-C
AE Sestertius Ø30 / 17.7g
RIC IV 13 Rome, Cohen 14
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0aa Defeat of Hannibal on Sicily, 222 BCCn. Lentulus, moneyer
90-85 BC
Quinarius
Laureled head of Jupiter, right
Victory crowning trophy, CN LENT in ex
Seaby, Cornelia 51
Possibly a reference to this event: [Q. Fabius Maximus, afterwards called Cunctator] broke up his camp at Suessula and decided to begin by an attack on Arpi. . . . Now at last the enemy was roused; there was a lull in the storm and daylight was approaching. Hannibal's garrison in the city amounted to about 5000 men, and the citizens themselves had raised a force of 3000. These the Carthaginians put in front to meet the enemy, that there might be no attempt at treachery in their rear. The fighting began in the dark in the narrow streets, the Romans having occupied not only the streets near the gate but the houses also, that they might not be assailed from the roofs. Gradually as it grew light some of the citizen troops and some of the Romans recognised one another, and entered into conversation. The Roman soldiers asked what it was that the Arpinians wanted, what wrong had Rome done them, what good service had Carthage rendered them that they, Italians-bred and born, should fight against their old friends the Romans on behalf of foreigners and barbarians, and wish to make Italy a tributary province of Africa. The people of Arpi urged in their excuse that they knew nothing of what was going on, they had in fact been sold by their leaders to the Carthaginians, they had been victimised and enslaved by a small oligarchy. When a beginning had been once made the conversations became more and more general; at last the praetor of Arpi was conducted by his friends to the consul, and after they had given each other mutual assurances, surrounded by the troops under their standards, the citizens suddenly turned against the Carthaginians and fought for the Romans. A body of Spaniards also, numbering something less than a thousand, transferred their services to the consul upon the sole condition that the Carthaginian garrison should be allowed to depart uninjured. The gates were opened for them and they were dismissed, according to the stipulation, in perfect safety, and went to Hannibal at Salapia. Thus Arpi was restored to the Romans without the loss of a single life, except in the case of one man who had long ago been a traitor and had recently deserted. The Spaniards were ordered to receive double rations, and the republic availed itself on very many occasions of their courage and fidelity.
Livy, History of Rome, 24.46-47Blindado
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102 AD: Triumph of Trajan in the first Dacian war and dedication of triumphal arch to Jupiter Optimus Maximus orichalcum sestertius (20.83g, 33mm, 6h). Rome mint. Struck AD 103-104.
IMP CAES NERVAE TRAIANO AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS V P P laureate head of Trajan facing right.
S·P·Q·R·OPTIMO PRINCIPI [r.b.,] S C [in ex.] monumental richly decorated triumphal arch; in the panel above pediment inscribed IOM (= Iovi Optimo Maximo)(nearly invisible on this specimen)
RIC 572 [R]; BMC 844; Cohen 547; Foss (Roman Historical Coins) 100:18
Ex CNG eAuct. 266; ex Deyo CollectionCharles S
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102a. GratianWestern Augustus August 367-August 383.
Son of Valentinian I, and made co-emperor at age 8. Put in charge of West in 375 at age 16. Appointed Theodosius as co-emperor, but considerable struggles between the two. Gratian campaigned against Magnus Maximus. Gratian’s troops turned against him and he was killed while fleeing.lawrence c
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103a. Valentinian IIEmperor November 375-May 392.
Son of Valentinian I. Proclaimed emperor by officers at age 4 on death of father. Remained junior augustus in West under Gratian, and the East was governed by his uncle Valens until 378 and Theodosius I from 379. When Gratian was killed in 383, Valentinian II established his court in Mediolanum. In 387, Maximus invaded Italy, and Valentinian fled to Theodosius’s court. After Theodosius defeated Maximus, Valentinian was re-installed in the West. However, Valentinian soon found himself struggling to break free from the control of his magister militum Arbogast. In 392, Valentinian was discovered hanged in his room, either suicide or murder.
lawrence c
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105 - MAXIMVS CAESARGaius Iulius Verus Maximus was the son of the Roman Emperor Maximinus Thrax and his wife, Caecilia Paulina.
for obverse, reverse and coin details click hereshanxi
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105a. Magnus MaximusOf Spanish descent, Maximus became a very successful general. In 383, as commander of Britain, he tried to usurp Gratian. After negotiations with emperor Theodosius I, he was made emperor in Britannia and Gaul the next year while Gratian's brother Valentinian II retained Italy, Pannonia, Hispania, and Africa. In 387, Maximus invaded Italy, resulting in his defeat by Theodosius I at the Battle of the Save in 388. He then was beheaded. Maximus later featured prominently in both Welsh folklore and in literature.lawrence c
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105a01. Magnus MaximusAE2. 23.5mm, 5.03 g. Arles mint. Obv: D N MAG MAXIMVS P F AVG, pearl-diademed, draped & cuirassed bust right. Rev: REPARATIO-REIPVB, emperor standing left, holding Victory on globe and raising kneeling, turreted woman. Mintmark PCON. RIC IX Arles 26a; Sear 20650.lawrence c
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105a02. Magnus MaximusAE2. 23.5mm, 5.03 g. Arles mint. Obv: D N MAG MAXIMVS P F AVG, pearl-diademed, draped & cuirassed bust right. Rev: REPARATIO-REIPVB, emperor standing left, holding Victory on globe and raising kneeling, turreted woman. Mintmark PCON. RIC IX Arles 26a; Sear 20650.lawrence c
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105a03. Magnus MaximusAE4. 11.5mm, 1.47 g. Aquileia mint. 387-388 AD. Obv: DN MAG MA-XIMVS PF AVG, pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: Campgate with six rows, two beacons, star above, no doors. Mintmark SMAQS. RIC IX Aquileia 55a; Sear 20657.lawrence c
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105a04. Magnus MaximusAE4. Arles as Constantina. DN MAG MAXI_MVS P F AVG, pearl-diademed, draped & cuirassed bust right / SPES ROMANORVM, campgate , star above. Mintmark [?]CON. RIC IX Arles 29alawrence c
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105b. Flavius VictorSon of Magnus Maximus, and co-emperor May 387 - August 388. He was a child at the time. When Magnus invaded Italy in 387, Flavius Victor was left in Gaul for his safety, but he was executed by the Frankish Magister Militum Arbogastes by order of Theodosius.lawrence c
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11 - Personalities of the Empire
Magnentius, Decentius, Vetranius, Constantius Gallo, Julian II, Jovian, Valentinianus I, Valens, Procopius, Gratianus, Valentinianus II, Theodosius I, Aelia Flacilla and Magnus Maximus mdelvalle
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112a. MaximinusMaximus was the leader of the forces that fought against Constantine III. These forces did not represent a group that supported Honorius, but were an independent power. Maximus's troops killed Constans II. Maximus then escaped, and his ultimate fate is unknown.lawrence c
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119 BC M. Furius L. f. PhilusM FOVRI L F
Laur. head of Janus
ROMA to right PHILI in ex (PHI in monogram)
Roma standing left crowning trophy with carnyx and shield on each side, star above Roma
Rome 119 BC
3.89g
Crawford 281/1; Sydenham 529; BMC 555
Commemorates the victories over the Allobroges and the Arverni in Gaul in 121 BC by CN Domitius Ahenobarbus and Q. Fabius Maximus only a few years earlier
Ex-Baranowsky RomaJay GT4
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120a. to 128a. Late Western Augusti120a. Petronius Maximus. 17 March – 31 May 455.
121a. Avitus. 9 July 455 – 17 October 456
122a. Majorian. 28 December 457 – 2 August 461.
123a. Libius Severus. 19 November 461 – 14 November 465.
124a. Anthemius. 12 April 467 – 11 July 472.
125a. Olybrius. April – November 472.
126a. Glycerius, 3 March 473 – 24 June 474.
127a. Julius Nepos. 24 June 474 – 28 August 475. Went into exile in Dalmatia, and continued to claim to be Augustus until 480.
128a. Romulus Augustus. 31 October 475 – 4 September 476.
lawrence c
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14-37 AD - TIBERIUS AR denarius - struck 14-37 ADobv: TI CAESAR DIVI AVG F AVGVSTVS (laureate head right)
rev: PONTIF MAXIM (Livia (as Pax) seated right, holding olive-branch and inverted spear; ornate legs to chair)
ref: RIC I 28, RSC 16b (2frcs)
mint: Lugdunum
3,57gms, 18mm
The story of the Tribute Penny may be the best-known Biblical reference to a coin. Tiberius reigned during the ministry of Jesus and it is logical that his silver denarius was the coin used by Christ ("Give unto Caesar that which is Caesar's and give unto the Lord that which is the Lord's"). Although the inscription refers to Tiberius' position as Pontifex Maximus and there are no overt references to Livia, many scholars feel that users of the coins would have associated the figure with Livia and that this association was probably intended by Tiberius. An obligatory issue for collectors.berserker
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1409a, Julian II "the Philosopher," February 360 - 26 June 363 A.D.Julian II, A.D. 360-363; RIC 167; VF; 2.7g, 20mm; Constantinople mint; Obverse: DN FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG, helmeted & cuirassed bust right, holding spear & shield; Reverse: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath; CONSPB in exergue; Attractive green patina. Ex Nemesis.
De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors
Julian the Apostate (360-363 A.D.)
Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Michael DiMaio, Jr., Salve Regina University
Introduction
The emperor Flavius Claudius Julianus reigned from 360 to 26 June 363, when he was killed fighting against the Persians. Despite his short rule, his emperorship was pivotal in the development of the history of the later Roman empire. This essay is not meant to be a comprehensive look at the various issues central to the reign of Julian and the history of the later empire. Rather, this short work is meant to be a brief history and introduction for the general reader. Julian was the last direct descendent of the Constantinian line to ascend to the purple, and it is one of history's great ironies that he was the last non-Christian emperor. As such, he has been vilified by most Christian sources, beginning with John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzus in the later fourth century. This tradition was picked up by the fifth century Eusebian continuators Sozomen, Socrates Scholasticus, and Theodoret and passed on to scholars down through the 20th century. Most contemporary sources, however, paint a much more balanced picture of Julian and his reign. The adoption of Christianity by emperors and society, while still a vital concern, was but one of several issues that concerned Julian.
It is fortunate that extensive writings from Julian himself exist, which help interpret his reign in the light of contemporary evidence. Still extant are some letters, several panegyrics, and a few satires. Other contemporary sources include the soldier Ammianus Marcellinus' history, correspondence between Julian and Libanius of Antioch, several panegyrics, laws from the Theodosian Code, inscriptions, and coinage. These sources show Julian's emphasis on restoration. He saw himself as the restorer of the traditional values of Roman society. Of course much of this was rhetoric, meant to defend Julian against charges that he was a usurper. At the same time this theme of restoration was central to all emperors of the fourth century. Julian thought that he was the one emperor who could regain what was viewed as the lost glory of the Roman empire. To achieve this goal he courted select groups of social elites to get across his message of restoration. This was the way that emperors functioned in the fourth century. By choosing whom to include in the sharing of power, they sought to shape society.
Early Life
Julian was born at Constantinople in 331. His father was Julius Constantius, half-brother of the emperor Constantine through Constantius Chlorus, and his mother was Basilina, Julius' second wife. Julian had two half-brothers via Julius' first marriage. One of these was Gallus, who played a major role in Julian's life. Julian appeared destined for a bright future via his father's connection to the Constantinian house. After many years of tense relations with his three half-brothers, Constantine seemed to have welcomed them into the fold of the imperial family. From 333 to 335, Constantine conferred a series of honors upon his three half-siblings, including appointing Julius Constantius as one of the consuls for 335. Julian's mother was equally distinguished. Ammianus related that she was from a noble family. This is supported by Libanius, who claimed that she was the daughter of Julius Julianus, a Praetorian Prefect under Licinius, who was such a model of administrative virtue that he was pardoned and honored by Constantine.
Despite the fact that his mother died shortly after giving birth to him, Julian experienced an idyllic early childhood. This ended when Constantius II conducted a purge of many of his relatives shortly after Constantine's death in 337, particularly targeting the families of Constantine's half-brothers. ulian and Gallus were spared, probably due to their young age. Julian was put under the care of Mardonius, a Scythian eunuch who had tutored his mother, in 339, and was raised in the Greek philosophical tradition, and probably lived in Nicomedia. Ammianus also supplied the fact that while in Nicomedia, Julian was cared for by the local bishop Eusebius, of whom the future emperor was a distant relation. Julian was educated by some of the most famous names in grammar and rhetoric in the Greek world at that time, including Nicocles and Hecebolius. In 344 Constantius II sent Julian and Gallus to Macellum in Cappadocia, where they remained for six years. In 351, Gallus was made Caesar by Constantius II and Julian was allowed to return to Nicomedia, where he studied under Aedesius, Eusebius, and Chrysanthius, all famed philosophers, and was exposed to the Neo-Platonism that would become such a prominent part of his life. But Julian was most proud of the time he spent studying under Maximus of Ephesus, a noted Neo-Platonic philospher and theurgist. It was Maximus who completed Julian's full-scale conversion to Neo-Platonism. Later, when he was Caesar, Julian told of how he put letters from this philosopher under his pillows so that he would continue to absorb wisdom while he slept, and while campaigning on the Rhine, he sent his speeches to Maximus for approval before letting others hear them. When Gallus was executed in 354 for treason by Constantius II, Julian was summoned to Italy and essentially kept under house arrest at Comum, near Milan, for seven months before Constantius' wife Eusebia convinced the emperor that Julian posed no threat. This allowed Julian to return to Greece and continue his life as a scholar where he studied under the Neo-Platonist Priscus. Julian's life of scholarly pursuit, however, ended abruptly when he was summoned to the imperial court and made Caesar by Constantius II on 6 November 355.
Julian as Caesar
Constantius II realized an essential truth of the empire that had been evident since the time of the Tetrarchy--the empire was too big to be ruled effectively by one man. Julian was pressed into service as Caesar, or subordinate emperor, because an imperial presence was needed in the west, in particular in the Gallic provinces. Julian, due to the emperor's earlier purges, was the only viable candidate of the imperial family left who could act as Caesar. Constantius enjoined Julian with the task of restoring order along the Rhine frontier. A few days after he was made Caesar, Julian was married to Constantius' sister Helena in order to cement the alliance between the two men. On 1 December 355, Julian journeyed north, and in Augusta Taurinorum he learned that Alamannic raiders had destroyed Colonia Agrippina. He then proceeded to Vienne where he spent the winter. At Vienne, he learned that Augustudunum was also under siege, but was being held by a veteran garrison. He made this his first priority, and arrived there on 24 June 356. When he had assured himself that the city was in no immediate danger, he journeyed to Augusta Treverorum via Autessioduram, and from there to Durocortorum where he rendezvoused with his army. Julian had the army stage a series of punitive strikes around the Dieuse region, and then he moved them towards the Argentoratum/Mongontiacum region when word of barbarian incursions reached him.
From there, Julian moved on to Colonia Agrippina, and negotiated a peace with the local barbarian leaders who had assaulted the city. He then wintered at Senonae. He spent the early part of the campaigning season of 357 fighting off besiegers at Senonae, and then conducting operations around Lugdunum and Tres Tabernae. Later that summer, he encountered his watershed moment as a military general. Ammianus went into great detail about Julian's victory over seven rogue Alamannic chieftains near Argentoratum, and Julian himself bragged about it in his later writing. After this battle, the soldiers acclaimed Julian Augustus, but he rejected this title. After mounting a series of follow-up raids into Alamannic territory, he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia, and on the way defeated some Frankish raiders in the Mosa region. Julian considered this campaign one of the major events of his time as Caesar.
Julian began his 358 military campaigns early, hoping to catch the barbarians by surprise. His first target was the Franks in the northern Rhine region. He then proceeded to restore some forts in the Mosa region, but his soldiers threatened to mutiny because they were on short rations and had not been paid their donative since Julian had become Caesar. After he soothed his soldiers, Julian spent the rest of the summer negotiating a peace with various Alamannic leaders in the mid and lower Rhine areas, and retired to winter quarters at Lutetia. In 359, he prepared once again to carry out a series of punitive expeditions against the Alamanni in the Rhine region who were still hostile to the Roman presence. In preparation, the Caesar repopulated seven previously destroyed cities and set them up as supply bases and staging areas. This was done with the help of the people with whom Julian had negotiated a peace the year before. Julian then had a detachment of lightly armed soldiers cross the Rhine near Mogontiacum and conduct a guerilla strike against several chieftains. As a result of these campaigns, Julian was able to negotiate a peace with all but a handful of the Alamannic leaders, and he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia.
Of course, Julian did more than act as a general during his time as Caesar. According to Ammianus, Julian was an able administrator who took steps to correct the injustices of Constantius' appointees. Ammianus related the story of how Julian prevented Florentius, the Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, from raising taxes, and also how Julian actually took over as governor for the province of Belgica Secunda. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, supported Ammianus' basic assessment of Julian in this regard when he reported that Julian was an able representative of the emperor to the Gallic provincials. There is also epigraphic evidence to support Julian's popularity amongst the provincial elites. An inscription found near Beneventum in Apulia reads:
"To Flavius Claudius Julianus, most noble and sanctified Caesar, from the caring Tocius Maximus, vir clarissimus, for the care of the res publica from Beneventum".
Tocius Maximus, as a vir clarissimus, was at the highest point in the social spectrum and was a leader in his local community. This inscription shows that Julian was successful in establishing a positive image amongst provincial elites while he was Caesar.
Julian Augustus
In early 360, Constantius, driven by jealousy of Julian's success, stripped Julian of many troops and officers, ostensibly because the emperor needed them for his upcoming campaign against the Persians. One of the legions ordered east, the Petulantes, did not want to leave Gaul because the majority of the soldiers in the unit were from this region. As a result they mutinied and hailed Julian as Augustus at Lutetia. Julian refused this acclamation as he had done at Argentoratum earlier, but the soldiers would have none of his denial. They raised him on a shield and adorned him with a neck chain, which had formerly been the possession of the standard-bearer of the Petulantes and symbolized a royal diadem. Julian appeared reluctantly to acquiesce to their wishes, and promised a generous donative. The exact date of his acclamation is unknown, but most scholars put it in February or March. Julian himself supported Ammianus' picture of a jealous Constantius. In his Letter to the Athenians, a document constructed to answer charges that he was a usurper, Julian stated that from the start he, as Caesar, had been meant as a figurehead to the soldiers and provincials. The real power he claimed lay with the generals and officials already present in Gaul. In fact, according to Julian, the generals were charged with watching him as much as the enemy. His account of the actual acclamation closely followed what Ammianus told us, but he stressed even more his reluctance to take power. Julian claimed that he did so only after praying to Zeus for guidance.
Fearing the reaction of Constantius, Julian sent a letter to his fellow emperor justifying the events at Lutetia and trying to arrange a peaceful solution. This letter berated Constantius for forcing the troops in Gaul into an untenable situation. Ammianus stated that Julian's letter blamed Constantius' decision to transfer Gallic legions east as the reason for the soldiers' rebellion. Julian once again asserted that he was an unwilling participant who was only following the desire of the soldiers. In both of these basic accounts Ammianus and Julian are playing upon the theme of restoration. Implicit in their version of Julian's acclamation is the argument that Constantius was unfit to rule. The soldiers were the vehicle of the gods' will. The Letter to the Athenians is full of references to the fact that Julian was assuming the mantle of Augustus at the instigation of the gods. Ammianus summed up this position nicely when he related the story of how, when Julian was agonizing over whether to accept the soldiers' acclamation, he had a dream in which he was visited by the Genius (guardian spirit) of the Roman state. The Genius told Julian that it had often tried to bestow high honors upon Julian but had been rebuffed. Now, the Genius went on to say, was Julian's final chance to take the power that was rightfully his. If the Caesar refused this chance, the Genius would depart forever, and both Julian and the state would rue Julian's rejection. Julian himself wrote a letter to his friend Maximus of Ephesus in November of 361 detailing his thoughts on his proclamation. In this letter, Julian stated that the soldiers proclaimed him Augustus against his will. Julian, however, defended his accession, saying that the gods willed it and that he had treated his enemies with clemency and justice. He went on to say that he led the troops in propitiating the traditional deities, because the gods commanded him to return to the traditional rites, and would reward him if he fulfilled this duty.
During 360 an uneasy peace simmered between the two emperors. Julian spent the 360 campaigning season continuing his efforts to restore order along the Rhine, while Constantius continued operations against the Persians. Julian wintered in Vienne, and celebrated his Quinquennalia. It was at this time that his wife Helena died, and he sent her remains to Rome for a proper burial at his family villa on the Via Nomentana where the body of her sister was entombed. The uneasy peace held through the summer of 361, but Julian concentrated his military operations around harassing the Alamannic chieftain Vadomarius and his allies, who had concluded a peace treaty with Constantius some years earlier. By the end of the summer, Julian decided to put an end to the waiting and gathered his army to march east against Constantius. The empire teetered on the brink of another civil war. Constantius had spent the summer negotiating with the Persians and making preparations for possible military action against his cousin. When he was assured that the Persians would not attack, he summoned his army and sallied forth to meet Julian. As the armies drew inexorably closer to one another, the empire was saved from another bloody civil war when Constantius died unexpectedly of natural causes on 3 November near the town of Mopsucrenae in Cilicia, naming Julian -- the sources say-- as his legitimate successor.
Julian was in Dacia when he learned of his cousin's death. He made his way through Thrace and came to Constantinople on 11 December 361 where Julian honored the emperor with the funeral rites appropriate for a man of his station. Julian immediately set about putting his supporters in positions of power and trimming the imperial bureaucracy, which had become extremely overstaffed during Constantius' reign. Cooks and barbers had increased during the late emperor's reign and Julian expelled them from his court. Ammianus gave a mixed assessment of how the new emperor handled the followers of Constantius. Traditionally, emperors were supposed to show clemency to the supporters of a defeated enemy. Julian, however, gave some men over to death to appease the army. Ammianus used the case of Ursulus, Constantius' comes sacrum largitionum, to illustrate his point. Ursulus had actually tried to acquire money for the Gallic troops when Julian had first been appointed Caesar, but he had also made a disparaging remark about the ineffectiveness of the army after the battle of Amida. The soldiers remembered this, and when Julian became sole Augustus, they demanded Ursulus' head. Julian obliged, much to the disapproval of Ammianus. This seems to be a case of Julian courting the favor of the military leadership, and is indicative of a pattern in which Julian courted the goodwill of various societal elites to legitimize his position as emperor.
Another case in point is the officials who made up the imperial bureaucracy. Many of them were subjected to trial and punishment. To achieve this goal, during the last weeks of December 361 Julian assembled a military tribunal at Chalcedon, empanelling six judges to try the cases. The president of the tribunal was Salutius, just promoted to the rank of Praetorian Prefect; the five other members were Mamertinus, the orator, and four general officers: Jovinus, Agilo, Nevitta, and Arbetio. Relative to the proceedings of the tribunal, Ammianus noted that the judges, " . . . oversaw the cases more vehemently than was right or fair, with the exception of a few . . .." Ammianus' account of Julian's attempt at reform of the imperial bureaucracy is supported by legal evidence from the Theodosian Code. A series of laws sent to Mamertinus, Julian's appointee as Praetorian Prefect in Italy, Illyricum, and Africa, illustrate this point nicely. On 6 June 362, Mamertinus received a law that prohibited provincial governors from bypassing the Vicars when giving their reports to the Prefect. Traditionally, Vicars were given civil authority over a group of provinces, and were in theory meant to serve as a middle step between governors and Prefects. This law suggests that the Vicars were being left out, at least in Illyricum. Julian issued another edict to Mamertinus on 22 February 362 to stop abuse of the public post by governors. According to this law, only Mamertinus could issue post warrants, but the Vicars were given twelve blank warrants to be used as they saw fit, and each governor was given two. Continuing the trend of bureaucratic reform, Julian also imposed penalties on governors who purposefully delayed appeals in court cases they had heard. The emperor also established a new official to weigh solidi used in official government transactions to combat coin clipping.
For Julian, reigning in the abuses of imperial bureaucrats was one step in restoring the prestige of the office of emperor. Because he could not affect all elements of society personally, Julian, like other Neo-Flavian emperors, decided to concentrate on select groups of societal elites as intercessors between himself and the general populace. One of these groups was the imperial bureaucracy. Julian made it very clear that imperial officials were intercessors in a very real sense in a letter to Alypius, Vicar of Britain. In this letter, sent from Gaul sometime before 361, the emperor praises Alypius for his use of "mildness and moderation with courage and force" in his rule of the provincials. Such virtues were characteristic of the emperors, and it was good that Alypius is representing Julian in this way. Julian courted the army because it put him in power. Another group he sought to include in his rule was the traditional Senatorial aristocracy. One of his first appointments as consul was Claudius Mamertinus, a Gallic Senator and rhetorician. Mamertinus' speech in praise of Julian delivered at Constantinople in January of 362 is preserved. In this speech, Claudius presented his consular selection as inaugurating a new golden age and Julian as the restorer of the empire founded by Augustus. The image Mamertinus gave of his own consulate inaugurating a new golden age is not merely formulaic. The comparison of Julian to Augustus has very real, if implicit, relevance to Claudius' situation. Claudius emphasized the imperial period as the true age of renewal. Augustus ushered in a new era with his formation of a partnership between the emperor and the Senate based upon a series of honors and offices bestowed upon the Senate in return for their role as intercessor between emperor and populace. It was this system that Julian was restoring, and the consulate was one concrete example of this bond. To be chosen as a consul by the emperor, who himself had been divinely mandated, was a divine honor. In addition to being named consul, Mamertinus went on to hold several offices under Julian, including the Prefecture of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Similarly, inscriptional evidence illustrates a link between municipal elites and Julian during his time as Caesar, something which continued after he became emperor. One concrete example comes from the municipal senate of Aceruntia in Apulia, which established a monument on which Julian is styled as "Repairer of the World."
Julian seems to have given up actual Christian belief before his acclamation as emperor and was a practitioner of more traditional Greco-Roman religious beliefs, in particular, a follower of certain late antique Platonist philosophers who were especially adept at theurgy as was noted earlier. In fact Julian himself spoke of his conversion to Neo-Platonism in a letter to the Alexandrians written in 363. He stated that he had abandoned Christianity when he was twenty years old and been an adherent of the traditional Greco-Roman deities for the twelve years prior to writing this letter.
(For the complete text of this article see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/julian.htm)
Julian’s Persian Campaign
The exact goals Julian had for his ill-fated Persian campaign were never clear. The Sassanid Persians, and before them the Parthians, had been a traditional enemy from the time of the Late Republic, and indeed Constantius had been conducting a war against them before Julian's accession forced the former to forge an uneasy peace. Julian, however, had no concrete reason to reopen hostilities in the east. Socrates Scholasticus attributed Julian's motives to imitation of Alexander the Great, but perhaps the real reason lay in his need to gather the support of the army. Despite his acclamation by the Gallic legions, relations between Julian and the top military officers was uneasy at best. A war against the Persians would have brought prestige and power both to Julian and the army.
Julian set out on his fateful campaign on 5 March 363. Using his trademark strategy of striking quickly and where least expected, he moved his army through Heirapolis and from there speedily across the Euphrates and into the province of Mesopotamia, where he stopped at the town of Batnae. His plan was to eventually return through Armenia and winter in Tarsus. Once in Mesopotamia, Julian was faced with the decision of whether to travel south through the province of Babylonia or cross the Tigris into Assyria, and he eventually decided to move south through Babylonia and turn west into Assyria at a later date. By 27 March, he had the bulk of his army across the Euphrates, and had also arranged a flotilla to guard his supply line along the mighty river. He then left his generals Procopius and Sebastianus to help Arsacius, the king of Armenia and a Roman client, to guard the northern Tigris line. It was also during this time that he received the surrender of many prominent local leaders who had nominally supported the Persians. These men supplied Julian with money and troops for further military action against their former masters. Julian decided to turn south into Babylonia and proceeded along the Euphrates, coming to the fortress of Cercusium at the junction of the Abora and Euphrates Rivers around the first of April, and from there he took his army west to a region called Zaitha near the abandoned town of Dura where they visited the tomb of the emperor Gordian which was in the area. On April 7 he set out from there into the heart of Babylonia and towards Assyria.
Ammianus then stated that Julian and his army crossed into Assyria, which on the face of things appears very confusing. Julian still seems to be operating within the province of Babylonia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The confusion is alleviated when one realizes that,for Ammianus, the region of Assyria encompassed the provinces of Babylonia and Assyria. On their march, Julian's forces took the fortress of Anatha, received the surrender and support of several more local princes, and ravaged the countryside of Assyria between the rivers. As the army continued south, they came across the fortresses Thilutha and Achaiachala, but these places were too well defended and Julian decided to leave them alone. Further south were the cities Diacira and Ozogardana, which the Roman forces sacked and burned. Soon, Julian came to Pirisabora and a brief siege ensued, but the city fell and was also looted and destroyed. It was also at this time that the Roman army met its first systematic resistance from the Persians. As the Romans penetrated further south and west, the local inhabitants began to flood their route. Nevertheless, the Roman forces pressed on and came to Maiozamalcha, a sizable city not far from Ctesiphon. After a short siege, this city too fell to Julian. Inexorably, Julian's forces zeroed in on Ctesiphon, but as they drew closer, the Persian resistance grew fiercer, with guerilla raids whittling at Julian's men and supplies. A sizable force of the army was lost and the emperor himself was almost killed taking a fort a few miles from the target city.
Finally, the army approached Ctesiphon following a canal that linked the Tigris and Euphrates. It soon became apparent after a few preliminary skirmishes that a protracted siege would be necessary to take this important city. Many of his generals, however, thought that pursuing this course of action would be foolish. Julian reluctantly agreed, but became enraged by this failure and ordered his fleet to be burned as he decided to march through the province of Assyria. Julian had planned for his army to live off the land, but the Persians employed a scorched-earth policy. When it became apparent that his army would perish (because his supplies were beginning to dwindle) from starvation and the heat if he continued his campaign, and also in the face of superior numbers of the enemy, Julian ordered a retreat on 16 June. As the Roman army retreated, they were constantly harassed by guerilla strikes. It was during one of these raids that Julian got caught up in the fighting and took a spear to his abdomen. Mortally wounded he was carried to his tent, where, after conferring with some of his officers, he died. The date was 26 June 363.
Conclusion
Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.
Copyright (C) 2002, Walter E. Roberts and Michael DiMaio, Jr. Used by permission.
In reality, Julian worked to promote culture and philosophy in any manifestation. He tried to reduce taxes and the public debts of municipalities; he augmented administrative decentralisation; he promoted a campaign of austerity to reduce public expenditure (setting himself as the example). He reformed the postal service and eliminated the powerful secret police.
by Federico Morando; JULIAN II, The Apostate, See the Julian II Page on NumisWiki
Flavius Claudius Iulianus was born in 331 or maybe 332 A.D. in Constantinople. He ruled the Western Empire as Caesar from 355 to 360 and was hailed Augustus by his legions in Lutetia (Paris) in 360. Julian was a gifted administrator and military strategist. Famed as the last pagan emperor, his reinstatement of the pagan religion earned him the moniker "the Apostate." As evidenced by his brilliant writing, some of which has survived to the present day, the title "the Philosopher" may have been more appropriate. He died from wounds suffered during the Persian campaign of 363 A.D. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
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1410a, Jovian, 27 June 363 - 17 February 364 A.D.Bronze AE 3, RIC 179, aVF, Constantinople, 3.126g, 21.6mm, 180o. Obverse: D N IOVIANVS P F AVG, pearl diademed, draped and cuirassed bust left; Reverse: VOT V MVLT X within wreath, CONSPG in exergue; scarce.
Flavius Jovianuswas born in 331 at Singidunum, modern Belgrade. His distinguished father, Varronianus, had been a tribune of the legion Ioviani and a comes domesticorum, perhaps under Constantius II, who had retired to private life shortly before Jovian's elevation to the purple. Jovian married a daughter of Lucillianus, perhaps named Charito, and by her produced at least two children.
Jovian himself was a protector domesticus under Constantius II and Julian and, under Julian, primicerius domesticorum. Various Christian sources maintain that Jovian's Christianity led to his deposition by Julian, though most modern scholars dismiss this as ex post facto Christian apologetic. Jovian, recalled to the ranks if he had ever been dismissed, marched with Julian against Sapor in 363, and on 27 June, the day after that emperor's death, was acclaimed Augustus.
Ammianus and Zosimus, among others, detail the difficult straits of the Roman army during its withdrawal from Persian territory, Ammianus from the perspective of a proud soldier confident even in defeat of the superiority of Roman arms, Zosimus, in a much shorter and confused version, concentrating on the predicament of Jovian's troops and on the dire effects to the empire of the peace terms agreed to with Sapor. These terms entailed the cessation to Persia of Roman territory beyond the Tigris -- the cities of Singara and Nisibis, however, to be surrendered on the condition of the safe passage of their inhabitants -- and the guarantee of the neutrality of Rome's ally Arsaces, King of Armenia, in the event of future hostilities between Roman and Persia. Ammianus asserts that in agreeing to these terms Jovian misjudged his tactical strength and wasted an opportunity presented by negotiations with Sapor to move his forces closer to supplies at Corduena, and that Jovian acted on the advise of flatterers to preserve the fighting strength of his forces in the event of an attempt by Julian's relative Procopius to seize the throne. Others present the treaty terms as unavoidable given the Roman predicament.
Jovian appears to have treaded cautiously with regard to religious matters during the early months of his reign. Eunapius says that Jovian continued to honor Maximus and Priscus, the Neoplatonist advisors of Julian, and, upon reaching Tarsus, Jovian performed funeral rites for Julian. Nonetheless, various Christians, most notably Athanasius, took the initiative in an effort to gain Jovian's favor and support. An adherent of the Nicaean creed, Jovian did eventually recall various bishops of homoousian disposition and restore to their followers churches lost under earlier emperors. But in spite of such measures, unity among various Christian sects seems to have been the foremost concern of Jovian, whose ipsissima verba Socrates Scholasticus purports to give: "I abhor contentiousness, but love and honor those hurrying towards unanimity" (Hist. Eccl. 3.25).
Jovian died at the age of thirty-two on 17 February 364 at Dadastana on the boundary of Bithynia and Galatia. The cause of his death was most probably natural and is variously attributed to overeating, the consumption of poisonous mushrooms, or suffocation from fumes of charcoal or of the fresh paint on the room in which he was sleeping. Ammianus' comparison of the circumstances of Jovian's death to those of Scipio Aemilianus suggest the possibility of foul play, as does John of Antioch's reference to a poisoned rather than a poisonous mushroom, while John Chrysostom -- in a highly suspect literary context of consolatio-- asserts outright that the emperor was murdered. Eutropius records that he was enrolled among the gods, inter Divos relatus est. Zonaras says he was buried in the Church of the Holy Apostles and that his wife, Charito, was eventually laid to rest beside him.
Ancient authors agree that Jovian was of modest intellect but imposing physique and disposed to excessive eating and drinking.
By Thomas Banchich, Canisius College
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.
Edited By J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
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145 Magnus Maximus. AR silique 1.7gmobv: DN MAG MAX_IMVS PF AVG pearl dia. drp. cuir. bust r.
rev: VIRTUVS RO_MANORVM Roma seated facing, holding globe and reversed spear
ex: TRPShill132
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1503a, Gratian, 24 August 367 - 25 August 383 A.D.Gratian, 24 August 367 - 25 August 383 A.D. Bronze AE 3, F, 2.352g, 19.13mm, 0o. Obverse: emperor's diadmed bust right; reverse GLORIA ROMANORVM, emperor draging captive, * in left field.
Gratian, son of Valentinian I, became the sole ruler of the Western empire in 375 A.D., and after the catastrophic defeat of the Roman forces at Hadrianopolis the Eastern empire also came under his rule. To better cope with the empire, he elevated general Theodosius to the Eastern throne. Because of a shortage of coinage to meet the payroll, Gratian was abandoned by his troops during the revolt of Magnus Maximus. He was overtaken and killed while fleeing to the Alps.Cleisthenes
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161-169 AD - LUCIUS VERUS AE dupondius - struck 165-166 ADobv: L VERVS AVG ARM PARTH MAX (radiate head right)
rev: TR POT VI IMP III COS II (parthian captive seated right at base of trophy, hands tied behind back, arms before), S-C in field
ref: RIC III 1445 (M.Aurelius) (C), C202 (3frcs)
mint: Rome
12.08gms, 24mm
Scarce
History: Between 162 and 166 Verus was in the East, nominally commanding a campaign against the Parthian empire for the control over the Armenian kingdom. Statius Priscus, Avidius Cassius and Martius Verus generals were entrusted with real command of the legions. Cassius led the overall campaign, destroyed the city of Seleucia on the Tigris and burned to the ground the palace at the capital Ctesiphon; Priscus led the invasion of Armenia that took the capital of Artashat (Artaxata); Martius Verus is limited only to the mention of his name by the ancients, but he was later the governor of Cappadocia. Lucius Verus received the title Parthicus Maximus in Aug. 165 AD.berserker
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161-169 AD - LUCIUS VERUS AE sestertius - struck 162 ADobv: IMP.CAES.L.AVREL.VERVS.AVG (laureated head right)
rev: CONCORD.AVGVSTOR.TRP.II (Verus and Aurelius standing with clasping hand), COS II in ex, S-C in field
ref: RIC III 1309 (M.Aurel) (C), C.36 (4frcs)
mint: Rome
23.03gms, 30mm
This coin is better in hand than the picture allow.
History: Never before had Rome been ruled jointly by two emperors, but their authority was not shared equally. Marcus clearly had more power than his younger brother, although officially his only additional title was "pontifex maximus," while Lucius was simply "pontifex".Joint rule was revived by Diocletian's establishment of the Tetrarchy in the late 3rd century.berserker
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161-180 AD - MARCUS AURELIUS AR denarius - struck 167-168 ADobv: M ANTONINVS AVG ARM PARTH MAX (laureate head right)
rev: TR P XXII IMP IIII COS III (Equitas standing left, holding scales & cornucopiae)
ref: RIC III 178, C.892
mint: Rome
3.02gms, 18mm,
Aurelius received the title Parthicus Maximus in Febr 166 ADberserker
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162 Magnus Maximus (383-388 A.D.), Arles, RIC IX 026a-S, -/-//SCON, AE-2 Follis, REPARATIO REIPVB, Emperor, #1162 Magnus Maximus (383-388 A.D.), Arles, RIC IX 026a-S, -/-//SCON, AE-2 Follis, REPARATIO REIPVB, Emperor, #1
avers:- D N MAG MAXIMVS P F AVG, pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right.
revers:- REPARATIO REIPVB, emperor standing left, holding Victory on globe and raising kneeling, turreted woman.
exergo: -/-//SCON, diameter: 22,0-24,0mm, weight: 5,80g, axis: 6h,
mint: Arles, date: 383-388 A.D., ref: RIC-IX-26a-S, p-, Sear 20650,
Q-001quadrans
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185 - Magnus Maximus, AR Siliqua, RIC IX 84b1Obv:– D N MAG MAX-IMVS P F AVG, diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right
Rev:– VIRTVS ROMANORVM, Roma enthroned facing, head left, holding globe & spear
Minted in Trier (TRPS), A.D. 383-388
Reference:– RIC IX, 84b1. RSC 20a.maridvnvm
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194. Magnus Maximus (Pretender under Theodosius I)Av.: DN MAG MAXIMVS PF AVG
Rv.: REPARATIO REIPVB
Ex.: LVGP
AE Maiorina Ø22 / 5.8g
RIC IX 32 Lyons
Scarce!
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1bf SabinaWife of Hadrian. Died 137.
As
Diademed bust right, braided hair coiled on top of head, SABINA AVGVSTA HADRIANI AVG P P
Ceres seated on basket, holding grain ears & torch
RIC 1023
The Historia Augusta asserts, "[Hadrian] took to wife the daughter of the Emperor's sister, a marriage advocated by Plotina, but, according to Marius Maximus, little desired by Trajan himself."Blindado
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1br Clodius Albinus195-197
Denarius
Bare head, right, D CL SEPT ALBIN CAES
Roma seated on shield holding Palladium and scepter, ROMAE AETERNAE
RIC 11
According to the Historia Augusta, which in the case of Albinus is thought to be of dubious veracity: After the death of Pertinax, who was slain at Albinus' advice, various men were hailed emperor at about one and the same time by the senate Julianus at Rome, and by the armies, Septimius Severus in Illyricum, Pescennius Niger in the East, and Clodius Albinus in Gaul. According to Herodian, Clodius had been named Caesar by Severus. But as time went on, each chafed at the other's rule, and the armies of Gaul and Germany demanded an emperor of their own naming, and so all parts of the empire were thrown into an uproar. . . .
It is an undeniable fact, moreover, and Marius Maximus also relates it, that Severus at first intended to name Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus as his successors, in case aught befell him. Later, as it happened, in the interest of his growing sons, and through envy of the affection in which Albinus was held, and most of all becau-e of his wires entreaties, he changed his purpose and crushed both of them in war. But he did name Albinus consul, and this he never would have done had not Aibinus been a worthy man, since he was ever most careful in his choice of magistrate. . . .
As soon as he came of age he entered military service, and by the aid of Lollius Serenus, Baebius Maecianus and Ceionius Postumianus, all his kinsmen, he gained the notice of the Antonines. In the capacity of a tribune he commanded a troop of Dalmatian horse: he also commanded soldiers of the I and the IV legions. At the time of Avidius' revolt he loyally held the Bithynian army to its allegiance. Next, Commodus transferred him to Gaul; and here he routed the tribes from over the Rhine and made his name illustrious among both Romans and barbarians. This aroused Commodus' interest, and he offered Albinus the name of Caesar and the privilege, too, of giving the soldiers a present and wearing the scarlet cloak. But all these offers Albinus wisely refused, for Commodus, he said, was only looking for a man who would perish with him, or whom he could reasonably put to death. . . .
[A]fter a decisive engagement, where countless of his soldiers fell, and very many fled, and many, too, surrendered, Albinus also fled away and, according to some, stabbed himself, according to others, was stabbed by a slave. At any rate, he was brought to Severus only half alive. . . . Albinus' head was cut off and paraded on a pike, and finally sent to Rome.Blindado
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1ci MaximusCaesar 235-238
Sestertius
Bare-headed draped bust, right, MAXIMVS CAES GERM
Maximus stg. w/ spear & rod, PRINCIPI IVVENTVTIS SC
Son of Maximinus, he died with dad.
RIC 13Blindado
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1cj Balbinus238
Sestertius
Laureate, draped, and cuirassed bust, right, seen from front, right, IMP CAES D CAEL BALBINVS AVG
Felicitas standing facing, head left, holding caduceus in right hand, PM TR P COS II PP SC
RIC 18
Herodian wrote, continuing the story of the rebellions against Maximinus: When the death of the elder Gordian was reported at Rome, . . . the senate therefore thought it best to meet and consider what should be done. Since they had already cast the die, they voted to issue a declaration of war and choose two men from their own ranks to be joint emperors. . . . Other senators received votes, but on the final count [Pupienus] Maximus and Balbinus were elected joint emperors by majority opinion. . . .
[Pupienus] had held many army commands; appointed prefect of Rome, he administered the office with diligence and enjoyed among the people a good reputation for his understanding nature, his intelligence, and his moderate way of life. Balbinus, an aristocrat who had twice served as consul and had governed provinces without complaint, had a more open and frank nature. After their election, the two men were proclaimed Augusti, and the Senate awarded them by decree all the imperial honors.
While these actions were being taken on the Capitoline Hill, the people, whether they were informed by Gordian's friends and fellow countrymen or whether they learned it by rumor, filled the entire street leading up to the Capitol. The huge mob was armed with stones and clubs, for they objected to the Senate's action and particularly disapproved of [Pupienus]. The prefect ruled the city too strictly for the popular taste, and was very harsh in his dealings with the criminal and reckless elements of the mob. In their fear and dislike of [Pupienus], they kept shouting threats to kill both emperors, determined that the emperor be chosen from the family of Gordian and that the title remain in that house and under that name.
Balbinus and [Pupienus] surrounded themselves with an escort of swordsmen from the young equestrians and the discharged soldiers living in Rome, and tried to force their way from the Capitol. The mob, armed with stones and clubs, prevented this until, at someone's suggestion, the people were deceived. There was in Rome at that time a little child, the son of Gordian's daughter, who bore his grandfather's name.
The two emperors ordered some of their men to bring the child to the Capitol. Finding the lad playing at home, they lifted him to their shoulders and brought him to the Capitol through the midst of the crowd. Showing the boy to the people and telling them that he was the son of Gordian, they called him "Gordian," while the mob cheered the boy and scattered leaves in his path. The senate appointed him caesar, since he was not old enough to be emperor. The mob, placated, allowed the imperial party to proceed to the palace.
Blindado
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