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Image search results - "Campania,"
Neapolis_didrachm.jpg
Campania, Neapolis. 340-241 BC. AR Didrachm (7.29 grams) Diademed head of Parthenope right/ Manheaded bull, Acheloos, advancing right crowned by Nike. S 307. 1 commentspaul1888
Greek_Italy.jpg
Greek Italy, Magna Grecia.Apulia, Bruttium, Calabria, Campania, Lucania & Samnium.1 commentsAnaximander
DSCF1860.JPG
Neapolis, Campania, Italy, c. 270 - 240 B.C. AE 16-20mm Neapolis, Campania, Italy, c. 270 - 240 B.C.
Obv. Apollo left
Rev. Victory crowning Man Faced Bull right.

( One of my favorite coins I have cleaned myself!! )
Lee S
Caligula_Drusilla_AE20.jpg
1ao3 Julia DrusillaAE 20 of Smyrna (Izmir, Turkey)
Laureate head of Caligula, right, ΓAION KAICAPA EΠI AOYIOΛA
Drusilla as Persephone seated left, poppies between two stalks of grain in right hand, long scepter vertical behind in left hand, ∆POYCIΛΛAN ZMYPNAIΩN MHNOΦANHC

Caligula’s sister

Klose XXVIII, 27 (Vs4/Rs10); RPC I 2472; SNG Cop 1343; SNGvA 2202; BMC Ionia p. 269, 272

According to Suetonius’ salacious account: Germanicus had married Agrippina the Elder, daughter of Marcus Agrippa and Julia the Elder, and she had borne him nine children. Two died in infancy, another in early childhood. . . .

The other children survived their father: three girls, Agrippina the Younger, Drusilla and Livilla, born in successive years; and three boys, Nero, Drusus, and Gaius Caesar (Caligula). . . . [Caligula] habitually committed incest with each of his three sisters, seating them in turn below him at large banquets while his wife reclined above. It is believed that he violated Drusilla’s virginity while a minor, and been caught in bed with her by his grandmother Antonia, in whose household they were jointly raised. Later, when Drusilla was married to Lucius Cassius Longinus, an ex-consul, he took her from him and openly treated her as his lawful married wife. When he fell ill he made her heir to his estate and the throne.

When Drusilla died (in 38AD) he declared a period of public mourning during which it was a capital offense to laugh, or bathe, or to dine with parents, spouse or children. Caligula himself was so overcome with grief that he fled the City in the middle of the night, and travelled through Campania, and on to Syracuse, returning again with the same degree of haste, and without cutting his hair or shaving. From that time forwards whenever he took an important oath, even in public or in front of the army, he always swore by Drusilla’s divinity.
Blindado
HadrianSestFortuna.jpg
1be Hadrian117-138

Sestertius
Laureate head, right, HADRIANVUS AVG COS III PP
Fortuna standing left with rudder on globe and cornucopia, FORTVNA AVG

RIC 759

According to the Historia Augusta, "Bereft of his father at the age of ten, he became the ward of Ulpius Trajanus, his cousin, then of praetorian rank, but afterwards emperor, and of Caelius Attianus, a knight. He then grew rather deeply devoted to Greek studies, to which his natural tastes inclined so much that some called him 'Greekling. . . .' In the 105-106 second Dacian war, Trajan appointed him to the command of the First Legion, the Minervia, and took him with him to the war; and in this campaign his many remarkable deeds won great renown. . . . On taking possession of the imperial power
Hadrian at once resumed the policy of the early emperors and devoted his attention to maintaining peace throughout the world. . . . [I]n this letter to the Senate he apologized because he had not left it the right to decide regarding his accession, explaining that the unseemly haste of the troops in acclaiming him emperor was due to the belief that the state could not be without an emperor. . . . He was, in the same person, austere and genial, dignified and playful, dilatory and quick to act, niggardly and generous, deceitful and straightforward, cruel and merciful, and always in all things changeable. . . . Hadrian's memory was vast and his ability was unlimited ; for instance, he personally dictated his speeches and gave opinions on all questions. He was also very witty. . . ."

After this Hadrian departed for Baiae, leaving Antoninus at Rome to carry on the government. But he received no benefit there, and he thereupon
sent for Antoninus, and in his presence he died there at Baiae on the sixth day before the Ides of July.

According to Eutropius: After the death of Trajan, AELIUS HADRIAN was made emperor, not from any wish to that effect having been expressed by Trajan himself, but through the influence of Plotina, Trajan's wife; for Trajan in his life-time had refused to adopt him, though he was the son of his cousin. He also was born at Italica in Spain. Envying Trajan's glory, he immediately gave up three of the provinces which Trajan had added to the empire, withdrawing the armies from Assyria, Mesopotamia, and Armenia, and deciding that the Euphrates should be the boundary of the empire. When he was proceeding, to act similarly with regard to Dacia, his friends dissuaded him, lest many Roman citizens should be left in the hands of the barbarians, because Trajan, after he had subdued Dacia, had transplanted thither an infinite number of men from the whole Roman world, to people the country and the cities; as the land had been exhausted of inhabitants in the long war maintained by Decebalus.

He enjoyed peace, however, through the whole course of his reign; the only war that he had, he committed to the conduct of a governor of a province. He went about through the Roman empire, and founded many edifices. He spoke with great eloquence in the Latin language, and was very learned in the Greek. He had no great reputation for clemency, but was very attentive to the state of the treasury and the discipline of the soldiers. He died in Campania, more than sixty years old, in the twenty-first year, tenth month, and twenty-ninth day of his reign. The senate was unwilling to allow him divine honours; but his successor Titus Aurelius Fulvius Antonius, earnestly insisting on it, carried his point, though all the senators were openly opposed to him.
1 commentsBlindado
TetricusAntVirtus.jpg
1dg Tetricus270-273

AE antoninianus

Radiate draped bust, right, IMP C TETRICVS P F AVG
Virtus standing left with shield & spear, VIRTVS AVGG

RIC 148

According to the Historia Augusta: After Victorinus and his son were slain, his mother Victoria (or Vitruvia) urged Tetricus, a Roman senator then holding the governorship of Gaul, to take the imperial power, for the reason, many relate, that he was her kinsman; she then caused him to be entitled Augustus and bestowed on his son the name of Caesar. But after Tetricus had done many deeds with success and had ruled for a long time he was defeated by Aurelian, and, being unable to bear the impudence and shamelessness of his soldiers, he surrendered of his own free will to this prince most harsh and severe. . . . Aurelian, nevertheless, exceedingly stern though he was, overcome by a sense of shame, made Tetricus, whom lie had led in his triumph, supervisor over the whole of Italy,' that is, over Campania, Samnium, Lucania, Bruttium, Apulia, Calabria, Etruria and Umbria, Picenum and the Flaminian district, and the entire grain-bearing region, and suffered him not only to retain his life but also to remain in the highest position, calling him frequently colleague, sometimes fellow-soldier, and sometimes even emperor.
Blindado
AugustusAE19Sardeis.jpg
702a, Augustus, 16 January 27 B.C. - 19 August 14 A.D.Augustus, 27 BC - 14 AD. AE 19mm (5.98 gm). Lydia, Sardeis. Diodoros Hermophilou. Obverse: head right. Reverse: Zeus Lydios standing facing holding scepter and eagle. RPC I, 489, 2986; SNG von Aulock 3142. aVF. Fine portrait. Ex Tom Vossen.

De Imperatoribus Romanis:
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers

AUGUSTUS (31 B.C. - 14 A.D.)


Garrett G. Fagan
Pennsylvania State University

In the course of his long and spectacular career, he put an end to the advancing decay of the Republic and established a new basis for Roman government that was to stand for three centuries. This system, termed the "Principate," was far from flawless, but it provided the Roman Empire with a series of rulers who presided over the longest period of unity, peace, and prosperity that Western Europe, the Middle East and the North African seaboard have known in their entire recorded history. Even if the rulers themselves on occasion left much to be desired, the scale of Augustus's achievement in establishing the system cannot be overstated. Aside from the immense importance of Augustus's reign from the broad historical perspective, he himself is an intriguing figure: at once tolerant and implacable, ruthless and forgiving, brazen and tactful. Clearly a man of many facets, he underwent three major political reinventions in his lifetime and negotiated the stormy and dangerous seas of the last phase of the Roman Revolution with skill and foresight. With Augustus established in power and with the Principate firmly rooted, the internal machinations of the imperial household provide a fascinating glimpse into the one issue that painted this otherwise gifted organizer and politician into a corner from which he could find no easy exit: the problem of the succession.

(For a very detailed and interesting account of the Age of Augustus see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/auggie.htm)

Death and Retrospective

In his later years, Augustus withdrew more and more from the public eye, although he continued to transact public business. He was getting older, and old age in ancient times must have been considerably more debilitating than it is today. In any case, Tiberius had been installed as his successor and, by AD 13, was virtually emperor already. In AD 4 he had received grants of both proconsular and tribunician power, which had been renewed as a matter of course whenever they needed to be; in AD 13, Tiberius's imperium had been made co-extensive with that of Augustus. While traveling in Campania, Augustus died peacefully at Nola on 19 August, AD 14. Tiberius, who was en route to Illyricum, hurried to the scene and, depending on the source, arrived too late or spent a day in consultation with the dying princes. The tradition that Livia poisoned her husband is scurrilous in the extreme and most unlikely to be true. Whatever the case about these details, Imperator Caesar Augustus, Son of a God, Father of his Country, the man who had ruled the Roman world alone for almost 45 years, or over half a century if the triumviral period is included, was dead. He was accorded a magnificent funeral, buried in the mausoleum he had built in Rome, and entered the Roman pantheon as Divus Augustus. In his will, he left 1,000 sesterces apiece to the men of the Praetorian guard, 500 to the urban cohorts, and 300 to each of the legionaries. In death, as in life, Augustus acknowledged the true source of his power.

The inscription entitled "The Achievements of the Divine Augustus" (Res Gestae Divi Augustae; usually abbreviated RG) remains a remarkable piece of evidence deriving from Augustus's reign. The fullest copy of it is the bilingual Greek and Latin version carved into the walls of the Temple of Rome and Augustus at Ancyra in Galatia (for this reason the RG used to be commonly referred to as the Monumentum Ancyranum). Other evidence, however, demonstrates that the original was inscribed on two bronze pillars that flanked the entrance to the Mausoleum of Augustus in Rome. The inscription remains the only first-person summary of any Roman emperor's political career and, as such, offers invaluable insights into the Augustan regime's public presentation of itself.

In looking back on the reign of Augustus and its legacy to the Roman world, its longevity ought not to be overlooked as a key factor in its success. People had been born and reached middle age without knowing any form of government other than the Principate. Had Augustus died earlier (in 23 BC, for instance), matters may have turned out very differently. The attrition of the civil wars on the old Republican aristocracy and the longevity of Augustus, therefore, must be seen as major contributing factors in the transformation of the Roman state into a monarchy in these years. Augustus's own experience, his patience, his tact, and his great political acumen also played their part. All of these factors allowed him to put an end to the chaos of the Late Republic and re-establish the Roman state on a firm footing. He directed the future of the empire down many lasting paths, from the existence of a standing professional army stationed at or near the frontiers, to the dynastic principle so often employed in the imperial succession, to the embellishment of the capital at the emperor's expense. Augustus's ultimate legacy, however, was the peace and prosperity the empire was to enjoy for the next two centuries under the system he initiated. His memory was enshrined in the political ethos of the Imperial age as a paradigm of the good emperor; although every emperor adopted his name, Caesar Augustus, only a handful earned genuine comparison with him.

Copyright © 1999, Garrett G. Fagan.
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.

Augustus (the first Roman emperor, in whose reign Jesus Christ was born) is without any doubt one of the most important figures in Roman history.

It is reported that when he was near death, Augustus addressed those in attendance with these words, "If I have played my part well, applaud!"

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr
Cleisthenes
rooster.jpg
Cales; Athena left/ CALENO, Cock standing right, star behind. AE 20CAMPANIA, Cales. After 268 B.C. Æ 20. 6.7g. Obv. Head of Athena left wearing crested Corinthian helmet. Rev. CALENO, Cock standing right, star behind. Sear GCV 548Podiceps
Greek 1.jpg
Campania ItalySuessa Aurunca (Sessa), Campania, Italy, c. 265 - 240 B.C.
Bronze AE 20, SNG ANS 606 ff., 4.5g, 20 mm,
Obverse: laureate head of Apollo left, O behind;
Reverse : Man-headed bull standing right, being crowned by Nike who flies above



Tanit
atella.jpg
CAMPANIA, Atella. Zeus/ Hades abducting PersephoneCAMPANIA, Atella. Circa 216-211 BC. 8.31 g. Æ 25. Triens Obv: Laureate head of Zeus right; four pellets behind / Rev: Hades abducting PersephonePodiceps
CalesStarstar.JPG
CAMPANIA, CalesCAMPANIA, Cales, AE Litra, c. 317 to 280 BC BC. OBV: Apollo right, nothing behind, dotted border / Rev: Man-faced bull standing right, head facing. 16 point star above, eight point star below, CALENO in ex., dotted border. Hunterian 20; SNG France 466; MSP I, 92.Molinari
CaleslyreB.JPG
CAMPANIA, CalesCAMPANIA, Cales, AE Obol, 7.01g, 317-280 BC. Laureate head of Apollo left, CALENO before, dotted border/ Achelous Volturnus as a man-faced bull standing right on single line, head facing, lyre above, B below, CALENO in ex. SNG France 450; MSP I, 106 (this coin illustrated).Molinari
43934_0.jpg
Campania, Cales (Circa 265-240 BC)AE 23, 6.52 g

Obverse: Head of Athena l., wearing Corinthian helmet. CAΛENO (CALENO)

Reverse: Cock standing r.; in l. field, star.

Sambon 916. Historia Numorum Italy 435.

Before the Romans, Cales had been the center of an earlier Italic population called the Ausones (Aurunci in Latin), a people that inhabited areas of southern Italy well beyond Campania by about 1000 BC. That people may have come from Greece, but there is also archaeological evidence of Etruscan origin or at least influence. The source of the name Cales may be the proper name Calai, mythologically said to be one of Jason’s companions aboard the Argo and to have founded Cales.

Livy (VIII.16.13-14) relates that a Latin colony, the first in Campania, was established at Cales in 334 BC. It was apparently part of the area conquered by Rome circa 313 BC after which Cales became the center of Roman rule in Campania. Similar coins were struck at Cales, Suessa Aurunca, Caiatia, Telesia, Teanum, and at least one other town, doubtless by permission of the Romans. This uniformity of types suggests a monetary alliance.
Nathan P
ae3.jpg
Campania, Cales. After 268 BC. AE19.Obv: Helmeted head of Athena left, wearing Corinthian helmet.
Rev: CALENO, cock standing right, star behind.
SNGCop 322.
ancientone
Capua_copy.jpg
CAMPANIA, CapuaCirca 216-211 BC. Æ Biunx. Diademed head of Herakles right; club over left shoulder / Lion walking right, breaking spear held in its mouth; •• above. SNG ANS 208; BMC Italy pg. 80, 1-2; SNG Copenhagen 332; SNG Morcom -; Laffaille -; Weber 292. aF/F, obverse quite rough. Rare.

Ex. CNG eAuction 308, lot 539 (part of)
Molinari
GRK_SRCV_294_Campagnia_Hyria.jpg
Campania, Hyria.SRCV 294 var. (Athena facing right), HN Italy 539, Rutter 88.

AR nomos, struck c.a. 400-395 B.C., 7.02 gr., 20.19 mm. max., 0°.

Obv.: Head of Athena left, in Attic helmet decorated with owl and laurel branch.

Rev.: Man-headed bull walking left, YDINAI above.
Stkp
Hyria.jpg
Campania, Hyrianoi. (Circa 405-400 BC)Fourrée Nomos (20.5mm, 6.33 g)

Obverse: Head of Athena wearing crested helmet decorated with olive-wreath and owl.

Reverse: Man-faced bull standing r. on exergual line, YDINA (retrograde) above. YDINA is in Oscan script and means "Urina", another name for Hyria.

For prototype, cf. HN Italy 539.

The city, named both Nola (new city) and Hyria (which Nola likely arose from), was situated in the midst of the plain lying to the east of Mount Vesuvius, 21 miles south of Capua. While Neapolis was the focus of minting in this general area, Neapolitan designs were adopted by several new series of coins, some of them bearing legends in Oscan script referring to communities that are otherwise unknown (such as the Hyrianoi). Complex die linking between these different series indicate, at the very least, close cooperation in minting. Didrachms sharing motives (Athena/man headed bull), but with legends referring to different issuing communities on the reverse, testify to the integration into a common material culture in Campania in the late fifth to early fourth century. The die sharing and use of legends in Oscan script allow for an interpretation of these issues as indigenous coinages struck in the Campanian mileu.

The influence of Athens on Hyria can be seen not only in the great number of Greek vases and other articles discovered at the old city but by the adoption of the head of Pallas with the Athenian owl as their obverse type.

This particular coin is an ancient forgery, which were quite common in Magna Graecia and typically of much higher quality than fourrees produced elsewhere. In ON THE FORGERIES OF PUBLIC MONEY [J. Y. Akerman
The Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of the Numismatic Society, Vol. 6 (APRIL, 1843–JANUARY, 1844), pp. 57-82] it is noted that ancient forgeries tend "to be most abundantly found to belong to the most luxurious, populous, and wealthy cities of Magna Graecia...Nor is it surprising that the luxury and vice of those celebrated cities should have led to crime; and among crimes, to the forging of money, as furnishing the means for the more easy gratification of those sensual indulgences, which were universally enjoyed by the rich in those dissipated and wealthy cities. Many of the coins of the places in question having been originally very thickly coated, or cased with silver (called by the French, fourrees), pass even now among collectors without suspicion."
1 commentsNathan P
neapolis_manfaced_bull_res_x.jpg
CAMPANIA, NEAPOLIS ca. 280 - 270 BC
AE 15 mm 2.60 g
O: Laureate head of Apollo, left
R: [N]EOPOLITWN Forepart of man-faced bull, right
2 commentslaney
Neapolis_1.jpg
Campania, NeapolisNeapolis
Didrachm
Obv.: Head of Nymph Parthenope, wearing broad headband, earring and necklace, ΣTA below, behind, bunch of grapes.
Rev.: Man-headed bull walking r., crowned by Nike, K below, in exergue, NEOPOLIT[HS].
Ref.: SNG ANS 354
Ex-CNG
shanxi
Sambon667var.JPG
CAMPANIA, NeapolisCAMPANIA, Neapolis, AE Obol, 4.56g. Laureate head of Apollo left, K (retro) behind/ Man-faced bull standing right on single line, head facing, Victory above, IS below, nothing in ex. Sambon 667 var.Molinari
3330002.jpg
CAMPANIA, NeapolisCAMPANIA, Neapolis. Circa 300-275 BC. AR Nomos (18mm, 7.06 g, 5h). Head of nymph right; X behind / Man-headed bull walking right; above, Nike flying right, placing wreath on bull's head; EYΞ below. Sambon 477; HN Italy 579; SNG ANS 370. Fine, toned,ecoli
NeapolisPhrygSa.JPG
CAMPANIA, NeapolisCAMPANIA, Neapolis. c. 320-280 BC, Bronze Litra. Obv: Apollo right, E behind, dotted border. Rev: Achelous Sebethos as a man-faced bull standing right, head facing, Phrygian helmet above, P+M monogram below, [NEΠOΛITΩN] in ex. Sambon 625, Taliercio IIa, 26; MSP I, 259Molinari
NeapolisPhrygHelm.JPG
CAMPANIA, NeapolisCAMPANIA, Neapolis. c. 320-280 BC, Bronze Litra. Obv: Apollo right, E behind, dotted border. Rev: Achelous Sebethos as a man-faced bull standing right, head facing, Phrygian helmet above, P+M monogram below, [NEΠOΛITΩN] in ex. Sambon 625, Taliercio IIa, 26; MSP I, 259 (this coin illustrated).Molinari
3NeapolisDidrachm.jpg
CAMPANIA, NeapolisCAMPANIA, Neapolis. Circa 300-275 BC. AR Nomos (19mm, 7.11 g, 3h). Diademed head of nymph right; X behind / Achelous Sebethos as a man-headed bull walking right; above, Nike flying right, placing wreath on bull's head; EΥΞ below. Sambon 477; HN Italy 579; SNG ANS 372 (same dies). Near VF, toned. Ex. CNG 84, Lot. 52. From the Colin E. Pitchfork Collection1 commentsMolinari
1ww.jpg
CAMPANIA, NeapolisAE third unit, 317/310-270 BC. Apollo right / Forepart of Achelous Sebethos as a man-faced bull to right, dolphin left, dotted border. 1.53g. Sambon 581; Taliercio IId, 1; MSP I, 295.Molinari
8normal_NeapolisAEUnita.JPG
CAMPANIA, NeapolisCampania, Neapolis, ae unit. Apollo/Forepart of Acheloos Sebethos as a man-faced bull.

Gifted to Peter.
Molinari
95.JPG
CAMPANIA, NeapolisNeapolis, Campania, 1.29g (quarter unit), 317/310-270 BC. Head of Apollo left, NEAPOLITWN before, dotted border/ Forepart of Achelous Sebethos as a man-faced bull to right, dolphin above, dotted border. MSP I, 309-316 var.

Gifted to Sean.
Molinari
94.JPG
CAMPANIA, NeapolisCAMPANIA, Neapolis, Apollo left, laurel wreath with leaves in opposing pairs, NEOΠOΛITΩN before, Ξin field, dotted border/ Achelous Sebethos as a man-faced bull right, standing on single line with head facing, above, Nike crowns him, IΣ in ex.; Sambon 675; Taliercio IIIa, 37, MSP I, 366.Molinari
97.JPG
CAMPANIA, NeapolisNeapolis, 317/310-270 BC, Ae Third Unit.
OBV: Apollo facing left, laurel wreath with leaves in opposing pairs
REV: Forepart of Achelous Sebethos as a man-faced bull to right, NEOΠOΛITΩN (?) above, unclear behind.
1.89g (third unit), Cf. Taliercio IIc var; MSP I, 285-294 var.

Gifted to Troy
Molinari
98.jpg
CAMPANIA, NeapolisCampania, Neapolis, struck 317/310-270 BC, third unit, 1.85g. Obv : laur. head of Apollo, Mono before, Lambda behind/ Rev : [NE]OΠOΛIT[ Forepart of Achelous Sebethos as a man-faced bull to right, IS behind. REF: Taliercio IIc, 12; MSP I, 293.

Ex. Marcantica
Molinari
normal_NeapolisFinalA~0.JPG
CAMPANIA, NeapolisCAMPANIA, Neapolis, 3.40g. Head of Apollo facing right, wearing laurel wreath with leaves in triple clusters, AP monogram behind/ Acheloios Sebethos as a man-faced bull to right, standing on single line, head facing, star with 8 rays in wreath above, Δ below, NEYΠOΛITΩN in ex. Dotted border. Taliercio IIa, 7; MSP I, 238.Molinari
normal_MFBBucraniaFinal~0.JPG
CAMPANIA, NeapolisCAMPANIA: Neapolis. 317/310 to 270 BC, ae unit. OBV: Head of Apollo facing left, wearing laurel wreath with leaves in opposing pairs, NEOPOLITWN before. REV: Acheloios Sebethos as a man-faced bull standing to right on single line, head facing, bucrania above, IS in exergue. Sambon 645 var.; Taliercio-; SNG Muenchen 286; MSP I, 277 (this coin illustrated).

Ex. Tintinna 53, lot 15.
Molinari
normal_4-33gsambon636~0.jpg
CAMPANIA, NeapolisNEOΠOΛITΩN before Apollo facing left, ΔP monogram behind / lightning bolt above, E below (17mm, 4.33g). Sambon 636; Taliercio IIa, 32; MSP I, 267.Molinari
Sambon646~0.JPG
CAMPANIA, NeapolisCAMPANIA, Neapolis, AE Obol, 4.69g. Laureate head of Apollo left, NEAPOLITWN before, dotted border/ Achelous Sebethos as a man-faced bull standing right on single line, head facing, grasshopper above, nothing below, NEAPOLITWN in ex. Sambon 646; Taliercio IIa, 34; MSP I, 269.Molinari
neapolis_mfb_k.jpg
Campania, NeapolisSilver didrachm, 7.3g, 20mm, 9h; c. 350-325 BC.
Obv.: Head of nymph Parthenope right, wearing headband, pendant earring, and pearl necklace.
Rev.: Man-faced bull walking right, head facing, above Nike flying right to crown him // [NΕΟΠΟΛΙΤΗΣ]
Reference: SNG ANS 296-298. SNG Lockett 79. HN Italy 565 / 17-100-225
1 commentsJohn Anthony
FC830859-4529-44DC-A5CC-1376DD22F5E1.jpeg
CAMPANIA, NeapolisCAMPANIA, Neapolis. Circa 320-300 BC. AR Nomos (19mm, 7.40 g, 3h). Diademed head of nymph right; grape bunch behind neck, [ΔIOΦ]AN[OYΣ] below / Man-headed bull walking right; above, Nike flying right, placing wreath on bull's head. Sambon 437; HN Italy 579. Iridescent toning, horn silver, minor cleaning scratches

Photograph by CNG (Auction 493, Lot 74)
3 commentssimmurray
MFBNeapolis.jpg
Campania, Neapolis DidrachmHead of Parthenope left, wearing earing and beaded necklace. Tripod to right.

Man-headed bull standing right being crowned by winged nymph/victory; IΣ between legs NEOΠOΛITΩN in exergue

Neapolis, Campania
300-241 BC
7.21g

Sambon 517; Glasgow 57; BMC 129

Very rare!

Ex-HJB ebay

Dark toning; a few remaining deposits. Much nicer in hand with almost black toning.

Thanks to Molinari's research this is one of 6 known examples. The others are found in BMC, 129, Dati web, Glasgow 57, Leningrad 1014, Torino RDC17508.
4 commentsJay GT4
Campania.jpg
CAMPANIA, NEAPOLIS AR DidrachmOBVERSE: Head of nymph Parthenope right, wearing headband, pendant earring, and pearl necklace
REVERSE: Man-faced bull walking right, head facing, above Nike flying right to crown him // [NΕΟΠΟΛΙΤΗΣ]
Struck at Neapolis (Naples) 350-325 BC
7.3g, 20mm
SNG ANS 296-298. SNG Lockett 79. HN Italy 565
ex. JAZ Numismatics
1 commentsLegatus
CAMPANIA_NEAPOLIS_OBOL_APOLLO_BULL_bronze.jpg
CAMPANIA, NEAPOLIS bronze ObolCirca 275-250 BC. (6,20 g. - 19 mm)
Vs: ΝΕΑΠΟΛΙΩΝ, Laureate head of Apollo left.
Rs: Man-headed bull standing right; above, Nike flying right. _2273
Antonivs Protti
Campania,_Neapolis,_6,21g,_18mm_-s.jpg
Campania, Neapolis, (275-250 B.C.), AE-18 (Obol), SNG ANS 488var. (O behind), Man-headed bull left and flying Nike, #1Campania, Neapolis, (275-250 B.C.), AE-18 (Obol), SNG ANS 488var. (O behind), Man-headed bull left and flying Nike, #1
avers: Laureate head of Apollo left, O behind
reverse: Man-headed bull standing right, being crowned by Nike who flies above, IS in exergue.
exergue: -/-//IS, diameter:18,0mm, weight: 6,21g, axes: h,
mint: Campania, Neapolis, date: 275-250 B.C., ref: SNG ANS 488var. (O behind); Rutter, HN 589.
Q-001
3 commentsquadrans
Neapolis.jpg
Campania, Neapolis, AE18ca. 320-280 BC
18mm, 5.51g
obv: NEAΠOΛITΩN, laureate head of Apollo left, H behind
rev: man-headed bull walking right, crowned by Nike flying above; OΣ below, IΣ in exergue
(SNG ANS 475. SNG München 438)
ex Auctiones eAuction #3, Lot 4
2 commentsareich
Campania_Neapolis_Apollo_Man-headed_bull_AE20_5.4g.jpg
Campania, Neapolis, Apollo / Man-headed bull, AE20Campania, Neapolis, 270-240 BC
AE 20, 5.38g
Obv: Laureate head of Apollo, three-lined horizontal symbol behind head
Rev: Man-headed bull being crowned by Nike, monogram beneath
SNG ANS-470, BM-218

ex HJB
5 commentsareich
Coin.JPG
Campania, Neapolis, AR NomosCAMPANIA, Neapolis. 395-385 BC. AR Nomos (20mm, 7.11 g, 12h). Diademed head of nymph right / Man-headed bull walking left on double exergue-line; above, Nike flying left, placing wreath on bull's head. Rutter 158 (O101/R143); HN Italy 563. Fine, toned. Well centered reverse. Ex. CNG 84, Lot 23. From the Collin E. Pitchfork Collection.1 commentsMolinari
Campania,_Neaopolis,_AR_Nomos_300-275_BC_-_CNG_167_Lot_0007.jpg
Campania, Neapolis, ca. 320-300 BC, AR Didrachm Head of the Siren Parthenope right, hair bound by band, wearing triple pendant earring and pearl necklace; pileos behind.
Man-faced bull standing right with head facing while being crowned by Nike flying right above; K below.

HN Italy 579.

(19 mm, 7.23 g, 10h).
Classical Numismatic Group e-Auction 167, 27 June 2007, 7; from the Charles Gillet collection, ex-Stacks, 15 November 1989, 90.
n.igma
Campania_Neapolis_SNG-ANS338.jpg
Campania, Neapolis.Greek Italy. Campania. 320-300 BC. AR Nomos (7.47 gm, 19mm, 6h) of Neapolis. Head of nymph Parthenope right, with pendant earring, dolphins around. / Nike crowning man-headed bull walking right, ΟΥΙΛ below. Ex: [NEO]POΛITΩ[N]. VF. Pegasi Numismatics Auction XXI #40. SNG ANS 1 #337-339; SNG Cop 1 (Italy) #413-414; HN Italy 576 (pl.10); HGC 1 #452; McClean Coll. I #242; Sambon 458 (plate III); Weber Coll. I #330 (pl.18).2 commentsAnaximander
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Campania, Neapolis. (Circa 300 BC)AR Didrachm

20 mm, 6.98 g

Obverse: Head of nymph r., wearing taenia, triple-pendant earring and necklace; four dolphins around (only the bottom two around the neck visible).

Reverse: Man-headed bull walking r., being crowned by Nike; ΘE below bull. [NE]OΠOΛI[TΩN] in exergue

Sambon 457; HNItaly 576; SNG ANS 336.

Neapolis was founded ca. 650 B.C. from Cumae (a nearby city and the first Greek colony on mainland Italy). Ancient tradition records that it had originally been named after the siren Parthenope, who had been washed ashore on the site after failing to capture Odysseus (Sil. Pun. 12.33-36). The early city, which was called Palae(o)polis, developed in the SW along the modern harbor area and included Pizzofalcone and Megaris (the Castel dell'Ovo), a small island in the harbor. Megaris itself may have been the site of a still older Rhodian trading colony (Strab. 14.2.10). Owing to the influx of Campanian immigrants, the town began to develop to the NE along a Hippodamian grid plan. This new extension was called Neapolis, while Palae(o)polis became a suburb. Incited to a war with Rome by the Greek elements, the city was captured in 326 B.C. by the proconsul Quintus Publilius Philo (Liv. 8.22.9), and the suburb ceased to exist. Neapolis then became a favored ally of the Romans; it repulsed Pyrrhos, contributed naval support during the First Punic War, and withstood the attacks of Hannibal.
Nathan P
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Campania, Neapolis. AE18 c. 275-250 BCObv: NEOΠOΛITΩN, laureate head of Apollo l.
Rev: Man-faced bull r., crowned by flying Nike; below IΣ.
1 commentsancientone
Neaopolisnymphnomos2.jpg
Campania, Neapolis. AR Nomos.Campania, Neapolis. AR Nomos.
Obverse:Head of water nymph right, wearing diadem, earring and necklace, bunch of grapes
behind, legend below truncation of neck.
Reverse: Man-headed bull right,
head facing, Nike flying right above, crowning him., legend below.
1 commentsCANTANATRIX
Neaopolisnymphnomos1.jpg
Campania, Neapolis. AR Nomos.Campania, Neapolis. AR Nomos.
7.3g, 18mm.
Obverse:Head of water nymph right, wearing diadem, earring and necklace, bunch of grapes
behind, legend below truncation of neck.
Reverse: Man-headed bull right,
head facing, Nike flying right above, crowning him., legend below.
CANTANATRIX
neap.jpg
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CAMPANIA, Neapolis. Circa 300 BC. AR Nomos (18mm, 7.39 g, 4h).CAMPANIA, Neapolis. Circa 300 BC. AR Nomos (18mm, 7.39 g, 4h). Head of nymph right; [X behind neck] / Man-headed bull walking right; above, Nike flying right, placing wreath on bull's head; Θ below, ethnic on raised exergual line. Sambon 476; HN Italy 579. Lightly toned, a little off center, trace deposits on obverse, scratches on reverse. Good VF.

From the Sigmund Collection.
4 commentsMark R1
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CAMPANIA, Neapolis. Circa 300-275 BC. AR NomosCAMPANIA, Neapolis. Circa 300-275 BC. AR Nomos (19mm, 7.21 g, 11h).
Head of nymph right; kantharos behind, XAPI below / Man-headed bull walking right; above, Nike flying right, placing wreath on bull's head; K below. Sambon 467b; HN Italy 569; SNG ANS 356 (same rev. die). Near VF, bright iridescent toning, light roughness on obverse.
1 commentsLeo
Campania_Neapolis_SNG-ANS376.jpg
Campania, Neapolis. Nymph and Man-headed bull Didrachm.Greek Italy. Campania. 450-340 BC. AR Didrachm (7.29 gm, 20mm, 3h) of Neapolis, Campanian standard. Head of nymph Parthenope right, hair bound with ampyx, wearing single-pendant earring, X behind. / Man-headed bull standing right, head facing, with Nike flying above, crowning bull, Θ below. [NEO]POΛITΩ[N] on raised exergual band. VF. SNG ANS 1 #367 (same dies)-368 (same rev. die); SNG Cop 1 (Italy) #436; Sambon 476, 480 var. (no A on obv.); SNG München 223; HN Italy 579 (pl.10); McClean Coll. I #253 (pl.12 #18); Weber Coll. I #336; HGC - . cf CNG EA 288 #22.1 commentsAnaximander
phistelia_BMC4-6.jpg
Campania, Phistelia, BMC 4/6Campania, Phistelia, 325-275 BC
AR - Obol, 0.51g, 11.22mm, 270°
obv. Head oy young male slightly r.
rev. Barley-grain, above Dolphin r., below mussel
below legend in Oscan FISTVLIS (read from inward from r. to l.)
ref. BMC I, p.12, 4/6; Sambon p.332, 831; Sear 336; Camapana, agg. Fistelia 4a; HN Italy 613
scarce, about EF, toned

Phistelia was one of the Samnite cities destroyed by Sulla and is today only known by its coins. Because of the dolphins and mussels depicted on its coins it is suggested that it was situated near the sea.
1 commentsJochen
Campania_Phistelia_obol.jpg
Campania, Phistelia, obol11mm, 0.50g
obv: head of Nymph facing slightly left
rev: lion left, star above, snake below
(HN Italy 619, SNG ANS 590-592)

ex Rauch
1 commentsareich
phistelia_SNGfrance1134.jpg
Campania, Phistelia, SNG France 1134Phistelia, c. 325-275 BC
AG - Obol, 0.61g, max. 10.5mm, 180°
obv. Female head facing, slightly l.
rev. Lion with raised tail walking l.
in ex. snake in one coil l.
ref. SNG ANS 584; SNG France 1134; Rutter p.180, Group IV; HN Italy 619
VF, toned, small flan crack at 4 o'clock, some scratches
Pedigree:
ex CNG Sale XXI (9./10. 9. 1994), Lot 21
ex coll. David Herman
ex CNG e-auction (20. 9. 06), Lot 93
ex coll. Jyrki Muona

From Forum Ancient Coins, thanks!

Phistelia was apparently among those Samnite cities which were destroyed by Sulla and vanished. At present it is known only by its coins.
1 commentsJochen
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CAMPANIA, Teanum SidicinumTeanum Sidicinum. Æ. Helmeted head of Athena left / Cock standing right; star behind. HN 453. Rare.

Ex. CNG eAuction 305, lot 466 (part of).
Ex. Reverend Edward A. Sydenham Collection.
3 commentsMolinari
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CAMPANIA, Teanum SidicinumAE 20, 6.55g, Campania, Teanum Sidicinum, ca. 272-250 B.C. Obv: Apollo facing left, O behind/Rev: Achelous Savo as a man-headed bull left, head facing, being crowned by Nike, pentagram below. MSP I, 455.Molinari
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CAMPANIA: NeapolisCAMPANIA, Neapolis. 350-326 BC. AE half unit. Obverse: Laureate head of Apollo right. Rev: Forepart of Achelous Sebethos as a man-faced bull to right, star with four rays on shoulder, NEOPOLITHS above. Sambon 564, Taliercio Ib, 5; MSP I, 206 (this con illustrated).

Ex. CNG eAuction 308, lot 539 (part of)
2 commentsMolinari
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EB0006 Nymph / Man-headed bullNeapolis, CAMPANIA, AR Nomos/2 drm., 300-281 BC.
Obverse: Diademed head of nymph left, wearing earring and necklace.
Reverse: Man-headed bull walking left, crowned by Nike above flying left.
References: Cf. GROSE 269,3 (also see SNG ANS 350-381).
Diameter: 20mm, Weight: 7.312g.
3 commentsEB
EB0162b_scaled.JPG
EB0162 Zeus / SeleneCapua, CAMPANIA, AE sextans, 269-212 BC.
Obverse: Laureate head of Zeus right; two stars behind.
Reverse: Selene driving galloping biga right; two stars above.
References: BMC 9; Grose 195; SNG ANS 206-207; Laffaille 10; Weber 293
Diameter: 24mm, Weight: 14.592g.
EB
Hyria_Didrachm_a.JPG
GREEK, Italy, Campania, Hyria400-335 BC
AR Didrachm (21mm, 7.33g)
O: Head of Athena right, wearing wreathed Attic helmet decorated with an owl.
R: Man-headed bull walking right; YPIN[A] above.
SNG ANS 255v / HN Italy 539 / Rutter 69 (O32/R??) / Sear 294v (bull left)
ex Den of Antiquity

An historically obscure city which was probably located in southern Campania about 25 miles east of Mt. Vesuvius.

Enodia
Hyria.jpg
HyriaCAMPANIA, Hyrianoi. Circa 405-400 BC. AR Nomos (21.5mm, 7.55 g, 2h). Helmeted head of Athena left / Man-headed bull standing right. Rutter 46 (O26/R40); HN Italy 539.

from the Baldwin Maull collection, CNG e-sale 452, 18 September 2019, lot 11; Stacks, 30 January 1958, lot 1; from the Polese collection, Canessa V, 12 June 1928, lot 28
1 comments
Hyria_Didrachm.JPG
Hyria, Campania400-335 BC
AR Didrachm (21mm, 7.33g)
O: Head of Athena right, wearing wreathed Attic helmet decorated with an owl.
R: Man-headed bull walking right; YDIN[A] above.
Rutter 69 (O32/R??); SNG ANS 255; HGC I, 435; HN Italy 539; Sear 294v (bull left)
ex Den of Antiquity

An historically obscure city in southern Campania, Hyria may have been located approximately 25 miles east of Mt. Vesuvius. It's site was likely an old Samnite settlement, and in fact the ethnic on the reverse of these didrachms is often inscribed in Oscan.
However Imhoof-Blumer believed that these coins, along with those of neighboring Nola, may actually have been struck at Neapolis. This is suggested by die comparisons, and the man-headed bull device seemingly adds weight to the arguement.
7 commentsEnodia
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Italy, Campania, Cales, SNG Copenhagen 323Italy, Campania, Cales mint, c. 276-260 B.C. AE, 19mm 5.37g, Sambon 916, SNG Lloyd 53, SNG Copenhagen 323, SNG ANS 193
O: Helmeted head of Athena l.
R: CALENO, Cock standing r.; in field l., star
3 commentscasata137ec
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Italy, Campania, Neapolis, SNG Cop 516Italy, Campania, Neapolis mint, c. 270 - 240 B.C. AE, 5.385g, 20.2mm, 315o, SNG Cop 516
O: NEOΠOΛITΩN, laureate head of Apollo left, Ξ behind
R: man-headed bull standing right, being crowned by Nike who flies above, I Σ below
4 commentscasata137ec
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NEAPOLIS, CampaniaNeapolis, Campania, Ca. 300 - 275 BC, AE16, 6.192 g. Obv: Laureate head of Apollo right; three dolphins around. Rev: Achelous Sebethos as a man-headed bull walking right; trident above. aF/VF. Rare. Taliercio IIa Series No. 6 (p. 281-2, Pl. IX, 6), Hunter 102, SNG Cop 497-8 (Pl. 13), BMC 192-4 (p. 110), SNG ANS 462-464 (Pl. 13), SNG Paris 884-888 (Pl. 63), SNG Morcom 140 (Pl. VI), Sambon 650 (p. 264), HN 582. MSP I, 217.

Ex. Failla Numismatics, Ex. Spink America Auction, New York, December 6-7, 1999 (lot 406)
Molinari
neapolis_horseman.jpg
Neapolis, Campania, AE 14; Apollo right/ Horseman leftNeapolis Campania, Circa 250-200 B.C. 14mm, 3.0g. Obverse: Head of Apollo right. Reverse: Horseman galloping left. SNG ANS 538ff. Ex Colin E. Pitchfork; Jason FaillaPodiceps
neapolis_tripod.jpg
Neapolis, Campania, AE 15; Apollo left/ TripodNeapolis, Campania, 300-260 B.C. Obverse: Laureate head of Apollo left. Reverse: NEOΠO / ΛITΩN, Tripod. 2.3g, 15mm. SNG Cop. 528. Ex Colin E. Pitchfork; Jason FaillaPodiceps
neapolis.jpg
Neapolis, Campania, AE 17.2; Apollo right/ Man-headed bull right, crowned by NikeNeapolis, Campania, 270 - 250 B.C. AE 17.2mm, 3.65g. Head of Apollo r. surrounded by three dolphins. Bull with human face r. München 282. Ex Gerhard RohdePodiceps
neapolis_bull.jpg
Neapolis, Campania, AE 20; Apollo left/ Man-headed bull right, crowned by NikeNeapolis Campania, Circa 250-225 B.C. 20mm, 6.2g. Obverse: laureate head of Apollo left. Reverse: man-headed bull standing right, being crowned by Nike who flies above. Ex Colin E. Pitchfork; Jason FaillaPodiceps
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Neapolis, Campania, Italy270 - 250 BC
AE 21, 5.763 grams, 135 degrees

O: NEOΠOΛITΩN, laureate head of Apollo left, long wavy hair, E behind

R: River-god Acheloios Sebethos, as a man-faced bull, standing right, head turned facing, being crowned by Nike who flies right above, MB monogram below, possibly IΣ in exergue (off flan)

Ref: Potamikon 333, Taliercio IIIa.10, HN Italy 589; BMC Italy p. 115, 219, SNG Cop 505, Sambon 658

Notes: VF, irregular flan shape typical for the type with remnants of casting sprues, nice jade green patina, light corrosion, Campania mint. I will credit Nick Molinari's book, Acheloios, Thales, and The Origin of Philosophy, for me wanting a man-faced bull coin. The book is really good, even if it was over my head at times. Fascinating read and I find his conclusions quite convincing. Knowing what the man faced bull is makes all the difference in understanding these coins. I am thrilled to have an example.

Ex-Forum Ancient Coins, Feb 2023
2 commentsVirgil H
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Nomos-Campania,Neapolis, 325-241 BC Silver 7.20gr., 19mm Campania, Neapolis. Circa 325-241 BC. AR Nomos.
Head of nymph right. / Man faced bull right, crowned by Nike.
Composition: Silver, weight: 7.20 gm. diameter: 19 mm.
Adherence in obverse, but nice coin SOLD
Antonivs Protti
Spain- Taragona- Amphitheatre.jpg
Spain- Taragona- AmphitheatreThis conventional seating may be observed at the amphitheatre at Tarragona in northern Spain. Tarraco, its Latin name, was the capital of the province of Hispania Tarraconensis. The seating is essentially the same as that found in Rome’s Colosseum. The amphitheatre’s construction is dated to the second century AD, a time of extensive building of centres of public entertainment throughout the Mediterranean. On the right side, the seating was hewn from the bedrock, while on the left, or seaward side, the seating was built up from blocks, a phenomenon also found at Syracuse in Sicily.

However, in a recent visit to Pompeii some interesting divergence from the norm is easily to be observed, for which no reason appears to have been voiced. The town of Pompeii, destroyed in the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in AD 79, had a population in excess of 10,000, and was clearly a place of sufficient wealth to

sport not only an amphitheatre seating 20,000, but also a traditional Greek theatre and a smaller building called the Odeon. The "large" theatre, as it is now called, can seat an audience of 5,000, the "small" theatre, which was roofed, had accommodation for 500. Seating was according to rank, it is supposed, two side boxes (rather like the royal boxes of later theatres) for honoured guests, an inner cavea for the decurions or magistrates of the town, the middle rows for the more wealthy members of the community, the upper tiers for the ordinary citizens. If one looks closely it is clearly noticeable that this inner cavea consists of the first four or five rows of benches.

It is clear that, unlike the earlier form of the Greek theatres, the front rows are considerably wider than those higher up in the auditorium. The size of the seating is far beyond the dimensions of even a large and well-endowed personage, extending inwards for a good metre or more. The reasons for the additional size are unclear, because the larger width does not make these benches any more comfortable for the sitter, if anything they provide less support than the more narrow benches above. Presumably, the spectators brought cushions with them for lengthy performances in much the same way as fans for rugby or cricket matches do today. One solution may be that the wider seating allowed the dignatory to relax by reclining as if at dinner though this can hardly have been a posture acceptable for a quasi-religious festival nor one which would have endeared these wealthy members of the community to their less well-endowed fellows higher up, even if conspicuous consumption was the order of the day, particularly during the Roman empire.

In the "large" theatre the first four rows, in the "small" theatre and in the amphitheatre the first five rows stand out from the rest and, in fact, have their special place denoted by a partition. In some of the theatres in Greece, the officials judging the competitions, which were part and parcel of the festivals, and high ranking citizens might occupy a special bench, or the first row of the auditorium, but the broad nature of the bench at Pompeii appears unique. Pompeii began as a Oscan settlement in the 8th century BC and was heavily Hellenised by the 6th century. Thereafter, Pompeii had a fairly chequered history, being conquered and lost by the Etruscans and Samnites, before becoming a Roman colony in 80 BC. The Samnites of the central hills and the more local Oscan speakers, an Italic dialect which survived down to the period of the empire, remained culturally and linguistically influential, and it is possible that the Greek practice of uniformity in seating was altered by these Italic tribes who, at times, controlled Pompeii. On the other hand, there could be direct Roman or even Etruscan influence, though this formalised partitioning of seating is not seen in any of the archeaological sites in Rome or in nearby Campania, for example at Puteoli or at Capua. Finally, as for what purpose the large widths were intended, without clear evidence, and certainly with no ancient mention, means that speculation takes over. It could be that wooden seats rather like thrones were brought in, even sedan chairs for the high and mighty of the town, though it is worth bearing in mind that high-backed chairs easily obscured the views of those scarcely less wealthy immediately behind. The Roman males, it will be remembered, tended to lounge on low couches when they ate, rather than sitting in upright seats, which became popular only in the later Byzantine period. It also seems likely that, given the amount of space, it was not just the men who were seated here but entire families - perhaps picnic baskets as well. Refreshments were provided during performances, but the wealthy possibly brought their own equivalents of the modern cool bags and six-packs. The illustrations of the three places of entertainment at Pompeii do not appear to suggest that these special seating are the product of modern reconstructions, some of which have proved disastrous to ancient sites; and, therefore, there seems to be no alternative to accepting at least the idea that preferential seating was the order of the day in this rather provincial town on the Bay of Naples. Etruscan tombs often show their owners in a reclining position as if at a meal, and other forms of entertainment also feature which, overall, might suggest an influence here from north of the River Tiber.

Having dwelt at length, as it were, with the bottoms and the bottom-most seats of the ancient theatres and amphitheatres I now want to move on to the general ambience of the structure. The Roman amphitheatre or hippodrome were dirty smelly places where, by the end of the day’s proceedings, the stench from the dead and dying must have made an abatoir a sweet-smelling location. It is recorded that sprinkler systems were used in the Colosseum to spray the audience and the arena floor with scented water to alleviate the foulness of the atmosphere. By way of contrast, the Greek theatre must have been a place of peace and serenity, except for sore buttocks and aching backs.

Many commentators of the ancient theatre have sadly noted that the early pristine form, as found today at Epidaurus and Segesta, generally underwent alterations during the Roman period. It is noted that the slightly more than a semi-circular design was largely filled in during later antiquity by the Roman scena; and today many examples of the traditional Greek theatres sport Roman brickwork at the front which reached the same height, in some cases, as the uppermost tier of the cavea or auditorium. This height also allowed for a velabrum or canvass cover to be used to provide shade or shelter from the elements. At Taormina, ancient Tauromenium, for example:

"The brick scenic wall was preceded by a row of nine granite columns crowned by Corinthian capitals, which had both a decorative and bearing function, in that they supported the higher parts of the stage. The niches in the wall contained marble statues. On the sides, there are remains of the ‘parascenia’, square rooms used by actors and for scenic fittings. The actors entered the stage through side openings. A further row of sixteen columns closer to the orchestra framed the decorative front of the stage."

This is quite a departure from the earlier simplicity of the Greek theatre. However, it is certainly arguable that Baroque is not necessarily less pleasing than Romanesque even if blocking out the natural view also took the theatre out of its topographical or geographical context. For the purists among us, more sacrilege occurred, for instance, again at Taormina, where the first nine rows of the seating were removed making the orchestra large enough for gladiatorial combats and beast hunts, while at the same time allowing the audience safety high above the blood sports taking place below them. Of course, the construction of a front wall can easily be accounted for by the changing tastes in the entertainment itself, while the local audience presumably knew the view pretty well, and did not come to the theatre to gaze at Mount Etna. Furthermore, Taormina, high up on a hill overlooking the sea, had no extra space on which to build a new amphitheatre, more regularly the venue for gladiatorial combats. And it is also quite possible that there were simply insufficient funds. Taormina was neither a large nor a wealthy city.

Meanwhile, at Delphi the scena was "low so that the audience could enjoy the wonderful view", says one expert. Nonetheless, while the modern tourist may find the view as gratifying if not more so than the ruined theatre, the ancient audience came too see and hear the performances in honour of the Pythian Apollo. The ancient Greeks did not come for the view, they came for theatrical, religious even mystic experience. It is the modern philistine in us who enjoys the view. That being the case, the construction of the ancient theatre had little to do with searching for a site with a nice aspect, though these obviously exist, even in abundance, but for acoustic perfection and adequate accommodation. Finally, the best seats were closest to the stage and its proceedings, while the worst seats, for looking at the productions, had the best views. Does this mean that the most wealthy, with the largest bottoms, were obliged to watch the entertainment with no chance of letting the mind wander to the natural surroundings? Or does it mean that the women, slaves and poorest citizens, who sat high above the productions, probably could not hear or see what was going on hence took in the nice view instead. Therein lies the morality tale embedded in the title of this paper. If you had the means you were forced to take in the culture. If you were female or poor you could let your mind wander to other matters, including wonderful views of nature.
Peter Wissing
coin7.jpg
STOLENCAMPANIA, Neapolis. Circa 300-275 BC. Æ (12mm, 1.34 g, 2h). Laureate head of Apollo right / Forepart of Achelous Sebethos as a man-faced bull to right. Taliercio Series IIc, 1; HN Italy 584. Sambon 577 var. MFB 128 (this coin). Fine, green patina.

From the Colin E. Pitchfork Collection. Ex Spink America (6 December 1999), lot 406 (part of).

THIS COIN NEVER ARRIVED. CNG ISSUED A REFUND.
Molinari
coin21.jpg
STOLENCAMPANIA, Neapolis. 350-325 BC. Æ (15mm, 2.48 g, 7h). Laureate head of Apollo right / Forepart of Achelous Sebethos as a man-faced bull to right. Taliercio Series Ia, 6, 1; HN Italy 567. Sambon 576 var. MFB 125 (this coin). Good Fine, green patina. Rare.

From the Colin E. Pitchfork Collection. Ex Spink America (6 December 1999), lot 406 (part of).

THIS COIN NEVER ARRIVED. CNG ISSUED A REFUND.
Molinari
011.JPG
YEAR-END REVIEW OF GREEK COLLECTION (OBVERSE)Click on picture for bigger resolution.

Top row from left to right: MYSIA, PERGAMMON. Eumenes I AR Tetradrachm. Circa 263-241 BC **ILLYRIA, DYRRHACHION. AR Stater. Circa 340-280 BC**IONIA, SMYRNA. AR “Stephanophoric” Tetradrachm. Circa 150-145 BC** PELOPONNESOS, SIKYON. AR Stater. Circa 335-330 BC**ATTICA, ATHENS. “New style” Tetradrachm. Circa 169 BC.

Sixth row: BACTRIA, Antialkidas. AR Drachm. Circa 145-135 BC**CAPPADOCIA. Ariobarzanes I AR Drachm. Circa 96-63 BC**THRACE, ABDERA. AR Tetrobol. Circa 360-350 BC**THRACE, CHERSONESSOS. AR Hemidrachm. Circa 386-338 BC.

Fifth row: IONIA, EPHESOS. AR Tetradrachm. Circa 405-390 BC**CILICIA, TARSOS. Mazaios AR Stater. Circa 361-334 BC **MACEDONIA. Kassander AR Tetradrachm. Circa 317-315 BC**AKARNANIA, LEUKAS. AR Stater. Circa 320-280 BC**PAMPHYLIA, ASPENDOS. AR Stater. Circa 330-300 BC.

Fourth row: SELEUKID SYRIA. Antiochos VI AR Drachm. Circa 144-143 BC**LUCANIA, METAPONTION. AR Stater. Circa 340-330 BC**LUCANIA, VELIA. AR Stater. Circa 280 BC**PARTHIA. Mithradates II AR Drachm. Circa 121-91 BC.

Third row: AEOLIS, MYRINA. AR "Stephanophoric" Tetradrachm. Circa 150 BC**CARIA. Pixodaros AR Didrachm. Circa 341-335 BC**THRACE. Lysimachos AR Tetradrachm. Circa 297-281 BC**CILICIA, TARSOS. Pharnabazos AR Stater. Circa 380-374 BC**THRACE, MARONEIA. AR Tetradrachm. Mid 2nd cent. BC.

Second Row: LUCANIA, METAPONTION. AR Stater. Circa 510-480 BC** THESSALIAN LEAGUE. AR Stater. Circa 196-146 BC**CAMPANIA, NEAPOLIS. AR Nomos. Circa 275-250 BC**LYCIA, PRE-DYNASTIC. AR Stater. Circa 520-460 BC.

Bottom row: SELEUKID SYRIA. Antiochos Euergetes VII AR Tetradrachm. Circa 138-129 BC**MACEDON. Alexander III AR Tetradrachm. Circa 325-315 BC**CILICIA, AIGEAI. AR Tetradrachm. Circa 30 BC**PAIONIA. Patraos AR Tetradrachm. Circa 335-315 BC**PAMPHYLIA, SIDE. AR Tetradrachm. Circa 155-36 BC.
2 commentsJason T
012.JPG
YEAR-END REVIEW OF GREEK COLLECTION (REVERSE)THE LESS OFTEN DISPLAYED SIDE OF MY COINS.
Please click on picture for bigger resolution.

Top row from left to right: MYSIA, PERGAMMON. Eumenes I AR Tetradrachm. Circa 263-241 BC **ILLYRIA, DYRRHACHION. AR Stater. Circa 340-280 BC**IONIA, SMYRNA. AR “Stephanophoric” Tetradrachm. Circa 150-145 BC** PELOPONNESOS, SIKYON. AR Stater. Circa 335-330 BC**ATTICA, ATHENS. “New style” Tetradrachm. Circa 169 BC.

Sixth row: BACTRIA, Antialkidas. AR Drachm. Circa 145-135 BC**CAPPADOCIA. Ariobarzanes I AR Drachm. Circa 96-63 BC**THRACE, ABDERA. AR Tetrobol. Circa 360-350 BC**THRACE, CHERSONESSOS. AR Hemidrachm. Circa 386-338 BC.

Fifth row: IONIA, EPHESOS. AR Tetradrachm. Circa 405-390 BC**CILICIA, TARSOS. Mazaios AR Stater. Circa 361-334 BC **MACEDONIA. Kassander AR Tetradrachm. Circa 317-315 BC**AKARNANIA, LEUKAS. AR Stater. Circa 320-280 BC**PAMPHYLIA, ASPENDOS. AR Stater. Circa 330-300 BC.

Fourth row: SELEUKID SYRIA. Antiochos VI AR Drachm. Circa 144-143 BC**LUCANIA, METAPONTION. AR Stater. Circa 340-330 BC**LUCANIA, VELIA. AR Stater. Circa 280 BC**PARTHIA. Mithradates II AR Drachm. Circa 121-91 BC.

Third row: AEOLIS, MYRINA. AR "Stephanophoric" Tetradrachm. Circa 150 BC**CARIA. Pixodaros AR Didrachm. Circa 341-335 BC**THRACE. Lysimachos AR Tetradrachm. Circa 297-281 BC**CILICIA, TARSOS. Pharnabazos AR Stater. Circa 380-374 BC**THRACE, MARONEIA. AR Tetradrachm. Mid 2nd cent. BC.

Second Row: LUCANIA, METAPONTION. AR Stater. Circa 510-480 BC** THESSALIAN LEAGUE. AR Stater. Circa 196-146 BC**CAMPANIA, NEAPOLIS. AR Nomos. Circa 275-250 BC**LYCIA, PRE-DYNASTIC. AR Stater. Circa 520-460 BC.

Bottom row: SELEUKID SYRIA. Antiochos Euergetes VII AR Tetradrachm. Circa 138-129 BC**MACEDON. Alexander III AR Tetradrachm. Circa 325-315 BC**CILICIA, AIGEAI. AR Tetradrachm. Circa 30 BC**PAIONIA. Patraos AR Tetradrachm. Circa 335-315 BC**PAMPHYLIA, SIDE. AR Tetradrachm. Circa 155-36 BC.
1 commentsJason T
Valerian1RIC232.jpg
[1112a] Valerian I, October 253 - c. June 260 A.D.Silver antoninianus, RIC 232, RSC 10, VF, worn die reverse, Mediolanum mint, 3.909g, 22.2mm, 180o, 257 A.D.; Obverse: IMP VALERIANVS P AVG, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right; Reverse: AETERNITATI AVGG, Sol standing left, raising right, globe in left; nice portrait, good silver for the reign. Ex FORVM.


De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors and their Families


Valerian (A.D. 253-260) and Gallienus (A.D. 253-268)


Richard D. Weigel
Western Kentucky University


P. Licinius Valerianus, or Valerian, was unusual for his time period in that he was an emperor who came from an old Roman senatorial family. He was likely born shortly before 200 A.D., but little is known of his early life. Valerian married Egnatia Mariniana and had two sons, Gallienus and Valerian Junior. Gallienus was born around 218. Valerian makes his first appearance in the sources in 238 A.D. as an ex-consul and princeps senatus negotiating with (more likely than serving on) the embassy sent to Rome by Gordian I's African legions to secure senatorial approval of Gordian's rebellion against and replacement of Maximinus Thrax as emperor. The Scriptores Historiae Augustae probably report accurately that Trajan Decius, on the recommendation of the Senate, offered Valerian the censorship in 251. Although the senatus consultum cited and the specific office are of doubtful authenticity, the high reputation Valerian possessed in the Senate and his association with the government under Decius probably are truthful aspects of the story. In 253 Valerian was apparently commanding in Raetia and Noricum when Trebonianus Gallus sent him to bring legions from Gaul and Germany to Italy for the struggle with the forces of Aemilianus. After Gallus' troops killed him and his son and joined Aemilianus, Valerian's men proclaimed their general emperor and their arrival in Italy caused Aemilianus' soldiers to desert and kill their commander and join Valerian's forces in acclaiming Valerian as emperor.

The Senate presumably was pleased to ratify the position of Valerian, one of their own, as emperor and they also accepted his son and colleague, P. Licinius Egnatius Gallienus, as Augustus, rather than just as Caesar. Valerian apparently realized the necessity of sharing power equally with his son and of dividing their efforts geographically, with Gallienus responsible for the West and Valerian himself concentrating on the East. The biographies of Valerian and Gallienus in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, attributed to Trebellius Pollio, are not especially helpful in putting together an account of their joint reign. The life of Valerian is fragmentary and that of Gallienus projects an extremely biased negative interpretation of his career.

Gallienus in the early years of the joint reign concentrated, with some success, on protecting Gaul and the Rhine frontier by driving back Germanic tribes and fortifying cities such as Cologne and Trier. In a move which would characterize later diplomacy with Germans, Gallienus concluded an alliance with one of their chieftains, presumably to assist the Romans in protecting the empire from other Germanic tribes. The invasions increased in number around 257-258 as the Franks entered Gaul and Spain, destroying Tarraco (Tarragona), and the Alamanni invaded Italy. Gallienus defeated the Alamanni at Milan, but soon was faced with the revolts in Pannonia and Moesia led first by his general there, Ingenuus, and then by Regalianus, commander in Illyricum. Gallienus put down these rebellions by 260 and secured stability in the region by concluding an alliance with the Marcomannic king, whose daughter Pipa the emperor apparently accepted as his concubine although he was still married to Cornelia Salonina.

In the East, Valerian had succeeded by A.D. 257 in rescuing Antioch in Syria from Persian control, at least temporarily, but was soon faced with a major invasion of the Goths in Asia Minor. The Scriptores Historiae Augustae biography of Aurelian has Valerian appear to speak in the Baths at Byzantium to publicly commend Aurelian for his success in driving back the Goths and reward him with the consulship and even with adoption as imperial successor. However, it is not clear that Valerian even reached Byzantium because he sent Felix to that city while he remained to protect the eastern section of Asia Minor and then returned to Antioch to guard it against renewed Persian attacks. It was at this point, around 259, that Valerian moved to defend Edessa and his troops lost significant numbers to the plague. Valerian tried to negotiate a peace with the Persian king, Sapor, but was captured by treachery and taken into captivity. The ultimate humiliation of a Roman emperor by a foreign leader was enacted through Sapor's use of Valerian as a human stepping-stool to assist the Persian king in mounting his horse and Valerian's body was later skinned to produce a lasting trophy of Roman submission.

Eusebius discusses the policy of Valerian toward the Christians and says that, after initially treating them most positively, Valerian was persuaded by Macrianus to lead another persecution against them. Valerian in fact after his brutal imprisonment and death in Persia would serve as a negative moral exemplum for some Latin Christian writers who gleefully pointed out that those who oppose the true God receive their just desserts.

Eusebius also credits Gallienus with reversing his father's policy and establishing peace with the Church, citing imperial edicts which established freedom of worship and even restored some lost property. Paul Keresztes claims that Gallienus in fact established a peace with Christians that lasted for forty-three years, from A.D. 260 until 303, and gave the community a kind of legal status which they had previously lacked.

Andreas Alföldi details a growing separation between Gallienus and his father which goes well beyond the geographical one which had developed out of military necessity. In addition to the strikingly different policies, just described, which they pursued toward the Christians, Gallienus began to make his military independence clear through changes in coin inscriptions and by 258 he had created his central cavalry unit and stationed it at Milan. This independent force, which was under the command of a man of equestrian rank and soon stood on a level at least equal to that of the Praetorian Guard, would play a significant role in Gallienus' upcoming battles and, of course, was a foretoken of a new trend for military organization in the future. Alföldi cites as evidence of the increasing separation between the joint emperors the statement that Gallienus did not even seek his father's return from captivity, which Lactantius of course interpreted as part of Valerian's divine punishment, but one wonders what indeed Gallienus might have done and his "indifference" may have been instead his attempt to reassert confidence in his armies and not dwell on the depressing and humiliating servitude and ultimate death of Valerian. Another reform which Alföldi discusses as part of Gallienus' independent stand is his exclusion of the senatorial class from major military commands. H.M.D. Parker credits Gallienus with beginning to separate the civil and military functions of Rome's provincial governors, thus making senatorial governors purely civil administrators and starting to replace them even in this reduced role by equestrians. The disappearance in this period of the S.C. stamp of senatorial authority on bronze coins was probably also seen as an attack on the prestige of the order, although the debasement of the silver coinage had by this time practically reached the point where the "silver" coins were themselves essentially bronze and the change may have been more for economic than for political reasons. Gallienus' exclusion of senators from military command further broke down class distinctions because sons of centurions were by this time regularly given equestrian rank and the move further accelerated the alienation of Rome as center of the Empire. In addition, the bitterness of the senatorial class over Gallienus' policy most likely explains the hatred of Latin writers toward this particular emperor.

Although Gallienus' military innovations may have made his forces more effective, he still had to face numerous challenges to his authority.In addition to systemic invasions and revolts, the plague wreaked havoc in Rome and Italy and probably in several provinces as well. It must have seemed that every commander he entrusted to solve a problem later used that authority to create another threat. When Gallienus was involved in putting down the revolt of Ingenuus in Pannonia, he put Postumus in charge of the armies guarding the Rhine and Gaul. There is some doubt about which of Gallienus' sons, Cornelius Valerianus or P. Cornelius Licinius Saloninus, was left in Cologne under the care of the Praetorian Prefect Silvanus and perhaps also Postumus. In any case, when Postumus revolted and proclaimed his independent Gallic Empire, Silvanus and one of the emperor's sons were killed. Gallienus probably restricted Postumus' expansion, but he never gained the personal revenge that, according to one source, drove him to challenge Postumus to single combat. While Gallienus was thus engaged, and after Valerian's capture by the Persians, Macrianus had his soldiers proclaim his sons, Macrianus and Quietus, emperors in Syria, Asia Minor, and Egypt. Gallienus sent Aureolus to defeat Macrianus and one son in the area of Illyria and Thrace; Odenathus of Palmyra defeated the other son and restored stability in Syria and, with Gallienus' approval, followed that up with a victory over the Persians. After Odenathus' assassination ca. 267, his wife Zenobia continued to rule the independent Palmyrene section of the Empire.

In A.D. 262 Gallienus concluded his tenth year in office by celebrating in Rome his Decennalia with a spectacular procession involving senators, equestrians, gladiators, soldiers, representatives of foreign peoples, and many other groups. This festival included feasts, games, entertainment, and spectacle which probably reminded Romans of the millennial Secular Games celebrations of Philip I and likely were intended to secure popular support at home for Gallienus. Over the next five years little is known about specific activities of the emperor and he presumably spent more time in Rome and less along the frontiers.

Gallienus and Salonina as rulers patronized a cultural movement which collectively is known as the Gallienic Renaissance. The imperial patrons are most directly connected with the philosophical aspects of this movement because Porphyry testifies to their friendship for the Neoplatonic philosopher Plotinus. Porphyry goes on to say that Plotinus asked Gallienus to rebuild an abandoned former city of philosophers in Campania, rename it Platonopolis, and govern it as a kind of Platonic Republic, but that the jealousy and spite of others at court scuttled the plan. In addition to Neoplatonic philosophy, according to Gervase Matthew, the Gallienic Renaissance included the "upward glance" and other stylistic changes in imperial sculpture and religious beliefs that were characterized by "an overwhelming sense of the transcendent and immutable." Matthew points out both the return to artistic models of Augustus, Hadrian, and even Severus Alexander and also "a new Romantic tension" which breaks with the past and points toward a new and very different world. The Hellenic character of much of the Gallienic Renaissance is also stressed in the emperor's trip to Athens where he, likely in imitation of Hadrian, became eponymous archon and received initiation into the Eleusinian cult of Demeter.
Late in his reign, Gallienus issued a series of coins in Rome which honored nine deities as Conservator Augusti or protector of the emperor by pairing his portrait with reverses picturing an animal or animals symbolic of each deity. Included in this group of celestial guardians are Apollo, Diana, Hercules, Jupiter, Juno, Liber Pater, Mercury, Neptune, and Sol. For example, Apollo's coin-types portray a centaur, a gryphon, or Pegasus; Hercules is represented by either the lion or the boar. It appears that Gallienus was issuing the "animal series" coins both to secure, through some religious festival, the aid of Rome's protective gods against continuing invasions, revolts, and plague and to entertain the Roman populace with pageantry and circus games, thus to divert their attention away from the same problems and maintain the security of the regime in power.

In A.D. 268, Gallienus saw his third son, Marinianus, become consul, but in the spring another Gothic invasion brought the emperor back to Greece. He defeated the invaders at Naissus in Moesia , but was deterred from pursuing them further by a revolt of the commander of his elite cavalry, Aureolus. He besieged this last rebel emperor in Milan, but a plot involving his Praetorian Prefect and two future emperors, Claudius and Aurelian, all three men Illyrians popular with many of the soldiers, lured Gallienus away from the city on a false pretext and assassinated him.The emperor's brother Valerian and young son Marinianus were also murdered. In spite of the bitter resentment which many of the senators must have felt toward the dead emperor and his reform policies, Claudius II, perhaps only to legitimize his own reign, persuaded the Senate to deify Gallienus.

Copyright Richard D. Weigel, 2007. Published on De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors and their Families


Valerian I was proclaimed emperor after the death of Trajan Decius. He successfully repulsed many barbarian incursions but the standard of living declined and would never recover. In 260 A.D., after four years of war during which Roman forces suffered great losses in battle and to plague, he arranged for peace talks. He set off with a small group to discuss terms with the Sassinian emperor Sapor and was never seen again. The date of his death is unknown, but in Rome it was rumored that he had been murdered and that Sapor was using his stuffed body as a footstool. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
GalllienusRIC163.jpg
[1113a] Gallienus, August 253 - 24 March 268 A.D.Bronze antoninianus, RIC 163, RSC 72, choice EF, Rome mint, 3.716g, 21.6mm, 180o, 268 A.D.; Obverse: GALLIENVS AVG, radiate head right; Reverse: APOLLINI CONS AVG, centaur walking right drawing bow, Z in exergue; struck on a full and round flan, rare this nice. Commemorates vows to Apollo invoking his protection against the revolt of Aureolus. Ex FORVM.


De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors and their Families


Valerian (A.D. 253-260) and Gallienus (A.D. 253-268)


Richard D. Weigel
Western Kentucky University


P. Licinius Valerianus, or Valerian, was unusual for his time period in that he was an emperor who came from an old Roman senatorial family. He was likely born shortly before 200 A.D., but little is known of his early life. Valerian married Egnatia Mariniana and had two sons, Gallienus and Valerian Junior. Gallienus was born around 218. Valerian makes his first appearance in the sources in 238 A.D. as an ex-consul and princeps senatus negotiating with (more likely than serving on) the embassy sent to Rome by Gordian I's African legions to secure senatorial approval of Gordian's rebellion against and replacement of Maximinus Thrax as emperor. The Scriptores Historiae Augustae probably report accurately that Trajan Decius, on the recommendation of the Senate, offered Valerian the censorship in 251. Although the senatus consultum cited and the specific office are of doubtful authenticity, the high reputation Valerian possessed in the Senate and his association with the government under Decius probably are truthful aspects of the story. In 253 Valerian was apparently commanding in Raetia and Noricum when Trebonianus Gallus sent him to bring legions from Gaul and Germany to Italy for the struggle with the forces of Aemilianus. After Gallus' troops killed him and his son and joined Aemilianus, Valerian's men proclaimed their general emperor and their arrival in Italy caused Aemilianus' soldiers to desert and kill their commander and join Valerian's forces in acclaiming Valerian as emperor.

The Senate presumably was pleased to ratify the position of Valerian, one of their own, as emperor and they also accepted his son and colleague, P. Licinius Egnatius Gallienus, as Augustus, rather than just as Caesar. Valerian apparently realized the necessity of sharing power equally with his son and of dividing their efforts geographically, with Gallienus responsible for the West and Valerian himself concentrating on the East. The biographies of Valerian and Gallienus in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, attributed to Trebellius Pollio, are not especially helpful in putting together an account of their joint reign. The life of Valerian is fragmentary and that of Gallienus projects an extremely biased negative interpretation of his career.

Gallienus in the early years of the joint reign concentrated, with some success, on protecting Gaul and the Rhine frontier by driving back Germanic tribes and fortifying cities such as Cologne and Trier. In a move which would characterize later diplomacy with Germans, Gallienus concluded an alliance with one of their chieftains, presumably to assist the Romans in protecting the empire from other Germanic tribes. The invasions increased in number around 257-258 as the Franks entered Gaul and Spain, destroying Tarraco (Tarragona), and the Alamanni invaded Italy. Gallienus defeated the Alamanni at Milan, but soon was faced with the revolts in Pannonia and Moesia led first by his general there, Ingenuus, and then by Regalianus, commander in Illyricum. Gallienus put down these rebellions by 260 and secured stability in the region by concluding an alliance with the Marcomannic king, whose daughter Pipa the emperor apparently accepted as his concubine although he was still married to Cornelia Salonina.

In the East, Valerian had succeeded by A.D. 257 in rescuing Antioch in Syria from Persian control, at least temporarily, but was soon faced with a major invasion of the Goths in Asia Minor. The Scriptores Historiae Augustae biography of Aurelian has Valerian appear to speak in the Baths at Byzantium to publicly commend Aurelian for his success in driving back the Goths and reward him with the consulship and even with adoption as imperial successor. However, it is not clear that Valerian even reached Byzantium because he sent Felix to that city while he remained to protect the eastern section of Asia Minor and then returned to Antioch to guard it against renewed Persian attacks. It was at this point, around 259, that Valerian moved to defend Edessa and his troops lost significant numbers to the plague. Valerian tried to negotiate a peace with the Persian king, Sapor, but was captured by treachery and taken into captivity. The ultimate humiliation of a Roman emperor by a foreign leader was enacted through Sapor's use of Valerian as a human stepping-stool to assist the Persian king in mounting his horse and Valerian's body was later skinned to produce a lasting trophy of Roman submission.

Eusebius discusses the policy of Valerian toward the Christians and says that, after initially treating them most positively, Valerian was persuaded by Macrianus to lead another persecution against them. Valerian in fact after his brutal imprisonment and death in Persia would serve as a negative moral exemplum for some Latin Christian writers who gleefully pointed out that those who oppose the true God receive their just desserts.

Eusebius also credits Gallienus with reversing his father's policy and establishing peace with the Church, citing imperial edicts which established freedom of worship and even restored some lost property. Paul Keresztes claims that Gallienus in fact established a peace with Christians that lasted for forty-three years, from A.D. 260 until 303, and gave the community a kind of legal status which they had previously lacked.

Andreas Alföldi details a growing separation between Gallienus and his father which goes well beyond the geographical one which had developed out of military necessity. In addition to the strikingly different policies, just described, which they pursued toward the Christians, Gallienus began to make his military independence clear through changes in coin inscriptions and by 258 he had created his central cavalry unit and stationed it at Milan. This independent force, which was under the command of a man of equestrian rank and soon stood on a level at least equal to that of the Praetorian Guard, would play a significant role in Gallienus' upcoming battles and, of course, was a foretoken of a new trend for military organization in the future. Alföldi cites as evidence of the increasing separation between the joint emperors the statement that Gallienus did not even seek his father's return from captivity, which Lactantius of course interpreted as part of Valerian's divine punishment, but one wonders what indeed Gallienus might have done and his "indifference" may have been instead his attempt to reassert confidence in his armies and not dwell on the depressing and humiliating servitude and ultimate death of Valerian. Another reform which Alföldi discusses as part of Gallienus' independent stand is his exclusion of the senatorial class from major military commands. H.M.D. Parker credits Gallienus with beginning to separate the civil and military functions of Rome's provincial governors, thus making senatorial governors purely civil administrators and starting to replace them even in this reduced role by equestrians. The disappearance in this period of the S.C. stamp of senatorial authority on bronze coins was probably also seen as an attack on the prestige of the order, although the debasement of the silver coinage had by this time practically reached the point where the "silver" coins were themselves essentially bronze and the change may have been more for economic than for political reasons. Gallienus' exclusion of senators from military command further broke down class distinctions because sons of centurions were by this time regularly given equestrian rank and the move further accelerated the alienation of Rome as center of the Empire. In addition, the bitterness of the senatorial class over Gallienus' policy most likely explains the hatred of Latin writers toward this particular emperor.

Although Gallienus' military innovations may have made his forces more effective, he still had to face numerous challenges to his authority.In addition to systemic invasions and revolts, the plague wreaked havoc in Rome and Italy and probably in several provinces as well. It must have seemed that every commander he entrusted to solve a problem later used that authority to create another threat. When Gallienus was involved in putting down the revolt of Ingenuus in Pannonia, he put Postumus in charge of the armies guarding the Rhine and Gaul. There is some doubt about which of Gallienus' sons, Cornelius Valerianus or P. Cornelius Licinius Saloninus, was left in Cologne under the care of the Praetorian Prefect Silvanus and perhaps also Postumus. In any case, when Postumus revolted and proclaimed his independent Gallic Empire, Silvanus and one of the emperor's sons were killed. Gallienus probably restricted Postumus' expansion, but he never gained the personal revenge that, according to one source, drove him to challenge Postumus to single combat. While Gallienus was thus engaged, and after Valerian's capture by the Persians, Macrianus had his soldiers proclaim his sons, Macrianus and Quietus, emperors in Syria, Asia Minor, and Egypt. Gallienus sent Aureolus to defeat Macrianus and one son in the area of Illyria and Thrace; Odenathus of Palmyra defeated the other son and restored stability in Syria and, with Gallienus' approval, followed that up with a victory over the Persians. After Odenathus' assassination ca. 267, his wife Zenobia continued to rule the independent Palmyrene section of the Empire.

In A.D. 262 Gallienus concluded his tenth year in office by celebrating in Rome his Decennalia with a spectacular procession involving senators, equestrians, gladiators, soldiers, representatives of foreign peoples, and many other groups. This festival included feasts, games, entertainment, and spectacle which probably reminded Romans of the millennial Secular Games celebrations of Philip I and likely were intended to secure popular support at home for Gallienus. Over the next five years little is known about specific activities of the emperor and he presumably spent more time in Rome and less along the frontiers.

Gallienus and Salonina as rulers patronized a cultural movement which collectively is known as the Gallienic Renaissance. The imperial patrons are most directly connected with the philosophical aspects of this movement because Porphyry testifies to their friendship for the Neoplatonic philosopher Plotinus. Porphyry goes on to say that Plotinus asked Gallienus to rebuild an abandoned former city of philosophers in Campania, rename it Platonopolis, and govern it as a kind of Platonic Republic, but that the jealousy and spite of others at court scuttled the plan. In addition to Neoplatonic philosophy, according to Gervase Matthew, the Gallienic Renaissance included the "upward glance" and other stylistic changes in imperial sculpture and religious beliefs that were characterized by "an overwhelming sense of the transcendent and immutable." Matthew points out both the return to artistic models of Augustus, Hadrian, and even Severus Alexander and also "a new Romantic tension" which breaks with the past and points toward a new and very different world. The Hellenic character of much of the Gallienic Renaissance is also stressed in the emperor's trip to Athens where he, likely in imitation of Hadrian, became eponymous archon and received initiation into the Eleusinian cult of Demeter.

Late in his reign, Gallienus issued a series of coins in Rome which honored nine deities as Conservator Augusti or protector of the emperor by pairing his portrait with reverses picturing an animal or animals symbolic of each deity. Included in this group of celestial guardians are Apollo, Diana, Hercules, Jupiter, Juno, Liber Pater, Mercury, Neptune, and Sol. For example, Apollo's coin-types portray a centaur, a gryphon, or Pegasus; Hercules is represented by either the lion or the boar. It appears that Gallienus was issuing the "animal series" coins both to secure, through some religious festival, the aid of Rome's protective gods against continuing invasions, revolts, and plague and to entertain the Roman populace with pageantry and circus games, thus to divert their attention away from the same problems and maintain the security of the regime in power.

In A.D. 268, Gallienus saw his third son, Marinianus, become consul, but in the spring another Gothic invasion brought the emperor back to Greece. He defeated the invaders at Naissus in Moesia , but was deterred from pursuing them further by a revolt of the commander of his elite cavalry, Aureolus. He besieged this last rebel emperor in Milan, but a plot involving his Praetorian Prefect and two future emperors, Claudius and Aurelian, all three men Illyrians popular with many of the soldiers, lured Gallienus away from the city on a false pretext and assassinated him.The emperor's brother Valerian and young son Marinianus were also murdered. In spite of the bitter resentment which many of the senators must have felt toward the dead emperor and his reform policies, Claudius II, perhaps only to legitimize his own reign, persuaded the Senate to deify Gallienus.

Copyright (C) 1998, Richard D. Weigel. Published on De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors and their Families
http://www.roman-emperors.org/gallval.htm. Used by permission.


Publius Licinius Egnatius Gallienus was born in about AD 213. This means that he was about 40 years old when his father Valerian, in AD 253, was hailed emperor by his troops in Raetia. Gallienus was made Caesar immediately by his father. But within a month, when Valerian got to Rome, Gallienus received the rank of Augustus.

Compared to other Roman emperors of the age, Gallienus was an exception, as far as he was not a soldier-emperor. He was rather a thoughtful, intellectual ruler, possessing sophisticated Greek tastes. However, this made him deeply unpopular with the gritty Danubian generals, who very much understood it as their right to choose a leader among their own ranks to rule the empire.

If the Danubian military elite didn't like Gallienus, then he certainly soon proved that he was a capable military leader. Between AD 254 to AD 256 he campaigned along the Danube, securing this troubled frontier against the barbarians. In AD 256 he then moved west to fight the Germans along the Rhine.

Then by autumn AD 260 the message of Valerian's capture by the Persians reached Gallienus. If Gallienus had always been unpopular among the military leaders, then now with his father gone and Roman authority crumbling, rebellion was in the air.

On a night in September, AD 268, at the siege of Mediolanum (Milan), an alarm was suddenly raised in the camp of the emperor. In the brief moment of confusion, Gallienus was struck down in the dark as he emerged from his tent.

During his reign, Gallienus began numerous reforms and military campaigns to defend the empire, as much from usurpers as from barbarians. In doing so, he perhaps saved the empire from oblivion. At the same time he presided over perhaps the last flowering of classical Roman culture, patronizing poets, artists and philosophers.

As a last gesture of disrespect to this, most unfortunate of emperors, the Romans should lay Gallienus to rest not in one of the great mausoleums in Rome, but in a tomb nine miles south of the capital, along the Via Appia.

Ironically, he was deified by the senate at the request of Claudius II Gothicus, one of the men who must be held accountable for the assassination of Gallienus.
See: http://www.roman-empire.net/decline/gallienus.html


Gallienus was the son of Valerian I and was named Caesar at his father's accession to the throne in 253 A.D. Upon his father's capture by the Parthians he assumed the rank of Augustus and began numerous reforms and military campaigns to defend the empire, as much from usurpers as from barbarians. At the same time he presided over perhaps the last flowering of classical Roman culture, patronizing poets, artists and philosophers. Gallienus was assassinated while besieging Milan. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
AusgustusActiumDenarius.jpg
[603a] Octavian, 16 January 27 B.C. - 19 August 14 A.D.AR denarius; BMC 461; struck at Lugdunum between 15-13 BC , C 1411, RIC 171a; Date: 17.8 mm, 3.5 grams; F+; Obverse: AVGVSTVS [DI]VI F, Bare head right; Reverse: IMP X, Apollo standing facing, holding plectrum in right hand and lyre in left, ACT in exergue. A decent denarius commemorating The Battle of Actium against Antony in 31 BC. Ex McSorley Westchester Stamp and coin show 1970. Ex Ancient Imports.


De Imperatoribus Romanis:
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers

AUGUSTUS (31 B.C. - 14 A.D.)


Garrett G. Fagan
Pennsylvania State University

In the course of his long and spectacular career, he put an end to the advancing decay of the Republic and established a new basis for Roman government that was to stand for three centuries. This system, termed the "Principate," was far from flawless, but it provided the Roman Empire with a series of rulers who presided over the longest period of unity, peace, and prosperity that Western Europe, the Middle East and the North African seaboard have known in their entire recorded history. Even if the rulers themselves on occasion left much to be desired, the scale of Augustus's achievement in establishing the system cannot be overstated. Aside from the immense importance of Augustus's reign from the broad historical perspective, he himself is an intriguing figure: at once tolerant and implacable, ruthless and forgiving, brazen and tactful. Clearly a man of many facets, he underwent three major political reinventions in his lifetime and negotiated the stormy and dangerous seas of the last phase of the Roman Revolution with skill and foresight. With Augustus established in power and with the Principate firmly rooted, the internal machinations of the imperial household provide a fascinating glimpse into the one issue that painted this otherwise gifted organizer and politician into a corner from which he could find no easy exit: the problem of the succession.

(For a very detailed and interesting account of the Age of Augustus see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/auggie.htm)

Death and Retrospective

In his later years, Augustus withdrew more and more from the public eye, although he continued to transact public business. He was getting older, and old age in ancient times must have been considerably more debilitating than it is today. In any case, Tiberius had been installed as his successor and, by AD 13, was virtually emperor already. In AD 4 he had received grants of both proconsular and tribunician power, which had been renewed as a matter of course whenever they needed to be; in AD 13, Tiberius's imperium had been made co-extensive with that of Augustus. While traveling in Campania, Augustus died peacefully at Nola on 19 August, AD 14. Tiberius, who was en route to Illyricum, hurried to the scene and, depending on the source, arrived too late or spent a day in consultation with the dying princes. The tradition that Livia poisoned her husband is scurrilous in the extreme and most unlikely to be true. Whatever the case about these details, Imperator Caesar Augustus, Son of a God, Father of his Country, the man who had ruled the Roman world alone for almost 45 years, or over half a century if the triumviral period is included, was dead. He was accorded a magnificent funeral, buried in the mausoleum he had built in Rome, and entered the Roman pantheon as Divus Augustus. In his will, he left 1,000 sesterces apiece to the men of the Praetorian guard, 500 to the urban cohorts, and 300 to each of the legionaries. In death, as in life, Augustus acknowledged the true source of his power.

The inscription entitled "The Achievements of the Divine Augustus" (Res Gestae Divi Augustae; usually abbreviated RG) remains a remarkable piece of evidence deriving from Augustus's reign. The fullest copy of it is the bilingual Greek and Latin version carved into the walls of the Temple of Rome and Augustus at Ancyra in Galatia (for this reason the RG used to be commonly referred to as the Monumentum Ancyranum). Other evidence, however, demonstrates that the original was inscribed on two bronze pillars that flanked the entrance to the Mausoleum of Augustus in Rome. The inscription remains the only first-person summary of any Roman emperor's political career and, as such, offers invaluable insights into the Augustan regime's public presentation of itself.

In looking back on the reign of Augustus and its legacy to the Roman world, its longevity ought not to be overlooked as a key factor in its success. People had been born and reached middle age without knowing any form of government other than the Principate. Had Augustus died earlier (in 23 BC, for instance), matters may have turned out very differently. The attrition of the civil wars on the old Republican aristocracy and the longevity of Augustus, therefore, must be seen as major contributing factors in the transformation of the Roman state into a monarchy in these years. Augustus's own experience, his patience, his tact, and his great political acumen also played their part. All of these factors allowed him to put an end to the chaos of the Late Republic and re-establish the Roman state on a firm footing. He directed the future of the empire down many lasting paths, from the existence of a standing professional army stationed at or near the frontiers, to the dynastic principle so often employed in the imperial succession, to the embellishment of the capital at the emperor's expense. Augustus's ultimate legacy, however, was the peace and prosperity the empire was to enjoy for the next two centuries under the system he initiated. His memory was enshrined in the political ethos of the Imperial age as a paradigm of the good emperor; although every emperor adopted his name, Caesar Augustus, only a handful earned genuine comparison with him.

Copyright © 1999, Garrett G. Fagan.
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.

Augustus (the first Roman emperor, in whose reign Jesus Christ was born) is without any doubt one of the most important figures in Roman history.

It is reported that when he was near death, Augustus addressed those in attendance with these words, "If I have played my part well, applaud!"

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr
Cleisthenes
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