| Image search results - "Great," |
Constantine the Great, AD 315-316, AE Follis, Siscia Mint
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Constantine the Great, Commemorative, AD 330-335, Nicomedia Mint
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Constantine the Great, Commemorative, AD 337-340, Antioch Mint
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Amyntas III, 393 - 370/369 BC. AE17 Dichalkon. Struck at an uncertain mint in MacedoniaObverse: No legend. Head of Herakles, wearing lion's skin, facing right.
Reverse: AMYNTA above Eagle standing facing right, grasping snake in it's talons and attacking it with it's beak.
Diameter: 16.92mm | Weight: 3.17gms | Die Axis: 6
SNG ANS 100 - 109 | SNG Munchen 49-52 | AMNG 160, 7
Amyntas III was king of Macedonia from about 393 to 370/369 BC, he was the father of Philip II and the grandfather of Alexander the Great. His skillful diplomacy in Greek affairs prepared the way for Macedonia's emergence as a great power under his son Philip II.
Amyntas came to the throne during a period of some confusion after the sudden death of king Archelaus who was killed while out hunting in 399 BC. Archelaus was succeeded by his young son Orestes, who ruled with his guardian Aeropus for four years until his death, possibly at the hands of Aeropus. Aeropus then ruled alone as Aeropus II, until he died of an illness two years later and was succeeded by his son Pausanius.
Diodorus gives two versions of the start of Amyntas' reign but both versions agree that Amyntas came to the throne after assassinating Pausanias but was then driven out by the Illyrians. Amyntas recovered his kingdom in the following year however, with the aid of the Spartans and the Thessalians. He continued to maintain his position by the expedient of siding with the powers ascendant in Greece, securing his alliance with Athens by supporting their claim to Amphipolis, and by adopting the Athenian general Iphicrates as his son. Iphicrates later helped Amyntas' son, Perdikkas III, to secure his claim to the throne.
Several significant figures worked in Macedonia during Amyntas' reign, including Nicomachus, the father of Aristotle, who served as court physician to Amyntas, and Aristotle himself who served as the tutor to Amyntas' grandson, Alexander the Great.
Amyntas died at an advanced age in 370-369 BC, leaving his throne to the eldest of his three sons, Alexander II, who ruled from 369 to 366 BC. Amyntas' other two sons also ended up ruling Macedon, Perdikkas III from 365 to 359 BC and Philip II, the father of Alexander the Great, from 359 to 336 BC.*Alex
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Constantine the Great, RIC VII 73 Siscia, 319 CEObverse: IMP CONSTANTINVS PF AVG, laureate helmet & cuirassed.
Reverse:VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP [ Joyous victory to the eternal
Prince] two Victories standing, facing one another, together holding shield
inscribed VOT PR [VOTA POPULI ROMANI (vows of the Roman people)]on altar.
gamma SIS dot in ex. RIC VII Siscia 73, 18.9 mm 2.6 g. rare
NORMAN K
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Alexander the Great, 336 - 323 BC. AE Hemiobol (4 Chalkoi). Struck 336 - 320 BC, possibly under Philip III at Miletus in Macedonia.Obverse: No legend. Head of Alexander the Great as Herakles, wearing lion-skin knotted at base of neck, facing right.
Reverse: AΛEΞANΔ•POY. Bow in Gorytos (a case for bow and quiver) above, club below. ΠΥΡ monogram control mark below club
Diameter: 18mm | Weight: 5.79gms | Die Axis: 3
Price: 0335
Alexander the Great reigned from 336 to 323 BC. Price supposes this coin to be a lifetime issue and Sear concurs stating that the issues that are more likely to be posthumous are the ones bearing the title BAΣIΛEOΣ. Thompson however, has proposed a posthumous date of 321 - 320 BC (Thompson series IV) based on the compound ΠΥΡ monogram used as a control mark.
It is difficult to interpret the die orientation in these issues because not only is it unclear what the Ancient Greeks would have considered "up" with respect to the reverse design but modern scholars are ambiguous on the subject as well. I have, however, assumed that the modern conventional orientation is with the name reading horizontally, and therefore have described my example as having a 3 o'clock orientation, the "top" of the reverse being aligned with the back of Herakles' head on the obverse.
*Alex
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Alexander the Great, 336 - 323 BC. AE Hemiobol (4 Chalkoi). Struck 325 - 310 BC at an uncertain mint in Macedonia.Obverse: No legend. Head of Herakles facing right, wearing lion-skin knotted at base of neck.
Reverse: A quiver (arrow case) placed on top of a bow and below it a club, large B A between; laurel branch control mark below the club.
Diameter: 17mm | Weight: 5.1gms | Die Axis: 7
Price: 385 | Sear: 6742
This coin is a subtype of the quiver type (Type 1B), with the inscription now reading B A (for BAΣIΛEOΣ AΛEΞANΔPOY = KING ALEXANDER). Price believed this coin type was minted both during and after Alexander's lifetime but Sear says that the issues bearing the title BAΣIΛEOΣ or the abbreviation "B" are more likely to be posthumous and struck under Antipater, Polyperchon, or Kassander after Alexander's death.
*Alex
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Alexander the Great, 336 - 323 BC. AE Tetartemorion (Dichalkon / Quarter Obol). Lifetime issue struck 336 - 323 BC at Amphipolis, Macedonia Obverse: No legend. Head of Herakles, wearing lion skin headdress, facing right.
Reverse: AΛEΞANΔPOY. Eagle facing right, it's head turned to left, standing on a thunderbolt; mint-mark, A in right field before the eagle's breast.
Diameter: 15mm | Weight: 3.9gms | Die Axis: 6
Sear: 6743 | Weber: 2142 | Liampi: 6-8 | Price: 0159
RARE
This coin is a Type 3 (eagle type) bronze Quarter-Obol (two chalkoi). Alexander's Eagle bronzes are part of his Eagle coinage that also includes various silver denominations, including a stater, drachm, hemidrachm, diobol, and obol. Alexander's Eagle coins are much rarer than his issues of Herakles and Zeus imperial silver coins and his Herakles and weapons bronze coins.
*Alex
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Alexander the Great, 336 - 323 BC. AE Tetartemorion (Dichalkon / Quarter Obol). Lifetime issue struck 336 - 323 BC at an uncertain mint in Macedonia Obverse: No legend. Young male head wearing a taenia (diadem), who is sometimes identified as Apollo, facing right.
Reverse: AΛEΞANΔPOY. Horse prancing right; mint-mark, below horse, torch.
Diameter: 16mm | Weight: 4.25gms | Die Axis: 7
Price:338 | Sear: 6744
SCARCE
This coin is a Type 4 (horse type) bronze Quarter-Obol (two chalkoi). This likely was one of Alexander's standard bronze denominations, half the value of his Herakles/weapons bronzes, though not seen as frequently. This specimen features a torch as a mint mark, this mint-mark was included with 34 other mint marks by Price in his work.
*Alex
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Philip III Arrhidaios, 323 - 317 BC. AR Drachm struck in the name and types of Alexander III at Lampsakos, Mysia.Obverse: No legend. Head of Herakles, wearing lion-skin knotted at base of neck, facing right.
Reverse: AΛEΞANΔPOY. Zeus Aëtophoros seated facing left, right leg drawn back, feet on stool, eagle in right hand, sceptre in left; buckle in left field; Λ above Ω below throne.
Diameter: 18mm | Weight: 4.16gms | Die Axis: 7 | Cut mark above eyebrow on obverse.
Price: 1376
Alexander the Great reigned from 336 to 323 BC but this coin was struck shortly after his death, in around 323 to 317 BC under Philip III Arrhidaios.
Philip III Arrhidaios was the king of Macedonia after the death of Alexander the Great, from 323 BC until his own death in 317 BC. He was a son of King Philip II of Macedonia and a half-brother of Alexander. Named Arrhidaios at birth, he assumed the name Philip when he ascended the throne.
As Arrhidaios grew older it became apparent that he had mild learning difficulties. Alexander was very fond of him, and took him on his campaigns, both to protect his life and to ensure he would not be used as a pawn in a challenge for the throne. After Alexander's death in Babylon, Arrhidaios was proclaimed king by the Macedonian army in Asia, but he was a mere figurehead, and a pawn of the powerful generals, one after the other.
*Alex
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317 - 326, CRISPUS as Caesar, AE3 struck 323 - 324 at Londinium (London), EnglandObverse: CRISPVS NOBIL C. Helmeted and cuirassed bust of Crispus facing left.
Reverse: BEAT TRANQLITAS (sic). Altar, inscribed VOT IS XX in three lines, surmounted by cosmic globe with three stars above; in exergue, PLON.
Diameter: 20mm | Weight: 2.8gms | Die Axis: 6h
RIC VII : 275.
Flavius Julius Crispus was the eldest son of Constantine the Great, he was given the rank of Caesar in A.D.316, at the same time as Flavius Claudius Constantinus (Constantine II), Constantine's eldest son with Fausta, and Valerius Licinianus Licinius (Licinius II), the son of Licinius I.
This coin was struck in connection with the fifteenth anniversary of Constantine the Great.*Alex
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CONSTANTINE The Great, RIC 200b Siscia, Emperor 307-337 CECONSTANTINE The Great, RIC 200(b)
Obverse: CONSTANTINVS AVG, laureated head right
Reverse: GENIO A-VGVSTA, Genius standing left, modius on head, naked except for chlamys over left shoulder, holding paters and cornucopia. No field marks
in exergue: SIS, 18.4 mm., 1.6 g.NORMAN K
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Kingdom of Macedon, Alexander the Great, 336-323 BC, AR obol.Kingdom of Macedon, Alexander the Great, 336-323 BC, AR obol.
Struck c. 336-323 BC, Head of Hecrules right, wearing
lion skin, knotted at base of neck. / Zeus, nude to waist, seated
left on ornate throne, holding eagle and scepter within dotted circle.CANTANATRIX
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Kings of Macedon, Alexander III the Great, 336-323 BC, AR Tetradrachm - Amphipolis Mint under AntipaterHead of Herakles right, wearing lion skin headdress.
AΛEΞANΔPOY Zeus Aëtophoros seated left; janiform head vase in left field. Graffiti in upper left field - Aramaic kaph (k) and sadhe (s).
Price 6; Troxell, Studies, Issue A3; SNG Cop 660; Muller 853.
Struck at Amphipolis in the period 332-329 BC.
(29 mm, 17.15 g, 2h)
This is one of the first emissions of Alexander’s coinage struck in his homeland, albeit about three years after he departed for Asia Minor. Recent scholarship places the start of Alexander’s distinctive coinage in 333/2 BC at Tarsos, in eastern Asia Minor, shortly after which the design was transferred to Macedonia where Alexander’s coinage was struck under the authority of his regent in Greece, Antipater. Die studies indicate that this coin was from the fourth tetradrachm emission of a mint in Macedonia, most probably Amphipolis. It was most probably struck in the period 332-329 BC. The Aramaic graffiti on the reverse, plus the obverse reverse rim test cut are pointers to the likelihood that this coin travelled beyond its location of issue in Macedonia, into the eastern Mediterranean where Aramaic was the main spoken language.n.igma
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D.175 Charles the Great [Charlemagne] (denier, class 3, Bourges)Charles the Great, king of the Franks (768-840) and Holy Roman emperor (800-814)
Denier (Bourges, class 3, 781-800)
Silver, 1.18 g, 20 mm diameter, die axis 3h
O/ [+CA]RLVS REX FR; cross pattée with a crescent in each quarter
R/ [+B]ITVRICA[S]; carolingian monogram KRLS
For the 3rd type of his coinage, Charles the Great introduced the famous KRLS monogram. This one contains all the letters of Karolvs : the consonants are clearly written at the edges and bound by a lozenge. The vowels are at the center of the monogram: A (using the upper part of the lozenge, O as the whole lozenge and V as the down part of the lozenge).
This monogram still appeared two centuries later in the coinage of Hugh Capet, first capetian king.
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D.308B Rudolph (denier, Château-Landon)Rudolph (or Raoul, Radulf), king of the Franks (923-936)
Denier (Château-Landon)
Silver, 1.16 g, 19 mm diameter, die axis 4h
O/ +CRΛTIΛ D-I; odonic monogram of Rodolf (legend beginning at 9h)
R/ +CΛSTIS LIΛNDNI; cross pattée
The R on the top of the monogram and the F below are for Rodulfus. The 2 lozenges on the sides may come from Eudes' monogram (Oddo). Eudes was the brother of Rudolph's father-in-law... sort of family alliance against Carolingians (although Rudolph's aunt had been married to Charles the Bald...). The I and the X are more mysterious.
According to Dumas, this coinage may have been struck after Rudolph's dead, by Hugues the Great, his brother-in-law... family business still.
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"As de Nîmes" or "crocodile" Ӕ dupondius of Nemausus (9 - 3 BC), honoring Augustus and AgrippaIMP DIVI F , Heads of Agrippa (left) and Augustus (right) back to back, Agrippa wearing rostral crown and Augustus the oak-wreath / COL NEM, crocodile right chained to palm-shoot with short dense fronds and tip right; two short palm offshoots left and right below, above on left a wreath with two long ties streaming right.
Ó”, 24.5 x 3+ mm, 13.23g, die axis 3h; on both sides there are remains of what appears to be gold plating, perhaps it was a votive offering? Rough edges and slight scrapes on flan typical for this kind of coin, due to primitive technology (filing) of flan preparation.
IMPerator DIVI Filius. Mint of COLonia NEMausus (currently Nîmes, France). Known as "As de Nîmes", it is actually a dupontius (lit. "two-pounder") = 2 ases (sometimes cut in halves to get change). Dupondii were often made out of a golden-colored copper alloy (type of brass) "orichalcum" and this appears to be such case.
Key ID points: oak-wreath (microphotography shows that at least one leaf has a complicated shape, although distinguishing oak from laurel is very difficult) – earlier versions have Augustus bareheaded, no PP on obverse as in later versions, no NE ligature, palm with short fronds with tip right (later versions have tip left and sometimes long fronds). Not typical: no clear laurel wreath together with the rostral crown, gold (?) plating (!), both features really baffling.
But still clearly a "middle" kind of the croc dupondius, known as "type III": RIC I 158, RPC I 524, Sear 1730. It is often conservatively dated to 10 BC - 10 AD, but these days it is usually narrowed to 9/8 - 3 BC.
It is a commemorative issue, honoring the victory over Mark Antony and conquest of Egypt in 30 BC. The heads of Augustus and Agrippa were probably positioned to remind familiar obverses of Roman republican coins with two-faced Janus. Palm branch was a common symbol of victory, in this case grown into a tree, like the victories of Augustus and Agrippa grown into the empire. The two offshoots at the bottom may mean two sons of Agrippa, Gaius and Lucius, who were supposed to be Augustus' heirs and were patrons of the colony. Palm may also be a symbol of the local Nemausian deity, which was probably worshiped in a sacred grove. When these coins were minted, the colony was mostly populated by the settled veterans of Augustus' campaigns, hence the reminiscence of the most famous victory, but some of the original Celtic culture probably survived and was assimilated by Romans. The crocodile is not only the symbol of Egypt, like in the famous Octavian's coins AEGYPTO CAPTA. It is also a representation of Mark Antony, powerful and scary both in water and on land, but a bit slow and stupid. The shape of the crocodile with tail up was specifically chosen to remind of the shape of ship on very common "legionary" denarius series, which Mark Antony minted to pay his armies just before Actium. It is probably also related to the popular contemporary caricature of Cleopatra, riding on and simultaneously copulating with a crocodile, holding a palm branch in her hand as if in triumph. There the crocodile also symbolized Mark Antony.
Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa was born c. 64-62 BC somewhere in rural Italy. His family was of humble and plebeian origins, but rich, of equestrian rank. Agrippa was about the same age as Octavian, and the two were educated together and became close friends. He probably first served in Caesar's Spanish campaign of 46–45 BC. Caesar regarded him highly enough to send him with Octavius in 45 BC to train in Illyria. When Octavian returned to Rome after Caesar's assassination, Agrippa became his close lieutenant, performing many tasks. He probably started his political career in 43 BC as a tribune of the people and then a member of the Senate. Then he was one of the leading Octavian's generals, finally becoming THE leading general and admiral in the civil wars of the subsequent years.
In 38 as a governor of Transalpine Gaul Agrippa undertook an expedition to Germania, thus becoming the first Roman general since Julius Caesar to cross the Rhine. During this foray he helped the Germanic tribe of Ubii (who previously allied themselves with Caesar in 55 BC) to resettle on the west bank of the Rhine. A shrine was dedicated there, possibly to Divus Caesar whom Ubii fondly remembered, and the village became known as Ara Ubiorum, "Altar of Ubians". This quickly would become an important Roman settlement. Agrippina the Younger, Agrippa's granddaughter, wife of Emperor Claudius and mother of Emperor Nero, would be born there in 15 AD. In 50 AD she would sponsor this village to be upgraded to a colonia, and it would be renamed Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (colony of Claudius [at] the Altar of Agrippinians – Ubii renamed themselves as Agrippinians to honor the augusta!), abbreviated as CCAA, later to become the capital of new Roman province, Germania Inferior.
In 37 BC Octavian recalled Agrippa back to Rome and arranged for him to win the consular elections, he desperately needed help in naval warfare with Sextus Pompey, the youngest son of Pompey the Great, who styled himself as the last supporter of the republican cause, but in reality became a pirate king, an irony since his father was the one who virtually exterminated piracy in all the Roman waters. He forced humiliating armistice on the triumvirs in 39 BC and when Octavian renewed the hostilities a year later, defeated him in a decisive naval battle of Messina. New fleet had to be built and trained, and Agrippa was the man for the job. Agrippa's solution was creating a huge secret naval base he called Portus Iulius by connecting together lakes Avernus, Avernus and the natural inner and outer harbors behind Cape Misenum at the northern end of the Gulf of Naples. He also created a larger type of ship and developed a new naval weapon: harpax – a ballista-launched grapnel shot with mechanisms that allowed pulling enemy ships close for easy boarding. It replaced the previous boarding device that Romans used since the First Punic War, corvus – effective, but extremely cumbersome. A later defence against it were scythe blades on long poles for cutting ropes, but since this invention was developed in secret, the enemy had no chance to prepare anything like it. It all has proved extremely effective: in a series of naval engagements Agrippa annihilated the fleet of Sextus, forced him to abandon his bases and run away. For this Agrippa was awarded an unprecedented honour that no Roman before or after him received: a rostral crown, "corona rostrata", a wreath decorated in front by a prow and beak of a ship.
That's why Virgil (Aeneid VIII, 683-684), describing Agrippa at Actium, says: "…belli insigne superbum, tempora navali fulgent rostrata corona." "…the proud military decoration, gleams on his brow the naval rostral crown". Actium, the decisive battle between forces of Octavian and Mark Antony, may appear boring compared to the war with Sextus, but it probably turned out this way due to Agrippa's victories in preliminary naval engagements and taking over all the strategy from Octavian.
In between the wars Agrippa has shown an unusual talent in city planning, not only constructing many new public buildings etc., but also greatly improving Rome's sanitation by doing a complete overhaul of all the aqueducts and sewers. Typically, it was Augustus who later would boast that "he had found the city of brick but left it of marble", forgetting that, just like in his naval successes, it was Agrippa who did most of the work. Agrippa had building programs in other Roman cities as well, a magnificent temple (currently known as Maison Carrée) survives in Nîmes itself, which was probably built by Agrippa.
Later relationship between Augustus and Agrippa seemed colder for a while, Agrippa seemed to even go into "exile", but modern historians agree that it was just a ploy: Augustus wanted others to think that Agrippa was his "rival" while in truth he was keeping a significant army far away from Rome, ready to come to the rescue in case Augustus' political machinations fail. It is confirmed by the fact that later Agrippa was recalled and given authority almost equal to Augustus himself, not to mention that he married Augustus' only biological child. The last years of Agrippa's life were spent governing the eastern provinces, were he won respect even of the Jews. He also restored Crimea to Roman Empire. His last service was starting the conquest of the upper Danube, were later the province of Pannonia would be. He suddenly died of illness in 12 BC, aged ~51.
Agrippa had several children through his three marriages. Through some of his children, Agrippa would become ancestor to many subsequent members of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. He has numerous other legacies.Yurii P
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0001 Sextus Pompey, Imperator and Prefect of the Fleet [Youngest Son of Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus (Pompey the Great)]Q. Nasidius for Sextus Pompey
Obv: NEPTVNI (open P) downward on the l., bareheaded portrait of Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus facing r., trident with prongs pointing upward on the r., dolphin facing r. below neck, banker's mark to r. of bottom of neck. Border of dots.
Rev: Q. NASIDIVS below galley moving r. with billowing sail and bank of rowers, steersman on l. facing r. on stern with star above, pilot on r. facing r. standing on prow. Border of dots.
Denomination: silver denarius; Mint: Sicily, uncertain location1; Date 42 BC2; Weight: 3.87g; Diameter: 19mm: Die axis: 150º; References, for example: Cohen 15; Babelon Nasidia 1 and Pompeia 28; BMCRR v. II Sicily 21; Crawford RRC 483/2; Sydenham 1350; CRI 235.
Notes:
Q. Nasidius, a naval commander under Pompey the Great, eventually wound up in the services of Sextus. See Grueber BMCRR v. II Sicily p. 564 and Sear CRI pp. 139 - 140.
1Sydenham, Crawford RRC, and Estiot (2006) place the minting of this coin type in Sicily, but without referencing a location. Grueber BMCRR v. II Sicily also places the minting of this coin in Sicily and hesitatingly suggests the city of Catana. By his own admission "...this attribution is quite conjectural" (p. 557). Sear CRI, however, argues for a completely different location. On the basis of the naval theme and the absence of the title PRAEF⦁ORAE⦁MARIT⦁ET⦁CLAS⦁S⦁C, which for him pushes the date of minting to a time prior to April of 43 BC, Sear posits the minting of this coin to Sextus' time at the port of Massilia in southern Gaul.
2This is the date argued for in Estiot (2006) (p. 145), "...possibly around the time just before the beginning of the issue of Sextus Pompieus" imp. iter. praef. clas. et orae marit ex S C. coinage" [translation my own]. Grueber BMCRR v. II Sicily proposes 38 - 36 BC with Sydenham and DeRose Evans (1987) following suit. Crawford RRC suggests 44 - 43 BC.
Provenance: Ex CNG Auction 114 May 13, 2020 Lot 646; From the B. G. Collection, Ex CNG Auction 108 May 16, 2018 Lot 526.
Photo Credits: CNG
CLICK FOR SOURCESTracy Aiello
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003. Pop Romanvs ConstantinopleConstantine the Great, Commemorative issue, (0.84g) POP
ROMANVS Laureate and draped bust of Roman people left, cornucopia
on shoulder. / Star and CONSS in wreath. These tiny coins are
associated with the founding of the new capital at
Constantinople. F
ecoli
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011 HarthacnutPenny of Harthacnut, king of Denmark 1035-1042 and England 1040-1042
Danish issue as king of Denmark
Moneyer: Toci
Mint: Lund
S. 1170, Hbg 28 (var.)
Hauberg 28
O: NARÐECII
R: TOOCI ON LVNDI
Danish coin of Harthacnut, imitating the long cross type of Aethelred II. Harthacnut faces left with a nice head of bushy hair, looking somewhat more like a rooster's comb. In front of him is an extended hand, which seems to be clothed in a gauntlet. The lanky fingers look almost skeletal. The significance of this hand may be related to similar imagery of the 'benediction hand' on other coins of Aethelred II. This similar hand is also seen on late Roman coins. This image only appears on coins of Toci. Toci also struck coins for Cnut the Great, Magnus the Good, and Cnut IV.
Ex- Hafnia coins, Künker Auction 194 (lot 2132)St. George's Collection
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03. Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 325 - 323 BC, "Babylon" mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. M and a bee at left, monogram under throne.
17.12 gm., 26 mm.
P. #3619; M. #696.
Martin J. Price assigns this coin to the mint at "Babylon," but he says (p. 456 -57) it is possible that coins of "group two" may have been minted at Susa or Ecbatana.Callimachus
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04. "Abydus": Stater in the name of Alexander the Great.Stater, ca 323 - 317 BC, "Abydus" mint.
Obverse: Head of Athena in crested Corinthian helmet ornamented with a serpent.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Nike holding wreath and ship's mast; monogram and star at left, cornucopia at feet.
8.60 gm., 18 mm.
P. #1524; M. #381; S. #6704.Callimachus
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049 B.C., Q. Sicinius and C. Coponius., Republic AR-Denarius, Crawford 444/1a, C•COPONIVS• PR•S•C•, Club of Hercules, arrow, and bow, #1049 B.C., Q. Sicinius and C. Coponius., Republic AR-Denarius, Crawford 444/1a, C•COPONIVS• PR•S•C•, Club of Hercules, arrow, and bow, #1
avers: Q•SICINIVS III•VIR, diademed head of Apollo right, star below.
reverse: C•COPONIVS• PR•S•C•, Hercules' club surmounted by lion skin, scalp right, bow on right, the arrow on left.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 16,5mm, weight: 3,31g, axis: 5h,
mint: Rome, date: 49 B.C., ref: Crawford 444/1a, Sydenham 939, Sicinia 1,
Q-001
"An important type, one of the first of the "Imperatorial" series. Struck at a military mint in the East, 49 B.C., after the moneyer, owing to his appointment to Pompey the Great, fled Caesar's advance upon Rome with the Praetor Coponius (commander of the fleet), and part of the Senate (thus the S C on the reverse, to lend legitimacy to the coinage). Coponius is likely the father or grandfather of the man by the same name who served as procurator in Judaea under Augustus, from A.D. 6 to A.D. 9."quadrans
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06. "Amphipolis": Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 320 - 317 BC, "Amphipolis" mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: Reverse: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΟΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. Branch of laurel at left, Π under throne.
17.33 gm., 25 mm.
P. #124; M. #560.
Alexander appointed Antipater regent in Macedon during his absence. After Alexander's death in 323 BC, Antipater continued ruling as regent until his own death in 319 BC. Most coins issued in Macedon during this time continued to be in the name of Alexander. Callimachus
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07. "Pella": Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 315 - 310 BC, "Pella" mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. Boeotian shield at left, Σ. between the rungs of the throne.
17.24 gm., 26 mm.
P. #250; PROa #135.
Alexander appointed Antipater regent in Macedon during his absence. After Alexander's death in 323 BC, Antipater continued ruling as regent until his own death in 319 BC. Thereafter his son Kassander ruled until 297 BC, eventually taking the title of King in 305 BC. He was notorious for his cruelty, and in 311 BC he killed Alexander's widow and her young son. The silver coinage of Kassander's reign was all issued in the name of Alexander.Callimachus
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08. Ecbatana: Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 311 - 295 BC, Ecbatana mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. Anchor, forepart of a grazing horse, and two monograms at left; ΣΩ under throne.
17.01 gm., 26 mm.
P. #3931; M. #1355; ESM #475.
This is a coin of the Seleucid Empire from the time of Seleukos I, Nikator. Seleukos used the anchor as his personal symbol. Some of Seleukos' coinage was in the name of Alexander, and some was in his own nameCallimachus
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09. Alexandria: Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 310 - 305 BC, Alexandria (Egypt) mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander with Horn of Ammon, wearing elephant skin headdress.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Athena carrying shield and hurling spear. Also small eagle sitting on thunderbolt at right. Two monograms: one at left, one at right.
15.10 gm., 26 mm.
S. #7749; BMC 6.6, 46.
You may have noticed that I refer to the obverse portraits on the Alexander the Great coins as "Head of Alexander as Herakles." Much has been written about these portraits as to whether or not they really portray Alexander's likeness. There can be no doubt, however, that the portrait on this coin was intended to be that of Alexander. Ptolemy issued this coin in the name of Alexander while he was Satrap of Egypt. The elephant skin headdress was probably inspired by the lion's skin headdress on Alexander's own coins. It likely refers to Alexander's conquests in India where he defeated an Indian army with 200 elephants. Beneath the elephant skin headdress, right above his ear, Alexander wears the Horn of Zeus Ammon. The priests of Zeus Ammon recognized Alexander as divine when he visited Egypt in 331 BC. Callimachus
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1. Alexander the Great, Silver Drachm336-323 BC
Obv. Herakles head right
Rev. Zeus seated leftEcgþeow
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1.01 Constantine as Caesar: Carthage follis.Follis, Nov. - Dec. 306, Carthage mint.
Obverse: FL VAL CONSTANTINVS NOB CAES / Laureate bust of Constantine.
Reverse: SALVIS AVGG ET CAESS FEL KART / Carthage standing, dressed in long robe, holding fruit in both hands. H in left field.
Mint mark: Γ
9.49 gm., 27 mm.
RIC #51c; PBCC #575; Sear #15551.Callimachus
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1.04 Constantine as Caesar: Serdica follis.Follis, July 306 - Spring 307, Serdica mint.
Obverse: FL VAL CONSTANTINVS NOB CAESAR / Laureate bust of Constantine.
Reverse: GENIO POPVLI ROMANI / Genius standing, chlamys over left shoulder, pouring liquid from patera, holding cornucopiae. A in right field.
Mint mark: . SM . SD .
8.28 gm., 27 mm.
RIC #26; PBCC #848; Sear #15532.
RIC (vol VI, p. 489) says of this coin: " Rare for the Augusti, and very rare for the Caesars. This was evidently a small issue." This was the first issue to have Constantine on it, and due to political considerations, the last at Serdica. If you want a coin from each of the 19 mints that produced coins for Constantine, Serdica is the hardest to find.Callimachus
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1.07 Constantine as Caesar: Lugdunum follis.Follis, Spring 307, Lugdunum mint.
Obverse: FL VAL CONSTANTINVS N C / Laureate bust of Constantine.
Reverse: GENIO POP ROM / Genius standing, holding patera and cornucopia. Lighted altar at left. N in right field.
Mint mark: PLG
6.86 gm., 34.5 mm.
RIC #213b; PBCC #246; Sear #15525.Callimachus
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1.09 Constantine as Caesar: Antioch follis.Follis, ca 307, Antioch mint.
Obverse: FL VAL CONSTANTINVS NOB CAESAR / Laureate bust of Constantine.
Reverse: GENIO POPVLI ROMANI / Genius standing, chlamys over left shoulder & hanging low, pouring liquid from patera, holding cornucopiae. S in right field.
Mint mark: ANT:
9.21 gm., 27 mm.
PBCC #1086; unlisted in RIC and Sear. Callimachus
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1.10 Constantine as Caesar: London follis.Follis, summer 307, Londinium mint.
Obverse: FL VAL CONSTANTINVS NOB C / Laureate bust of Constantine.
Reverse: GENIO POP ROM / Genius standing, holding patera and cornucopiae.
Mint mark: PLN
7.05 gm., 28 mm.
RIC #88b; PBCC #11; Sear unlisted.Callimachus
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1.13 Constantine as Caesar: Rome follis.Follis, Summer 307, Rome mint.
Obverse: CONSTANTINVS NOB CAES / Laureate bust of Constantine.
Reverse: CONSERVATORES VRB SVAE / Roma seated in tetrastyle temple, holding globe and sceptre; knobs as acroteria, plain pediment.
Mint mark: RQ
5.64 gm., 25 mm.
RIC #164; PBCC #407; Sear #15512. Callimachus
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1.16 Constantine as Caesar: Treveri follis.Follis, Summer 307, Treveri mint.
Obverse: FL VAL CONSTANTINVS NOB C / Laureate bust of Constantine.
Reverse: GENIO POP ROM / Genius standing, holding patera and cornucopia. S in left field; A in right field.
Mint mark: PTR
7.75 gm., 27 mm.
RIC #719b; PBCC #122; Sear #15520.Callimachus
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1.19 Constantine as Caesar; Aquileia follis.Follis, late Summer 307, Aquileia mint.
Obverse: CONSTANTINVS NOB CAES / Laureate bust of Constantine.
Reverse: CONSERV VRB SVAE / Roma seated in hexrastyle temple, holding globe and sceptre; wreath on pediment.
Mint mark: AQΓ
7.20 gm., 25 mm.
RIC #117; PBCC #723; Sear #15507.
Callimachus
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1.51 Constantine as Filius Augustorum: Alexandria follis.Follis, 308-310, Alexandria mint.
Obverse: FL VAL CONSTANTINVS FIL AVG / Laureate bust of Constantine.
Reverse: GENIO CAESARIS / Genius standing, modius on head, chlamys over left shoulder, holding patera and cornucopiae. K in left field; A and P in right field.
Mint mark: ALE
6.08 gm., 24 mm.
RIC #99b; PBCC #1191; Sear #15585 var.
The obverse legend shows Constantine as "Filius Augustorum" -- an empty title granted him after the conference at Carnuntum in November 308. Coins with this title were issued for a short time at 5 mints under the control of Galerius (Siscia, Thessalonica, Nicomedia, Antioch, Alexandria). This title was not recognized in the area under the control of Constantine himself, nor in Italy which was under the control of Maxentius.
Callimachus
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1.53 Constantine as Filius Augustorum: Thessalonica follis.Follis, Dec. 308- May 310, Thessalonica mint.
Obverse: CONSTANTINVS FIL AVGG / Laureate bust of Constantine.
Reverse: GENIO CAESARIS / Genius standing, modius on head, chlamys over left shoulder, holding patera and cornucopiae. Star in left field; Δ in right field.
Mint mark: . SM . TS .
6.28 gm., 25 mm.
RIC #32b; PBCC #859; Sear #15583.
A coin with ugly gray surfaces. But then, Constantine's FIL AVGG coins do not come along very often.Callimachus
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1.54 Constantine as Filius Augustorum: Siscia follis.Follis, 309 - 310, Siscia mint.
Obverse: CONSTANTINVS FIL AVGG / Laureate bust of Constantine.
Reverse: GENIO AVGVSTI / Genius standing, chlamys over left shoulder, pouring liquid from patera, and holding cornucopiae. Crescent in left field; A in right field.
Mint mark: SIS
6.14 gm., 24 mm.
RIC #200b; PBCC #786; Sear #15581.
The obverse legend shows Constantine as "Filius Augustorum" -- an empty title granted him after the conference at Carnuntum in November 308. Coins with this title were issued for a short time at 5 mints under the control of Galerius (Siscia, Thessalonica, Nicomedia, Antioch, Alexandria). This title was not recognized in the area under the control of Constantine himself, nor in Italy which was under the control of Maxentius.Callimachus
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10-Miletus: Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 295 - 275 BC, Miletus mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. MI monogram at left.
16.56 gm., 29 mm.
P. #2150; M. #1055.Callimachus
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11 - Septimius Severus AR Denarius - AD 199Septimius Severus Denarius. 199 AD.
obv: L SEPT SEV AVG IMP XI PART MAX - Laureate head right.
rev: VICTORIAE AVGG FEL - Victory flying left holding open wreath in both hands over round shield set on low base.
2.16 Grams, 21.5mm.
---------------
Great, very expressive portrait of the Emperor.
Small flan crack @ 9 o'clock on the obverse.rexesq
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11 - Septimius Severus AR Denarius - AD 199 - obv 03Septimius Severus Denarius. 199 AD.
obv: L SEPT SEV AVG IMP XI PART MAX - Laureate head right.
rev: VICTORIAE AVGG FEL - Victory flying left holding open wreath in both hands over round shield set on low base.
2.16 Grams, 21.5mm.
---------------
Great, very expressive portrait of the Emperor.
Small flan crack @ 9 o'clock on the obverse. rexesq
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11 - Septimius Severus AR Denarius - AD 199 - obv 04 - *Better Lighting*Septimius Severus Denarius. 199 AD.
obv: L SEPT SEV AVG IMP XI PART MAX - Laureate head right.
rev: VICTORIAE AVGG FEL - Victory flying left holding open wreath in both hands over round shield set on low base.
2.16 Grams, 21.5mm.
---------------
Great, very expressive portrait of the Emperor.
Small flan crack @ 9 o'clock on the obverse.
rexesq
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11 - Septimius Severus AR Denarius - AD 199 - rev 04Septimius Severus Denarius. 199 AD.
obv: L SEPT SEV AVG IMP XI PART MAX - Laureate head right.
rev: VICTORIAE AVGG FEL - Victory flying left holding open wreath in both hands over round shield set on low base.
2.16 Grams, 21.5mm.
---------------
Great, very expressive portrait of the Emperor.
Small flan crack @ 9 o'clock on the obverse. Photo slightly off color due to camera troubles.
rexesq
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11. "Pella": Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 280 - 275 BC, "Pella" mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. Monogram under throne, Triton at left.
16.95 gm., 29 mm.
P. #527.
Following the overthrow of Demetrios Poliorketes by Lysimachos in 288 BC, there was a period of about a dozen years where no ruler was able to establish himself for any length of time in Macedonia. In 277 BC, Antigonos Gonatas achieved a victory over Gallic invaders in Thrace, and that enabled him to claim his father's throne. He ruled until 239 BC and the Macedonian kingdom prospered during his reign.
This coin was issued about the time Antigonos became king and established his own coinage. The decade 280 - 270 BC was a troubled one for the area due to the Gallic invasions (279 - 276 BC), and coins in the name of Alexander the Great from this decade are not common.Callimachus
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12. Callatis: Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 250 - 225 BC, Callatis mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΟΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. K at left, NAY under throne.
16.61 gm., 30 mm.
P. #943.
On the tag that came with this coin is the inscription "6 / Sept / 44 Bulgaria." The Soviet occupation of Bulgaria began on Sept. 9, 1944. It would be interesting to know the story behind that inscription as it applies to this coin...Callimachus
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13. Phaselis: Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, 206 / 05 BC, Phaselis mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. ΙΓ and Φ at left.
16.59 gm., 30 mm.
P. #2853.
The letters ΙΓ are a date: year 13. The dated coinage of Phaselis runs from year 1 through year 33. The coinage of Phaselis came to an end in 186 BC when the Treaty of Apamea gave Rhodes control over Lycia. That makes year 13 correspond to 206 / 205 BC. See pages 346 - 49 of Price, vol. I. Callimachus
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137-C1 VLLP Lyons, RIC 79Constantine The Great, AE3, Lyons mint, 320 AD.
Obv: CONSTANTINVS AVG, Cuirassed bust right, wearing high crested helmet.
Rev: VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP, Two Victories facing , placing shield inscribed VOT / PR on altar.
P(two captives)L in exergue.
Lyons mint, RIC 79.
18mm, 2.5 gm.Jerome Holderman
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138-C1 VLLP Siscia, RIC 48Constantine The Great, AE3, Siscia mint.
Obv:IMP CONSTANTINVS PF AVG, Laureate, helmeted, Cuirassed bust right.
Rev: VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP, Two Victories facing , placing shield inscribed VOT / PR on altar.
(gamma) SIS in exergue.
Siscia mint, RIC 48.
20mm, 2.2 gm.Jerome Holderman
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14. Rhodes: Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 201 - 190 BC, Rhodes mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. ΔΑΜΑΤΡΙΟΣ and rosebud at left, ΡΟ under throne.
16.89 gm., 32 mm.
P. #2521; M. #1162.
In 202 - 201 BC, Philip V of Macedon was threatening the cities of Asia Minor. Pergamum and Rhodes were political and military rivals, but they were allies against this common aggressor. Each city struck coins of the Alexander type so that the fleet and army assembled in this alliance could be paid in a common currency. By 190 BC old animosities reemerged and the joint coinage ended.Callimachus
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140-C1 VLLP Siscia, RIC 55Constantine The Great, AE3, 319-320 AD
Obv: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG, Cuirassed bust left wearing high crested helmet and holding spear.
Rev: VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP, Two Victories holding shield inscribed VOT/PR over altar.
BSIS in exergue. Siscia mint
19mm, 3.1 gm.
RIC 55Jerome Holderman
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1401a, St. Helena, Augusta 8 November 324 - 328 to 330 A.D., mother of Constantine the GreatBronze AE 3, RIC 148, VF, Alexandria mint, 3.243g, 19.4mm, 165o, 327 - 328 A.D. Obverse: FL HELENA AVGVSTA, diademed and mantled bust right wearing double necklace; Reverse: SECVRITAS REIPVBLICE, Securitas holding branch downward in right and lifting fold of robe in left, wreath left, I right, SMAL in exergue; rare.
The mother of Constantine the Great, born about the middle of the third century, possibly in Drepanum (later known as Helenopolis) on the Nicomedian Gulf; died about 330. She was of humble parentage; St. Ambrose, in his "Oratio de obitu Theodosii", referred to her as a stabularia, or inn-keeper. Nevertheless, she became the lawful wife of Constantius Chlorus. Her first and only son, Constantine, was born in Naissus in Upper Moesia, in the year 274. The statement made by English chroniclers of the Middle Ages, according to which Helena was supposed to have been the daughter of a British prince, is entirely without historical foundation. It may arise from the misinterpretation of a term used in the fourth chapter of the panegyric on Constantine's marriage with Fausta, that Constantine, oriendo (i. e., "by his beginnings," "from the outset") had honoured Britain, which was taken as an allusion to his birth, whereas the reference was really to the beginning of his reign.
On the death of Constantius Chlorus, in 308, Constantine, who succeeded him, summoned his mother to the imperial court, conferred on her the title of Augusta, ordered that all honour should be paid her as the mother of the sovereign, and had coins struck bearing her effigy. Her son's influence caused her to embrace Christianity after his victory over Maxentius. This is directly attested by Eusebius (Vita Constantini, III, xlvii): "She (his mother) became under his (Constantine's) influence such a devout servant of God, that one might believe her to have been from her very childhood a disciple of the Redeemer of mankind". It is also clear from the declaration of the contemporary historian of the Church that Helena, from the time of her conversion had an earnestly Christian life and by her influence and liberality favoured the wider spread of Christianity. Tradition links her name with the building of Christian churches in the cities of the West, where the imperial court resided, notably at Rome and Trier, and there is no reason for rejecting this tradition, for we know positively through Eusebius that Helena erected churches on the hallowed spots of Palestine. Despite her advanced age she undertook a journey to Palestine when Constantine, through his victory over Licinius, had become sole master of the Roman Empire, subsequently, therefore, to the year 324. It was in Palestine, as we learn from Eusebius (loc. cit., xlii), that she had resolved to bring to God, the King of kings, the homage and tribute of her devotion. She lavished on that land her bounties and good deeds, she "explored it with remarkable discernment", and "visited it with the care and solicitude of the emperor himself". Then, when she "had shown due veneration to the footsteps of the Saviour", she had two churches erected for the worship of God: one was raised in Bethlehem near the Grotto of the Nativity, the other on the Mount of the Ascension, near Jerusalem. She also embellished the sacred grotto with rich ornaments. This sojourn in Jerusalem proved the starting-point of the legend first recorded by Rufinus as to the discovery of the Cross of Christ.
Constantine I, in 327, improved Drepanum, his mother's native town, and decreed that it should be called Helenopolis, it is probable that the latter returned from Palestine to her son who was then residing in the Orient. Constantine was with her when she died, at the advanced age of eighty years or thereabouts (Eusebius, "Vita Const.", III, xlvi). This must have been about the year 330, for the last coins which are known to have been stamped with her name bore this date. Her body was brought to Constantinople and laid to rest in the imperial vault of the church of the Apostles. It is presumed that her remains were transferred in 849 to the Abbey of Hautvillers, in the French Archdiocese of Reims, as recorded by the monk Altmann in his "Translatio". She was revered as a saint, and the veneration spread, early in the ninth century, even to Western countries. Her feast falls on 18 August.
(See The Catholic Encyclopedia: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07202b.htm)
Cleisthenes
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1403b, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D.Constantine the Great, early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D., Bronze AE 3, RIC 137, VF, Constantinople mint, 1.476g, 16.4mm, 180o, 336 - 337 A.D. Obverse: CONSTANTI-NVS MAX AVG, laurel and rosette-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right; Reverse: GLOR-IA EXERC-ITVS, two soldiers, each holding spear and shield on ground, flanking standard, CONS[ ] in exergue. Ex FORVM.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403d, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Cyzicus)Constantine the Great, early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. Bronze AE 3, RIC 199, gVF, corrosion, Cyzicus, 1.402g, 16.2mm, 0o, 336 - 337 A.D. Obverse: CONSTANTI-NVS MAX AVG, laurel and rosette-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right; Reverse: GLOR-IA EXERC-ITVS•, two soldiers, each holding spear and shield on ground, flanking standard, SMKA in exergue.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403e, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Heraclea)Constantine the Great, Bronze AE 3, RIC 69, VF, Heraclea, 3.38g, 19.0mm, 180o, 325 - 326 A.D. Obverse: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG, laureate head right; Reverse: D N CONSTANTINI MAX AVG, VOT XXX in wreath, SMHD in exergue.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403g, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Nicomedia)Constantine the Great, early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. Bronze follis, RIC 12, aVF, Nicomedia mint, 2.760g, 22.0mm, 0o, 313 - 317 A.D. Obverse: IMP C FL VAL CONSTANTINVS P F AVG, laureate head right; Reverse: IOVI CONS-ERVATORI, Jupiter standing left holding Victory on globe and scepter, eagle with wreath in beak left, G right, SMN in exergue; scarce.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403i, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Siscia)Silvered AE 3, RIC 214, VF, Siscia mint, 3.187g, 19.3mm, 0o, 328 - 329 A.D.
Obverse: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG, laureate head right; Reverse PROVIDEN-TIAE AVGG, campgate with two turrets, star above, ASIS and double crescent in exergue.
Flavius Valerius Constantinus, Constantine the Great, was the son of Helena and the First Tetrarchic ruler Constantius I. Constantine is most famous for his conversion to Christianity and the battle of the Milvian Bridge where he defeated emperor Maxentius. It is reputed that before the battle, he saw the words "In Hoc Signo Victor Eris" (By this sign you shall conquer) emblazoned on the sun around the Chi Rho, the symbol of Christianity. Other sources claim the vision came to Constantine I in a dream. The story continues that after placing this Christogram on the shields of his army, he defeated his opponent and thus ruled the empire through divine providence. Constantine I also shifted the capital of the empire to Constantinople, establishing the foundation for an Empire that would last another 1000 years. He died in 337 and his sons divided the Roman territories.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power, and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403j, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Thessalonica)Bronze AE 3, RIC 153, VF, Thessalonica mint, 2.955g, 19.7mm, 0o, 326 - 328 A.D. Obverse: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG, laureate head right; Reverse: PROVIDEN-TIAE AVGG, campgate with two turrets, star above, dot right, SMTSG in exergue.
Flavius Valerius Constantinus, Constantine the Great, was the son of Helena and the First Tetrarchic ruler Constantius I. Constantine is most famous for his conversion to Christianity and the battle of the Milvian Bridge where he defeated emperor Maxentius. It is reputed that before the battle, he saw the words "In Hoc Signo Victor Eris" (By this sign you shall conquer) emblazoned on the sun around the Chi Rho, the symbol of Christianity. Other sources claim the vision came to Constantine I in a dream. The story continues that after placing this Christogram on the shields of his army, he defeated his opponent and thus ruled the empire through divine providence. Constantine I also shifted the capital of the empire to Constantinople, establishing the foundation for an Empire that would last another 1000 years. He died in 337 and his sons divided the Roman territories.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power, and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/
Cleisthenes
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1409a, Julian II "the Philosopher," February 360 - 26 June 363 A.D.Julian II, A.D. 360-363; RIC 167; VF; 2.7g, 20mm; Constantinople mint; Obverse: DN FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG, helmeted & cuirassed bust right, holding spear & shield; Reverse: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath; CONSPB in exergue; Attractive green patina. Ex Nemesis.
De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors
Julian the Apostate (360-363 A.D.)
Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Michael DiMaio, Jr., Salve Regina University
Introduction
The emperor Flavius Claudius Julianus reigned from 360 to 26 June 363, when he was killed fighting against the Persians. Despite his short rule, his emperorship was pivotal in the development of the history of the later Roman empire. This essay is not meant to be a comprehensive look at the various issues central to the reign of Julian and the history of the later empire. Rather, this short work is meant to be a brief history and introduction for the general reader. Julian was the last direct descendent of the Constantinian line to ascend to the purple, and it is one of history's great ironies that he was the last non-Christian emperor. As such, he has been vilified by most Christian sources, beginning with John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzus in the later fourth century. This tradition was picked up by the fifth century Eusebian continuators Sozomen, Socrates Scholasticus, and Theodoret and passed on to scholars down through the 20th century. Most contemporary sources, however, paint a much more balanced picture of Julian and his reign. The adoption of Christianity by emperors and society, while still a vital concern, was but one of several issues that concerned Julian.
It is fortunate that extensive writings from Julian himself exist, which help interpret his reign in the light of contemporary evidence. Still extant are some letters, several panegyrics, and a few satires. Other contemporary sources include the soldier Ammianus Marcellinus' history, correspondence between Julian and Libanius of Antioch, several panegyrics, laws from the Theodosian Code, inscriptions, and coinage. These sources show Julian's emphasis on restoration. He saw himself as the restorer of the traditional values of Roman society. Of course much of this was rhetoric, meant to defend Julian against charges that he was a usurper. At the same time this theme of restoration was central to all emperors of the fourth century. Julian thought that he was the one emperor who could regain what was viewed as the lost glory of the Roman empire. To achieve this goal he courted select groups of social elites to get across his message of restoration. This was the way that emperors functioned in the fourth century. By choosing whom to include in the sharing of power, they sought to shape society.
Early Life
Julian was born at Constantinople in 331. His father was Julius Constantius, half-brother of the emperor Constantine through Constantius Chlorus, and his mother was Basilina, Julius' second wife. Julian had two half-brothers via Julius' first marriage. One of these was Gallus, who played a major role in Julian's life. Julian appeared destined for a bright future via his father's connection to the Constantinian house. After many years of tense relations with his three half-brothers, Constantine seemed to have welcomed them into the fold of the imperial family. From 333 to 335, Constantine conferred a series of honors upon his three half-siblings, including appointing Julius Constantius as one of the consuls for 335. Julian's mother was equally distinguished. Ammianus related that she was from a noble family. This is supported by Libanius, who claimed that she was the daughter of Julius Julianus, a Praetorian Prefect under Licinius, who was such a model of administrative virtue that he was pardoned and honored by Constantine.
Despite the fact that his mother died shortly after giving birth to him, Julian experienced an idyllic early childhood. This ended when Constantius II conducted a purge of many of his relatives shortly after Constantine's death in 337, particularly targeting the families of Constantine's half-brothers. ulian and Gallus were spared, probably due to their young age. Julian was put under the care of Mardonius, a Scythian eunuch who had tutored his mother, in 339, and was raised in the Greek philosophical tradition, and probably lived in Nicomedia. Ammianus also supplied the fact that while in Nicomedia, Julian was cared for by the local bishop Eusebius, of whom the future emperor was a distant relation. Julian was educated by some of the most famous names in grammar and rhetoric in the Greek world at that time, including Nicocles and Hecebolius. In 344 Constantius II sent Julian and Gallus to Macellum in Cappadocia, where they remained for six years. In 351, Gallus was made Caesar by Constantius II and Julian was allowed to return to Nicomedia, where he studied under Aedesius, Eusebius, and Chrysanthius, all famed philosophers, and was exposed to the Neo-Platonism that would become such a prominent part of his life. But Julian was most proud of the time he spent studying under Maximus of Ephesus, a noted Neo-Platonic philospher and theurgist. It was Maximus who completed Julian's full-scale conversion to Neo-Platonism. Later, when he was Caesar, Julian told of how he put letters from this philosopher under his pillows so that he would continue to absorb wisdom while he slept, and while campaigning on the Rhine, he sent his speeches to Maximus for approval before letting others hear them. When Gallus was executed in 354 for treason by Constantius II, Julian was summoned to Italy and essentially kept under house arrest at Comum, near Milan, for seven months before Constantius' wife Eusebia convinced the emperor that Julian posed no threat. This allowed Julian to return to Greece and continue his life as a scholar where he studied under the Neo-Platonist Priscus. Julian's life of scholarly pursuit, however, ended abruptly when he was summoned to the imperial court and made Caesar by Constantius II on 6 November 355.
Julian as Caesar
Constantius II realized an essential truth of the empire that had been evident since the time of the Tetrarchy--the empire was too big to be ruled effectively by one man. Julian was pressed into service as Caesar, or subordinate emperor, because an imperial presence was needed in the west, in particular in the Gallic provinces. Julian, due to the emperor's earlier purges, was the only viable candidate of the imperial family left who could act as Caesar. Constantius enjoined Julian with the task of restoring order along the Rhine frontier. A few days after he was made Caesar, Julian was married to Constantius' sister Helena in order to cement the alliance between the two men. On 1 December 355, Julian journeyed north, and in Augusta Taurinorum he learned that Alamannic raiders had destroyed Colonia Agrippina. He then proceeded to Vienne where he spent the winter. At Vienne, he learned that Augustudunum was also under siege, but was being held by a veteran garrison. He made this his first priority, and arrived there on 24 June 356. When he had assured himself that the city was in no immediate danger, he journeyed to Augusta Treverorum via Autessioduram, and from there to Durocortorum where he rendezvoused with his army. Julian had the army stage a series of punitive strikes around the Dieuse region, and then he moved them towards the Argentoratum/Mongontiacum region when word of barbarian incursions reached him.
From there, Julian moved on to Colonia Agrippina, and negotiated a peace with the local barbarian leaders who had assaulted the city. He then wintered at Senonae. He spent the early part of the campaigning season of 357 fighting off besiegers at Senonae, and then conducting operations around Lugdunum and Tres Tabernae. Later that summer, he encountered his watershed moment as a military general. Ammianus went into great detail about Julian's victory over seven rogue Alamannic chieftains near Argentoratum, and Julian himself bragged about it in his later writing. After this battle, the soldiers acclaimed Julian Augustus, but he rejected this title. After mounting a series of follow-up raids into Alamannic territory, he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia, and on the way defeated some Frankish raiders in the Mosa region. Julian considered this campaign one of the major events of his time as Caesar.
Julian began his 358 military campaigns early, hoping to catch the barbarians by surprise. His first target was the Franks in the northern Rhine region. He then proceeded to restore some forts in the Mosa region, but his soldiers threatened to mutiny because they were on short rations and had not been paid their donative since Julian had become Caesar. After he soothed his soldiers, Julian spent the rest of the summer negotiating a peace with various Alamannic leaders in the mid and lower Rhine areas, and retired to winter quarters at Lutetia. In 359, he prepared once again to carry out a series of punitive expeditions against the Alamanni in the Rhine region who were still hostile to the Roman presence. In preparation, the Caesar repopulated seven previously destroyed cities and set them up as supply bases and staging areas. This was done with the help of the people with whom Julian had negotiated a peace the year before. Julian then had a detachment of lightly armed soldiers cross the Rhine near Mogontiacum and conduct a guerilla strike against several chieftains. As a result of these campaigns, Julian was able to negotiate a peace with all but a handful of the Alamannic leaders, and he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia.
Of course, Julian did more than act as a general during his time as Caesar. According to Ammianus, Julian was an able administrator who took steps to correct the injustices of Constantius' appointees. Ammianus related the story of how Julian prevented Florentius, the Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, from raising taxes, and also how Julian actually took over as governor for the province of Belgica Secunda. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, supported Ammianus' basic assessment of Julian in this regard when he reported that Julian was an able representative of the emperor to the Gallic provincials. There is also epigraphic evidence to support Julian's popularity amongst the provincial elites. An inscription found near Beneventum in Apulia reads:
"To Flavius Claudius Julianus, most noble and sanctified Caesar, from the caring Tocius Maximus, vir clarissimus, for the care of the res publica from Beneventum".
Tocius Maximus, as a vir clarissimus, was at the highest point in the social spectrum and was a leader in his local community. This inscription shows that Julian was successful in establishing a positive image amongst provincial elites while he was Caesar.
Julian Augustus
In early 360, Constantius, driven by jealousy of Julian's success, stripped Julian of many troops and officers, ostensibly because the emperor needed them for his upcoming campaign against the Persians. One of the legions ordered east, the Petulantes, did not want to leave Gaul because the majority of the soldiers in the unit were from this region. As a result they mutinied and hailed Julian as Augustus at Lutetia. Julian refused this acclamation as he had done at Argentoratum earlier, but the soldiers would have none of his denial. They raised him on a shield and adorned him with a neck chain, which had formerly been the possession of the standard-bearer of the Petulantes and symbolized a royal diadem. Julian appeared reluctantly to acquiesce to their wishes, and promised a generous donative. The exact date of his acclamation is unknown, but most scholars put it in February or March. Julian himself supported Ammianus' picture of a jealous Constantius. In his Letter to the Athenians, a document constructed to answer charges that he was a usurper, Julian stated that from the start he, as Caesar, had been meant as a figurehead to the soldiers and provincials. The real power he claimed lay with the generals and officials already present in Gaul. In fact, according to Julian, the generals were charged with watching him as much as the enemy. His account of the actual acclamation closely followed what Ammianus told us, but he stressed even more his reluctance to take power. Julian claimed that he did so only after praying to Zeus for guidance.
Fearing the reaction of Constantius, Julian sent a letter to his fellow emperor justifying the events at Lutetia and trying to arrange a peaceful solution. This letter berated Constantius for forcing the troops in Gaul into an untenable situation. Ammianus stated that Julian's letter blamed Constantius' decision to transfer Gallic legions east as the reason for the soldiers' rebellion. Julian once again asserted that he was an unwilling participant who was only following the desire of the soldiers. In both of these basic accounts Ammianus and Julian are playing upon the theme of restoration. Implicit in their version of Julian's acclamation is the argument that Constantius was unfit to rule. The soldiers were the vehicle of the gods' will. The Letter to the Athenians is full of references to the fact that Julian was assuming the mantle of Augustus at the instigation of the gods. Ammianus summed up this position nicely when he related the story of how, when Julian was agonizing over whether to accept the soldiers' acclamation, he had a dream in which he was visited by the Genius (guardian spirit) of the Roman state. The Genius told Julian that it had often tried to bestow high honors upon Julian but had been rebuffed. Now, the Genius went on to say, was Julian's final chance to take the power that was rightfully his. If the Caesar refused this chance, the Genius would depart forever, and both Julian and the state would rue Julian's rejection. Julian himself wrote a letter to his friend Maximus of Ephesus in November of 361 detailing his thoughts on his proclamation. In this letter, Julian stated that the soldiers proclaimed him Augustus against his will. Julian, however, defended his accession, saying that the gods willed it and that he had treated his enemies with clemency and justice. He went on to say that he led the troops in propitiating the traditional deities, because the gods commanded him to return to the traditional rites, and would reward him if he fulfilled this duty.
During 360 an uneasy peace simmered between the two emperors. Julian spent the 360 campaigning season continuing his efforts to restore order along the Rhine, while Constantius continued operations against the Persians. Julian wintered in Vienne, and celebrated his Quinquennalia. It was at this time that his wife Helena died, and he sent her remains to Rome for a proper burial at his family villa on the Via Nomentana where the body of her sister was entombed. The uneasy peace held through the summer of 361, but Julian concentrated his military operations around harassing the Alamannic chieftain Vadomarius and his allies, who had concluded a peace treaty with Constantius some years earlier. By the end of the summer, Julian decided to put an end to the waiting and gathered his army to march east against Constantius. The empire teetered on the brink of another civil war. Constantius had spent the summer negotiating with the Persians and making preparations for possible military action against his cousin. When he was assured that the Persians would not attack, he summoned his army and sallied forth to meet Julian. As the armies drew inexorably closer to one another, the empire was saved from another bloody civil war when Constantius died unexpectedly of natural causes on 3 November near the town of Mopsucrenae in Cilicia, naming Julian -- the sources say-- as his legitimate successor.
Julian was in Dacia when he learned of his cousin's death. He made his way through Thrace and came to Constantinople on 11 December 361 where Julian honored the emperor with the funeral rites appropriate for a man of his station. Julian immediately set about putting his supporters in positions of power and trimming the imperial bureaucracy, which had become extremely overstaffed during Constantius' reign. Cooks and barbers had increased during the late emperor's reign and Julian expelled them from his court. Ammianus gave a mixed assessment of how the new emperor handled the followers of Constantius. Traditionally, emperors were supposed to show clemency to the supporters of a defeated enemy. Julian, however, gave some men over to death to appease the army. Ammianus used the case of Ursulus, Constantius' comes sacrum largitionum, to illustrate his point. Ursulus had actually tried to acquire money for the Gallic troops when Julian had first been appointed Caesar, but he had also made a disparaging remark about the ineffectiveness of the army after the battle of Amida. The soldiers remembered this, and when Julian became sole Augustus, they demanded Ursulus' head. Julian obliged, much to the disapproval of Ammianus. This seems to be a case of Julian courting the favor of the military leadership, and is indicative of a pattern in which Julian courted the goodwill of various societal elites to legitimize his position as emperor.
Another case in point is the officials who made up the imperial bureaucracy. Many of them were subjected to trial and punishment. To achieve this goal, during the last weeks of December 361 Julian assembled a military tribunal at Chalcedon, empanelling six judges to try the cases. The president of the tribunal was Salutius, just promoted to the rank of Praetorian Prefect; the five other members were Mamertinus, the orator, and four general officers: Jovinus, Agilo, Nevitta, and Arbetio. Relative to the proceedings of the tribunal, Ammianus noted that the judges, " . . . oversaw the cases more vehemently than was right or fair, with the exception of a few . . .." Ammianus' account of Julian's attempt at reform of the imperial bureaucracy is supported by legal evidence from the Theodosian Code. A series of laws sent to Mamertinus, Julian's appointee as Praetorian Prefect in Italy, Illyricum, and Africa, illustrate this point nicely. On 6 June 362, Mamertinus received a law that prohibited provincial governors from bypassing the Vicars when giving their reports to the Prefect. Traditionally, Vicars were given civil authority over a group of provinces, and were in theory meant to serve as a middle step between governors and Prefects. This law suggests that the Vicars were being left out, at least in Illyricum. Julian issued another edict to Mamertinus on 22 February 362 to stop abuse of the public post by governors. According to this law, only Mamertinus could issue post warrants, but the Vicars were given twelve blank warrants to be used as they saw fit, and each governor was given two. Continuing the trend of bureaucratic reform, Julian also imposed penalties on governors who purposefully delayed appeals in court cases they had heard. The emperor also established a new official to weigh solidi used in official government transactions to combat coin clipping.
For Julian, reigning in the abuses of imperial bureaucrats was one step in restoring the prestige of the office of emperor. Because he could not affect all elements of society personally, Julian, like other Neo-Flavian emperors, decided to concentrate on select groups of societal elites as intercessors between himself and the general populace. One of these groups was the imperial bureaucracy. Julian made it very clear that imperial officials were intercessors in a very real sense in a letter to Alypius, Vicar of Britain. In this letter, sent from Gaul sometime before 361, the emperor praises Alypius for his use of "mildness and moderation with courage and force" in his rule of the provincials. Such virtues were characteristic of the emperors, and it was good that Alypius is representing Julian in this way. Julian courted the army because it put him in power. Another group he sought to include in his rule was the traditional Senatorial aristocracy. One of his first appointments as consul was Claudius Mamertinus, a Gallic Senator and rhetorician. Mamertinus' speech in praise of Julian delivered at Constantinople in January of 362 is preserved. In this speech, Claudius presented his consular selection as inaugurating a new golden age and Julian as the restorer of the empire founded by Augustus. The image Mamertinus gave of his own consulate inaugurating a new golden age is not merely formulaic. The comparison of Julian to Augustus has very real, if implicit, relevance to Claudius' situation. Claudius emphasized the imperial period as the true age of renewal. Augustus ushered in a new era with his formation of a partnership between the emperor and the Senate based upon a series of honors and offices bestowed upon the Senate in return for their role as intercessor between emperor and populace. It was this system that Julian was restoring, and the consulate was one concrete example of this bond. To be chosen as a consul by the emperor, who himself had been divinely mandated, was a divine honor. In addition to being named consul, Mamertinus went on to hold several offices under Julian, including the Prefecture of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Similarly, inscriptional evidence illustrates a link between municipal elites and Julian during his time as Caesar, something which continued after he became emperor. One concrete example comes from the municipal senate of Aceruntia in Apulia, which established a monument on which Julian is styled as "Repairer of the World."
Julian seems to have given up actual Christian belief before his acclamation as emperor and was a practitioner of more traditional Greco-Roman religious beliefs, in particular, a follower of certain late antique Platonist philosophers who were especially adept at theurgy as was noted earlier. In fact Julian himself spoke of his conversion to Neo-Platonism in a letter to the Alexandrians written in 363. He stated that he had abandoned Christianity when he was twenty years old and been an adherent of the traditional Greco-Roman deities for the twelve years prior to writing this letter.
(For the complete text of this article see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/julian.htm)
Julian’s Persian Campaign
The exact goals Julian had for his ill-fated Persian campaign were never clear. The Sassanid Persians, and before them the Parthians, had been a traditional enemy from the time of the Late Republic, and indeed Constantius had been conducting a war against them before Julian's accession forced the former to forge an uneasy peace. Julian, however, had no concrete reason to reopen hostilities in the east. Socrates Scholasticus attributed Julian's motives to imitation of Alexander the Great, but perhaps the real reason lay in his need to gather the support of the army. Despite his acclamation by the Gallic legions, relations between Julian and the top military officers was uneasy at best. A war against the Persians would have brought prestige and power both to Julian and the army.
Julian set out on his fateful campaign on 5 March 363. Using his trademark strategy of striking quickly and where least expected, he moved his army through Heirapolis and from there speedily across the Euphrates and into the province of Mesopotamia, where he stopped at the town of Batnae. His plan was to eventually return through Armenia and winter in Tarsus. Once in Mesopotamia, Julian was faced with the decision of whether to travel south through the province of Babylonia or cross the Tigris into Assyria, and he eventually decided to move south through Babylonia and turn west into Assyria at a later date. By 27 March, he had the bulk of his army across the Euphrates, and had also arranged a flotilla to guard his supply line along the mighty river. He then left his generals Procopius and Sebastianus to help Arsacius, the king of Armenia and a Roman client, to guard the northern Tigris line. It was also during this time that he received the surrender of many prominent local leaders who had nominally supported the Persians. These men supplied Julian with money and troops for further military action against their former masters. Julian decided to turn south into Babylonia and proceeded along the Euphrates, coming to the fortress of Cercusium at the junction of the Abora and Euphrates Rivers around the first of April, and from there he took his army west to a region called Zaitha near the abandoned town of Dura where they visited the tomb of the emperor Gordian which was in the area. On April 7 he set out from there into the heart of Babylonia and towards Assyria.
Ammianus then stated that Julian and his army crossed into Assyria, which on the face of things appears very confusing. Julian still seems to be operating within the province of Babylonia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The confusion is alleviated when one realizes that,for Ammianus, the region of Assyria encompassed the provinces of Babylonia and Assyria. On their march, Julian's forces took the fortress of Anatha, received the surrender and support of several more local princes, and ravaged the countryside of Assyria between the rivers. As the army continued south, they came across the fortresses Thilutha and Achaiachala, but these places were too well defended and Julian decided to leave them alone. Further south were the cities Diacira and Ozogardana, which the Roman forces sacked and burned. Soon, Julian came to Pirisabora and a brief siege ensued, but the city fell and was also looted and destroyed. It was also at this time that the Roman army met its first systematic resistance from the Persians. As the Romans penetrated further south and west, the local inhabitants began to flood their route. Nevertheless, the Roman forces pressed on and came to Maiozamalcha, a sizable city not far from Ctesiphon. After a short siege, this city too fell to Julian. Inexorably, Julian's forces zeroed in on Ctesiphon, but as they drew closer, the Persian resistance grew fiercer, with guerilla raids whittling at Julian's men and supplies. A sizable force of the army was lost and the emperor himself was almost killed taking a fort a few miles from the target city.
Finally, the army approached Ctesiphon following a canal that linked the Tigris and Euphrates. It soon became apparent after a few preliminary skirmishes that a protracted siege would be necessary to take this important city. Many of his generals, however, thought that pursuing this course of action would be foolish. Julian reluctantly agreed, but became enraged by this failure and ordered his fleet to be burned as he decided to march through the province of Assyria. Julian had planned for his army to live off the land, but the Persians employed a scorched-earth policy. When it became apparent that his army would perish (because his supplies were beginning to dwindle) from starvation and the heat if he continued his campaign, and also in the face of superior numbers of the enemy, Julian ordered a retreat on 16 June. As the Roman army retreated, they were constantly harassed by guerilla strikes. It was during one of these raids that Julian got caught up in the fighting and took a spear to his abdomen. Mortally wounded he was carried to his tent, where, after conferring with some of his officers, he died. The date was 26 June 363.
Conclusion
Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.
Copyright (C) 2002, Walter E. Roberts and Michael DiMaio, Jr. Used by permission.
In reality, Julian worked to promote culture and philosophy in any manifestation. He tried to reduce taxes and the public debts of municipalities; he augmented administrative decentralisation; he promoted a campaign of austerity to reduce public expenditure (setting himself as the example). He reformed the postal service and eliminated the powerful secret police.
by Federico Morando; JULIAN II, The Apostate, See the Julian II Page on NumisWiki
Flavius Claudius Iulianus was born in 331 or maybe 332 A.D. in Constantinople. He ruled the Western Empire as Caesar from 355 to 360 and was hailed Augustus by his legions in Lutetia (Paris) in 360. Julian was a gifted administrator and military strategist. Famed as the last pagan emperor, his reinstatement of the pagan religion earned him the moniker "the Apostate." As evidenced by his brilliant writing, some of which has survived to the present day, the title "the Philosopher" may have been more appropriate. He died from wounds suffered during the Persian campaign of 363 A.D. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
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142-C1 VLLP Siscia, RIC 47Constantine The Great, AE3, Siscia mint. 318 AD
Obv:IMP CONSTANTINVS PF AVG, Laureate, helmeted, Cuirassed bust right.
Rev: VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP, Two Victories facing , placing shield inscribed VOT / PR on altar.
BSIS* in exergue.
Siscia mint, RIC 47.
20mm, 2.8 gm.Jerome Holderman
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144-C1 VLLP Arelate, RIC 190-2Constantine The Great, AE3, Arelate mint, 319 AD.
Obv:IMP CONSTANTINVS MAX AVG, Laureate, helmeted, Cuirassed bust right.
Rev: VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP, Two Victories facing , placing shield inscribed VOT / PR on altar.
PARL in exergue.
Arelate mint, RIC 190.
18mm, 2.6 gm.Jerome Holderman
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147-C1 VLLP London, RIC 158Constantine The Great, AE3, London mint, 319-320 AD.
Obv:IMP CONSTANTINVS AVG, Cuirassed bust left, wearing high crested helmet and carrying spear.
Rev: VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP, Two Victories facing , placing shield inscribed VOT / PR on altar.
PLN in exergue.
London mint, RIC 158.
18mm, 2.9 gm.Jerome Holderman
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1477 - Sextus Pompey, AsAs struck in Sicily c.43-36 BC
Head of Janus with features of Pompey the Great, MAGN above
Prow of galley right, PIVS IMP in field
16.57 gr
Ref : HCRI # 336, RCV #1394, Cohen #16Potator II
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148-C1 VLLP Arelate, RIC 190-3Constantine The Great, AE3, Arelate mint, 319 AD.
Obv:IMP CONSTANTINVS MAX AVG, Laureate, helmeted, Cuirassed bust right.
Rev: VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP, Two Victories facing , placing shield inscribed VOT / PR on altar.
PARL in exergue.
Arelate mint, RIC 190.
17mm, 3.7 gm.Jerome Holderman
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149-C1 VLLP Ticinum, RIC 82-3Constantine The Great, AE3
Obv: IMP CONSTAN-TINVS MAX AVG, Helmeted, Laureate, cuirassed bust right.
Rev: VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP, Two Victories placing shield inscribed VOT / PR on altar.
ST in exergue.
17mm , 3.5 gm.
RIC 82 , Ticinum.Jerome Holderman
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15. Mesembria: Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 250 - 175 BC, Mesembria mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΟΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. Monogram under throne, Corinthian helmet at left.
16.66 gm., 33 mm.
P. #1013.Callimachus
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150 Leo I the Great, AD 457-474Gold solidus, 21.7mm, 4.50g, Mint State
Struck c. AD 462 or 466 at Constantinople
D N LEO PE—RPET AVC, helmeted and cuirassed bust facing, head slightly right, holding spear over right shoulder and shield with horseman motif on left arm / VICTORI—A AVCCC Θ, Victory standing half left holding long jeweled cross; star to right, CON OB in exg.
Certificate of Authenticity by David R. Sear, ACCS
Ex: Forvm Ancient Coins
RIC 605; DOC 528; MIRB 3bLawrence W
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150-C1 VLLP Ticinum, RIC 82-4Constantine The Great, AE3
Obv: IMP CONSTAN-TINVS MAX AVG, Helmeted, Laureate, cuirassed bust right.
Rev: VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP, Two Victories placing shield inscribed VOT / PR on altar.
PT in exergue.
17mm , 3.0 gm.
RIC 82 , Ticinum.Jerome Holderman
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155-C1 VLLP Arelate, RIC 191Constantine The Great, AE3, Arelate mint, 319 AD.
Obv:IMP CONSTANTINVS AVG, Laureate, helmeted, Cuirassed bust right.
Rev: VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP, Two Victories facing , placing shield inscribed VOT / PR on altar.
PARL in exergue.
Arelate mint, RIC 191.
19mm, 2.2 gm.Jerome Holderman
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157-C1 VLLP Trier, RIC 221Constantine The Great, AE3, Trier mint
Obv: IMP CONSTAN-TINVS MAX AVG, Helmeted, Laureate, cuirassed bust right.
Rev: VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP, Two Victories placing shield inscribed VOT / PR on altar.
STR in exergue.
17mm , 3.3 gm.
RIC 221 , TrierJerome Holderman
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16. Aradus: Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, 196 / 195 BC, Aradus mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. Palm tree at left, ΑΡ monogram under throne, ΔΞ in exergue.
17.00 gm., 30 mm.
P. #3396.
Dating this coin: ΔΞ = year 64 = 196 / 195 BC. The era dates to 259 BC when Aradus gained its autonomy. In this series there are 35 different dates between year 17 (243 / 242 BC) and year 94 (166 / 165 BC). There are several breaks in the series (after years 45 and 69 for example) which reflect different political situations in Phoenecia.Callimachus
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17. Temnos: Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 188 - 170 BC, Temnos mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟ&Upsilon / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. Two monograms, vine branch, and vase at left.
16.25 gm., 33 mm.
P. #1686; M. #958.Callimachus
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179 - FAVSTAFlavia Maxima Fausta (289–326 AD) was a Roman empress. She was the second wife of Constantine the Great, who had her executed and excluded from all official accounts, possibly due to adultery with her stepson, Crispus.
for obverse, reverse and coin details click hereshanxi
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18. Kyme: Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 188 - 170 BC, Kyme mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΟΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. A one-handled jug in wreath at left, ΑΘΗΝΙΚΩΝ in exergue.
16.71 gm., 37 mm.
P. #1642; M. #950.
The photo does not do justice to the beauty of this coin.Callimachus
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19. Mesembria: Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 175 - 125 BC, Mesembria mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΟΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. ΔΑ and Corinthian helmet to left, monogram under throne.
16.57 gm., 30 mm.
P. #1055; M. #472.Callimachus
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1ae Marc Antony and OctavianFormed the Second Triumvirate, 43-33 BC, , along with Marcus Aemilius Lepidus. Antony killed himself in 30 BC.
Denarius
41 BC
Marc Antony portrait, right, M ANT IMP AVG III VIR RPCM BARBAT QP
Octavian portrait, right, CAESAR IMP PONT III VIR RPC
RSC 8
Plutarch described Antony thusly: Antony grew up a very beautiful youth, but by the worst of misfortunes, he fell into the acquaintance and friendship of Curio, a man abandoned to his pleasures, who, to make Antony's dependence upon him a matter of greater necessity, plunged him into a life of drinking and dissipation, and led him through a course of such extravagance that he ran, at that early age, into debt to the amount of two hundred and fifty talents. . . . He took most to what was called the Asiatic taste in speaking, which was then at its height, and was, in many ways, suitable to his ostentatious, vaunting temper, full of empty flourishes and unsteady efforts for glory. . . . He had also a very good and noble appearance; his beard was well grown, his forehead large, and his nose aquiline, giving him altogether a bold, masculine look that reminded people of the faces of Hercules in paintings and sculptures. It was, moreover, an ancient tradition, that the Antonys were descended from Hercules, by a son of his called Anton; and this opinion he thought to give credit to by the similarity of his person just mentioned, and also by the fashion of his dress. For, whenever he had to appear before large numbers, he wore his tunic girt low about the hips, a broadsword on his side, and over all a large coarse mantle. What might seem to some very insupportable, his vaunting, his raillery, his drinking in public, sitting down by the men as they were taking their food, and eating, as he stood, off the common soldiers' tables, made him the delight and pleasure of the army. In love affairs, also, he was very agreeable: he gained many friends by the assistance he gave them in theirs, and took other people's raillery upon his own with good-humour. And his generous ways, his open and lavish hand in gifts and favours to his friends and fellow-soldiers, did a great deal for him in his first advance to power, and after he had become great, long maintained his fortunes, when a thousand follies were hastening their overthrow.Blindado
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1al Tiberius14-37
As
Laureate head, left, TI CAESAR AVGVST F IMPERAT V
PONTIF MAXIM TRIBVN POTEST XXIII SC
This is one of a series of 12 Caesars pieces that were local finds in Serbia. There are better coins out there, but I'll hang onto these because they really got me into the hobby.
RIC 469
Per Suetonius: Within three years, however, both Lucius Caesar and Gaius Caesar were dead [in AD2 and 4 respectively], and Augustus now adopted both their brother Agrippa Postumus, and Tiberius, who was first required to adopt his nephew Germanicus [in 4 AD]. . . .
From that moment onwards, Augustus did all he could to enhance Tiberius’ prestige, especially after the disowning and banishment of Postumus [ca 6 AD] made it obvious that Tiberius was the sole heir to the succession. . . .
Tiberius acted like a traditional citizen, more modestly almost than the average individual. He accepted only a few of the least distinguished honours offered him; it was only with great reluctance that he consented to his birthday being recognised, falling as it did on the day of the Plebeian Games in the Circus, by the addition of a two-horse chariot to the proceedings; and he refused to have temples, and priests dedicated to him, or even the erection of statues and busts, without his permission; which he only gave if they were part of the temple adornments and not among the divine images. . . .
Moreover, in the face of abuse, libels or slanders against himself and his family, he remained unperturbed and tolerant, often maintaining that a free country required free thought and speech. . . . He even introduced a species of liberty, by maintaining the traditional dignities and powers of the Senate and magistrates. He laid all public and private matters, small or great, before the Senate consulting them over State revenues, monopolies, and the construction and maintenance of public buildings, over the levying and disbanding of troops, the assignment of legions and auxiliaries, the scope of military appointments, and the allocation of campaigns, and even the form and content of his replies to letters from foreign powers. . . .
Returning to Capreae, he abandoned all affairs of state, neither filling vacancies in the Equestrian Order’s jury lists, nor appointing military tribunes, prefects, or even provincial governors. Spain and Syria lacked governors of Consular rank for several years, while he allowed the Parthians to overrun Armenia, Moesia to be ravaged by the Dacians and Sarmatians, and Gaul by the Germans, threatening the Empire’s honour no less than its security. Furthermore, with the freedom afforded by privacy, hidden as it were from public view, he gave free rein to the vices he had concealed for so long. . . . Blindado
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1bd1 Sextus Pompey Battles OctavianPompey the Great
As, minted by son Sextus Pompey
43-36 BC
Janiform head with features of Pompey the Great, MAGN above.
Prow of galley, PIVS above, IMP below.
This engraver had at best a dim notion of what the great man looked like! Pompey was a member of the first triumvirate, 59-53 BC.
Struck by Sextus Pompey after his victory over Salvidienus and relates to his acclamation as the Son of Neptune. Although Sextus Pompey was the supreme naval commander, Octavian had the Senate declare him a public enemy. He turned to piracy and came close to defeating Octavian. He was, however, defeated by Marcus Agrippa at the naval battle of Naulochus (3 September 36 B.C.). He was executed by order of Mark Antony in 35 B.C.
Sydenham 1044aBlindado
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1de Postumus259-268
Antoninianus
Radiate, draped & cuirassed bust, right, IMP C POTVMVS PF AVG
Virtus standing right, holding spear & shield, VIRTVS AVG
RIC 93
Postumus rebelled against Gallienus and ruled Gaul, Spain, and Britain. Eutropius wrote: When affairs were in this desperate condition, and the Roman empire almost ruined, POSTUMUS, a man of very obscure birth, assumed the purple in Gaul, and held the government with such ability for ten years, that he recruited the provinces, which had been almost ruined, by his great energy and judgment; but he was killed in a mutiny of the army, because he would not deliver up Moguntiacum, which had rebelled against him, to be plundered by the soldiers, at the time when Lucius Aelianus was endeavouring to effect a change of government.
According to the Historia Augusta: This man, most valiant in war and most steadfast in peace, was so highly respected for his whole manner of life that he was even entrusted by Gallienus with the care of his son Saloninus (whom he had placed in command of Gaul), as the guardian of his life and conduct and his instructor in the duties of a ruler.- Nevertheless, as some writers assert though it does not accord with his character he afterwards broke faith and after slaying Saloninus seized the imperial power. As others, however, have related with greater truth, the Gauls themselves, hating Gallienus most bitterly and being unwilling to endure a boy as their emperor, hailed as their ruler the man who was holding the rule in trust for another, and despatching soldiers they slew the boy. When he was slain, Postumus was gladly accepted by the entire army and by all the Gauls, and for seven years he performed such exploits that he completely restored the provinces of Gaul. . . . Great, indeed, was the love felt for Postumus in the hearts of all the people of Gaul because he had thrust back all the German tribes and had restored the Roman Empire to its former security. But when he began to conduct himself with the greatest sternness, the Gauls, following their custom of always desiring a change of government, at the instigation of Lollianus put him to death.
Zonaras adds: Galienus, when he had learned of [his son's death], proceeded against Postumus, and, when he had engaged him, was initially beaten and then prevailed, with the result that Postumus fled. Then Auriolus was sent to chase him down. Though able to capture him, he was unwilling to pursue him for long, but, coming back, he said that he was unable to capture him. Thus Postumus, having escaped, next organized an army. Galienus again marched upon him and, after he had penned him in a certain city of Gaul, besieged the usurper. In the siege, the sovereign was struck in the back by an arrow and, having become ill as a result, broke off the siege.Blindado
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1ec_2 Constantine the Great307-337
Follis
Laureate, draped, cuirassed bust right, IMP CONSTANTINVS PF AVG
Sol standing left, chlamys across left shoulder, raising right hand and holding globe in left hand, captive to left. Mintmark RQ.
RIC VII 52
According to Zonaras: Constans, in the eleventh year of his reign since he had been proclaimed Caesar, having ruled gently and mildly, came to the end of his life while residing in Britain, having, because of his goodness, bequeathed grief for himself among those he ruled, first having appointed successor the elder of his own sons, namely Constantine the Great, whom he begat by his first wife. He also had by his second wife, Herculius’ daughter Theodora, other sons, Constantinus, Hannibalianus, and Constantius. Constantine the Great was preferred over them, since they were judged by their father to be unsuited for sovereignty. . . . Constantine, when he was still a lad, was actually given by his father as a hostage to Gallerius, in order that, serving as a hostage, at the same time he be trained in the exercise of the soldierly art.
Eutropius summarizes: CONSTANTINE, being a man of great energy, bent upon effecting whatever he had settled in his mind, and aspiring to the sovereignty of the whole world, proceeded to make war on Licinius, although he had formed a connexion with him by marriage,5 for his sister Constantia was married to Licinius. And first of all be overthrew him, by a sudden attack, at Cibalae in Pannonia, where he was making vast preparations for war; and after becoming master of Dardania, Maesia, and Macedonia, took possession also of several other provinces.
There were then various contests between them, and peace made and broken. At last Licinius, defeated in a battle at Nicomedia by sea and land, surrendered himself, and, in violation of an oath taken by Constantine, was put to death, after being divested of the purple, at Thessalonica.
At this time the Roman empire fell under the sway of one emperor and three Caesars, a state of things which had never existed before; the sons of Constantine ruling over Gaul, the east, and Italy. But the pride of prosperity caused Constantine greatly to depart from his former agreeable mildness of temper. Falling first upon his own relatives, he put to death his son, an excellent man; his sister's son, a youth of amiable disposition; soon afterwards his wife, and subsequently many of his friends.
He was a man, who, in the beginning of his reign, might have been compared to the best princes; in the latter part of it, only to those of a middling character. Innumerable good qualities of mind and body were apparent in him; he was exceedingly ambitious of military glory, and had great success in his wars; a success, however, not more than proportioned to his exertions. After he had terminated the Civil war, he also overthrew the Goths on various occasions, granting them at last peace, and leaving on the minds of the barbarians a strong remembrance of his kindness. He was attached to the arts of peace and to liberal studies, and was ambitious of honourable popularity, which he, indeed, sought by every kind of liberality and obligingness. Though he was slow, from suspicion, to serve some of his friends,6 yet he was exceedingly generous towards others, neglecting no opportunity to add to their riches and honours.
He enacted many laws, some good and equitable, but most of them superfluous, and some severe. He was the first that endeavoured to raise the city named after him to such a height as to make it a rival to Rome. As he was preparing for war against the Parthians, who were then disturbing Mesopotamia, he died in the Villa Publica, at Nicomedia, in the thirty-first year of his reign, and the sixty-sixth of his age.
Zosimus described Constantine's conversion to Christianity: For he put to death his son Crispus, stiled (as I mentioned) Caesar, on suspicion of debauching his mother-in-law Fausta, without any regard to the ties of nature. And when his own mother Helena expressed much sorrow for this atrocity, lamenting the young man's death with great bitterness, Constantine under pretence of comforting her, applied a remedy worse than the disease. For causing a bath to be heated to an extraordinary degree, he shut up Fausta in it, and a short time after took her out dead. Of which his conscience accusing him, as also of violating his oath, he went to the priests to be purified from his crimes. But they told him, that there was no kind of lustration that was sufficient to clear him of such enormities. A Spaniard, named Aegyptius, very familiar with the court-ladies, being at Rome, happened to fall into converse with Constantine, and assured him, that the Christian doctrine would teach him how to cleanse himself from all his offences, and that they who received it were immediately absolved from all their sins. Constantine had no sooner heard this than he easily believed what was told him, and forsaking the rites of his country, received those which Aegyptius offered him ; and for the first instance of his impiety, suspected the truth of divination.Blindado
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20. Odessus: Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 125 - 70 BC, Odessus mint.
Obverse: Head of Alexander as Herakles, wearing lion's skin headdress.
Reverse: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΟΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ / Zeus sitting, holding his attendant eagle and sceptre. ΘΕ at left, monogram under throne.
16.36 gm., 34 mm.
P. #1181; M. #419.Callimachus
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2008-Savaria - The stone of the CaesarsOn the top of the red granite stone a sun-dial shows the time, and has six emperor relief. All of them played a significant role in the development of this town:
Claudius founded in AD 43 as Colonia Claudia Savaria;
during the reign of Domitian the town became a religion centre;
Emperor Trajan settled military troops from the civilians and they fought in Dacian War;
during the reign of Septimius Severus was built an Isis shrine;
Diocletian made the centre of jury during the Great Persecution;
and finally Constantine the Great, who partitioned Pannonia four province and Savaria was the capital of Pannonia Prima.berserker
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2014.105.4Alexander III, The Great, Uncertain Macedonian Mint (336-323 BC)
AE18; 5.91 g; 6h
Obverse: Head of Heracles right, wearing lion's skin.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ, between club and bow in case.
Ref: Price 266; SNG Munich Part 10/11 827;
gordian_guy
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2014.105.5Alexander III, The Great, Uncertain Macedonian Mint (336-323 BC)
AE15; 3.66 g; 7h
Obverse: Male head right, wearing Taenia.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝ[ΔΡΟΥ]; Horse advancing right. Below E.
Ref: Price 356;gordian_guy
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2014.105.6Alexander III, The Great, Uncertain Mint Western Asia Minor (c. 323 - c. 310 BC)
AE18; 5.71 g; 3h
Obverse: Head of Heracles right, wearing lion's skin.
Reverse: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ, between bow in decorated case and club, torch to left in exergue.
Ref: Price 2800(f); SNG Munich 919;gordian_guy
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2014.141.2Alexander III, The Great, Miletos
AR Drachm; 20 mm; 4.00 g; 3h
Obverse: Head of Heracles right, wearing lion's skin.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ; downward in right filed, Monogram in left field; Zeus seated left, holding eagle, standing right, in extended right hand; scepter in left.
Ref: Price 2151(a) [3h die axis]gordian_guy
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2014.141.3Alexander III, The Great, Tarsus
AE18; 5.60 g; 9h
Obverse: Head of Heracles right, wearing lion's skin, before Caduceus.
Reverse: ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ, between club and bow in case; above Caduceus, to left.
Ref: Price 3058; cf SNG Cop 1046-1047;gordian_guy
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21. Roman Macedon: Tetradrachm in the name of Alexander the Great.Tetradrachm, ca 90 - 75 BC, Thessalonika mint.
Obverse: ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ / Head of Alexander, wearing the Horn of Ammon.
Θ behind.
Reverse: AESILLAS Q / Club between money-chest and quaesteor's chair, all in olive-wreath.
16.23 gm., 29 mm.
S. #1463.
The dating of this series is far from certain. The traditional theory of ca 94 - 88 BC is supported by Athenian overstrikes. Others favor dates from the mid- 80s BC through the early 60s BC.Callimachus
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24. Alfred.Penny, first coinage 871-875, mint ?.
Obverse: +AELBRED REX / bust of Alfred.
Reverse: MON / EALHERE / ETA
Moneyer: Ealhere.
1.21 gm., 19 mm.
North #627; Seaby #1057.
The similarities of the lunnettes coinage of Burgred and the first coinage of Alfred has long been noted. There is evidence of an agreement between Mercia and Wessex to produce a unified coinage in the two states. This agreement was continued by Burgred and Alfred. At the beginning of Alfred's reign in 871, there were just two mints operating in Mercia and Wessex: London and Canterbury. Philip Grierson, in his book Medieval European Coinage: Volume 1, The Early Middle Ages, has Ealhere a moneyer in Canterbury.
A more detailed analysis of Alfred's coinage comes to a different conclusion. The Lunettes Coinage of Alfred the Great by A. W. Lyons & W. A. Mackay (2008, BNJ 78, 4) places this obverse die in Group 2 Mercian Style Lunettes, variant IV: "Horizonal bust." Characteristics: Bust lacks a bonnet, the hair is comprised of several horizontal lines usually ending in pellets and sloping between 45 to 60 degrees. Double-banded diadem surmounted by a crescent. Distinctively cut "wedge" lips. The eye is a small circle with a dot in the center.
The reverse die of this coin is Lunettes type C (illustrated under Burgred in North, p. 67.) However, Table 2B does not show the moneyer Ealhere using reverse type Lunette C. So coins with this die combination were evidentally not known to Lyons & Mackay.
Table 2D, listing all the moneyers of Alfred's Lunette coinage, says Ealhere used obverse dies of Group 1 variant I, and Group 2 variant IV (the obverse die on this coin). Lyons & Mackay suggest that Ealhere was located in central or west Wessex as he used London and Canterbury dies. Callimachus
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3855 PHOENICIA Berytus Hadrian 128-138 AD two legionary Aquilae Reference.
RPC III, 3855; Rouvier 532; SNG Cop 101; BMC Phoenicia 99 (p. 66)
Obv. IMP CAES TRAI HADRIANVS AVG P P
Laureate and draped bust right.
Rev. COL / BER
Two legionary aquilae (eagles) flanking inscription in two lines, all within laurel wreath, pellet between eagles.
4.99 gr
20 mm
die axis 0o
Note.
Named for the daughter of Augustus, Colonia Iulia Augusta Felix Berytus was founded in 14 B.C. with veterans of the 5th and 8th legions. Herod the Great, Herod Agrippa I, and Herod Agrippa II built sumptuous monuments and sponsored gladiatorial combats at Berytos. After the siege of Jerusalem, Titus gave gladiatorial games at Berytos, in which the combatants were Jews.
ex.
FORVMokidoki
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