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38. Rise of the XIIth dynasty
39. Re-issue of Senubert III
40. Private scarabs, scrolls
41. Ur res moba title
42. Maot kheru etc
43. Notes on peculiar scarabs
44. Private scarabs, borderless
45. Dating of private scarabs
46. The XIIIth dynasty
47. The XIVth dynasty
48. Doubtful names
49. The XVth dynasty, Hyksos
50. The XVIth dynasty, Hyksos
51. The XVIIth dynasty
Pl. xii. The styles at the beginning of the xiith dynasty were somewhat mixed. The sculptures of Koptos show what delicate work was do under Amenemhot I, comparable with the delicately engraved scarab 12-1-4. The rather clumsy but detailed work of the xith dynasty survives in the style of 12-1-3. The rough work of some districts crops up in the scarabs, 12-1-1-2, which have the writing in order of the speech, Sehetepabra and Sehetepraab. Notwithstanding the dogma that there are no scarabs made under Amenemhot I, it would be very difficult to parallel these in a later reign. Only one scarab is clearly late, in every respect, 12-1-5. The name Amen Ra stamps it as being after the xviiith dynasty ; the back is like one of Sheshenq I, K-5o, and it is probably of xxiind to xxvth dynasties.
The scarabs of Senusert I hardly need remark, except as to the use of two nefer signs in place of ra. Some thirty years ago this equivalence was suggested by Mr. Wilbour, and the examples strongly confirm it. The intermediate stages can be seen here. In 12-2-16 there is a greatly enlarged ra with nefer inside it; the other signs are normal, of the style of the best, 12-2-1, and the scroll border is as 12-2-3. The next scarab (17) has a large circular body to the nefer, like ra, with a small top; and in No. 18 the work is the same, only two nefer signs appear in place of ra. All of these show a contemporary style; but different work is seen in the next two, 19, 20, bearing the same inscription. The fronts and the backs are unlike any other scarabs of this period: and the source of them is shown by a scarab 18-7-31 with closely the same work and name (with khefer on its side), but with the name of Amenhetep II added. Hence we can date these, 19, 20, as a re-issue of his reign. A very different class to all others are 23, 24, 25 with very perfect work but blundered inscriptions. The cylinder seals were revived under Senusert I, and lasted on into the next dynasty.
PI. xiii. Of Amenemhot II there is a scarab, 12-3-5, with the name Senuser added, written as spoken, and not inverted as Usertesen. This gives contemporary evidence of the spoken form of the name, and is parallel to the spoken forms on 12-1-1—2. It was doubtless made in the co-regency during three years of Amenemhot II and Senusert II. The very large stone beads, 7, 8, seem peculiar to this reign. Under Senusert II there are two variant writings; 12-4-2 with neferui for ra and inverted order of the signs; and 12-4-4 with the same inversion, and the uraeus in place of ra.
Of Senusert III there is a plaque and two uzat eyes (12-5-18-20), the latter seeming by the style to be of the xxvth dynasty. The name of this king was also commemorated by Hotshepsut and Tehutmes III in connection with the revival of his worship in the rebuilt temple of Kummeh. But the scarabs which formerly were attributed to such re-issues (Historical Scarabs, 936-956) must be reconsidered in view of the names of Menkara and Menkheperra recurring in the xxvth dynasty. The couchant sphinx with double plumes, and holding the hes vase, seems to be restricted to the xxvth. A walking sphinx with double plume is on three scarabs in the British Museum (3996, 16808 of T. 111; 38585 of Amenhetep II), also a couchant sphinx with double plume (3997 b-m), and a couchant sphinx with a lies vase on 18-6-51 here. These are all of the xviiith-dynasty style, whereas the couchant plumed sphinx with the hes vase is of xxvth-dynasty style. Referring to the numbers in Historical Scarabs, it seems that 941 is of Shabaka; 938, 939, 948, 951, 953, 954 of vassals of Shabaka. But the straight-barred uraei seem to belong to the Hotshepsut age, and thus 936, 937, 949, 950, together with 946, belong to her time. These commemorate Senusert III on 946, 949, and Menkamra on 936. The curious looking ligature across from arm to arm of the ka represents the bases of the three ka signs conjoined. This mode of making a plural was already started in the xiith dynasty, see Historical Scarabs 236. Another here, made by Tehutmes III, is 12 -5 -15.
Of Amenemhot III, though some neat work remains, as 12-6-1, 12-6-5, the prevalent style in pl. xiv is coarse and even rude. The last two pieces of this king are animal figures—hawk and crocodile—inscribed on the base.
PI. xiv. Private Scarabs.—These form the most important class of the Middle Kingdom scarabs. For reference they are here thus classified; spiral patterns, numbered 12 and a letter; and without spirals, numbered 13 and a letter. Many of the latter class are of the xiith- dynasty period; the number is only used to distinguish broadly those with and without spirals. The spirals are classed as follows: first, round spirals, continuous, then only at sides; oval scrolls continuous, then only at sides, joined over; or, next, not joined from side to side. The plain scarabs begin with linkages top and base, twisted lines, rope borders, and then plain border lines, which are subdivided according to styles of work. The various classes are in their general order of age, but of course they overlap in periods.
So far as the titles are well understood the catalogue will suffice; but some which are dubious we shall notice here. Ur res mobd occurs on 12 F, Y, Z; 13 B, X; it has not been well explained as yet, and there are difficulties in the rendering as "chief judge."
The meaning of this title must depend on the actual use of it, and its connections, indicating whether it is judicial or administrative. In the Old Kingdom there are twenty-five instances of it, quoted in Names and Titles. These are associated with other offices in the following frequency :
15 ouz, administrator of a nome;
14 tep kher nesut, viceroy, cliief under the king;
12 an mutek, priestly (of the kingship);
11 nest khentet, throne of the south—Nubia;
11 her seshta ne hez medu nebt ent nesut, secretary of the enhghtening, or explaining all words of the king;
never her seshia ne per duat, secretary of the cabinet;
never her seshta ne het ur, secretary of the palace;
8 mer katu nebt ent nesut, over all works of the king;
only 3 tdit, sab, that, chief judge and vizier ;
never khetm bati, chancellor ;
never nekheb her tep, chief of Hierakonpolis ;
never, high priest of Memphis, priest of Ptah, or priest of Sokar.
Thus the titles are distinctively not of the home-office, secretary of the cabinet or palace, or chief judge and vizier, or chancellor, or Memphite priesthoods, or over Hierakonpolis. This seems to exclude the headship of the thirty judges. On the contrary the commonest additional offices are viceroy, over the nome, the throne of Nubia, and the Foreign Secretary; all of these point to the position of prince of the southern chiefs or districts. In the Middle Kingdom the title is scarcely ever associated with any other; of twenty- six in the catalogue of Cairo steles, one is a meti ne sa, and in eight at Aswan one is repoti hot. The frequency of the title on the rocks at Aswan bears out the connection with Nubia.
When we reach the New Kingdom this title entirely disappears. A new title arises, sa nesut ne kesh, "royal son of Nubia," as viceroy in the south. These connections of titles point to moba, meaning chiefs or a district, and in Nubia rather than Upper Egypt, as it is never linked with Hierakonpolis. It hardly seems possible that maba, harpoon, might be related to a harpoon sign being perhaps used for a chief on the tablet of Narmer. The titles "great met (lo) of the south, great met of the north," however, belong to Taharqa as viceroy over Egypt ; these seem to show that met was the title of a chief or sub-ruler, and moba might therefore be taken as referring to the Nubian chiefs.
In 12 H appears the epithet maot kheru, which has been variously rendered. It is now recognised as having a judicial sense of acquittal, and "justified" seems to be the best translation. As it often recurs, it is denoted as M.K. in transliteration, and is omitted in the translation. 12 O and 12 AA are the earliest examples here of the title neb amakh; this has been rendered in many ways, usually as devoted to, or worthy of, the lord of the person. Yet being without the possessive f, it seems rather as if it was analogous to the various other expressions relating to the person, as maot-khern, uahem onkh, nefer ka uah; thus neb would refer to the person, and the whole mean "the worthy lord."
This is confirmed by its never being applied to a woman, in any published here or by Prof. Newberry; except in one case (Newberry, xliv, 4) where it is in the feminine, nebi amakh, "the worthy lady."
12 P has a rare title, scribe of sekh, "to beat," determined by a fist, or punishment. 125 might be supposed to be a blundered form of Amen-ra; but as the back is certainly of the xiith dynasty this is impossible, and it must be a proper name.
PI. XV. 12 AC has a remarkable title. Guard of the no Amu; this recalls the 37 Amu who were thought worthy of very full record at Beni Hasan ; the no Amu were probably another immigrant party who had this Egyptian officer over them. 12 AG, ah, the rendering of uortu as "marshal" has been considered under 10A. In 12 AS the sign like onkh seems to be a form of the seal khetm; the m after it is used when expressing a thing sealed, a treaty or fortress. Here with oper, to provide or supply, it appears to refer to sealed contracts of supply, probably the assessments of food-rents from different places. On 12 AY the title is quoted by Pierret (Vocab. 509), but his reference seems wrong, and I have not been able to follow it. 12 BC has a title apparently derived from patu food, perhaps "caterer." On 12 BG the uortu neteru would be the marshal of the sacred processions. The class 12 BK to BP is puzzling; it is not at all certain that they are not modern inventions. It is difficult to see what the signs were originally before repeated copying, ancient or modern. The bird at the top on BL, BN, is corrupt on BM, and thence changes to BO and BK. As BN seems best, we should accept the plant sign ha as the origin of the nesut ka on the others. The two following signs may be the head following ha, and t feminine. Below these may be neteru, and maot-kheru at the end. It might possibly be a wish neh ha neteru maot-kheru, "having confidence behind the gods, being justified." The materials of this class are never glazed, but of bare stone, which is suspicious; or the other hand BK is of a hard stone unlikely to be used by a forger, and the diversity of the blunders does not seem as if they had all been made together by a modern fabricator. BQ can be dated to the close of the xiith dynasty, as it is much like 12-7, Amenemhot IV, pierced with three holes from end to end, and with deeply-cut legs. Another scarab dated by the same features is BU of Har, of whom many plain scarabs are known, 13 BU to CE.
Pl. xvi. Though this section is named as 13, that only refers to the majority of the class of unbordered scarabs. Some such are found undoubtedly of the xiith dynasty, as A, H, S, AB, AC, AG, on this plate. The twisted border of 13 G occurs also on an Aswan scarab (Fraser, 83) and one of a nebt per Neferu (Ward 224). 13 H is remarkable for an epithet fuller than usual, "living again eternally." 13 N is of very rare work, entirely hollowed out, with the back pierced in open-work. The head is human, and arms and legs, apparently belonging to it, occupy the thorax. The elytra are figures of Taurt. The front, however, is not unusual in work. 13 T is a group of cat and kitten, belonging to Se-hetep-ab-ra-onkh, evidently of the beginning of the xiith dynasty. The enlargement of the central spot of the ra, converting the sign into a ring, is very peculiar, and occurs on the inscription of Antef V (Koptos viii); this is an additional reason for the dating of that king to the xith dynasty. AC has an unusually long inscription giving the parentage, of which I only know of one parallel. The next, AD, is also of very rare design, giving a figure of a prince Nefer-ra, hunting. The three scarabs, AL, AM, AN, are a remarkable class, for the size of the body and the hieroglyphs. The title on AL is new to us. General of the Memphite army of Ptah, mentioned by Ramessu II (Stud. Hist, iii, 51). AM has a rather confused reading; from the sacred stand, it seems that a god's name is present, and this must be Unnefer; the previous signs must be read "the leader of the youths," referring to some religious corporation of youths consecrated to Osiris Unnefer. The name appears to be the uzat or eye of Tehuti, namely Aoh the moon, AN is of a rather similar style to the preceding class. The cylinder AQ is perhaps unique as a private cylinder of this age. AV has on the back a style of pattern familiar in decorated scarabs of the xiiith or xivth dynasties, but not otherwise associated with inscriptions; by the coarse cutting, it may have been engraved later than the front.
PI. xvii. AY is a later and coarser example of the soldered wire hieroglyphs seen on the electrum pectoral 12 -6 -26. The royal sealer Haar, 12 BU, 13 BT to CE, has left far more private scarabs than any other man. The age is of the beginning of the xiiith dynasty, as the best of these, 12 BU, is of the peculiar fabric of Amenemhot IV. 13 CO, CP, CQ of Peremuah appear to be of the Hyksos age, judging by the border, which seems to be derived from that of the later Hyksos kings. The rudeness of these would agree with that date.
The various indications of the age of the private scarabs may now be summed up. Seeing the cessation of circular spirals on kings' scarabs at the middle of the xiith dynasty, all the scarabs 12 A to 12 L must be of the first half of that dynasty. Of the same age, by the style and names, must be 13 T, 13 AG. The work of these will carry with them also 12 AA, 12 AC, which seem as early as Senusert I. Of the middle of the xiith dynasty are probably those of good work, but not fine, such as 13 A, 13 AB, 13 AC, 13 AE.
The next clear date is that of Haar, 12 BU, which is pierced with those holes from end to end like 12 7 of Amenemhot IV, and is therefore of the end of the xiith dynasty. This must carry with it the much rougher scarabs of the same man, 13 BT to 13 CE, which may be put to the beginning of the xiiith dynasty. Seeing how poor these are, we may well accept nearly all the scroll scarabs as being of the xiith dynasty, and the well-cut scarabs of pl. xvi and pl. xvii.
Next a peculiar type of back will give a date. There is a class of scarabs with long and deep body, straight sides, straight girdle lines, and double line between the elytra, see pl. lxxii. This type is dated to the Princess Kema, mother of Sebekhetep III, and to Sebekhetep II her contemporary. With these go also 12 AJ Snooab, 12 AK Sekhru-ab, 13 P Senb, 13 W Antef, 13 AU Semekh, 13 AX Sebekhetep, all coarse in work. Immediately after, the type changes to a deep groove between the elytra; and this is dated to Ha-onkhef, father of Sebekhetep III, Neferhetep, and Sebekhetep III. With these go also 12 AV, 13 S, 13 X, 13 BC, 13 BH, 13 BJ, 13 BK, 13 BO, 13 CF, 13 CN, and King Ay. These in turn will take with them others of similar engraving, as 13 R, 13 Y, 13 AA, 13 BB, 13 BC. All of these must belong to the middle of the xiiith dynasty.
Other rude ones are later, and we again touch ground with Peremuah, 13 CO, CP, CQ, which, by the side pattern of CO, belong to the latter part of the Hyksos age. Thus we have reached a useful number of fixed points, by which most private scarabs can be placed in the correct dynasty.
Pl. xviii. At the beginning of the xiiith dynasty are placed scarabs of unknown queens of the xiith and xiiith. These of Erdaneptah and Khensu must, by the scrolls, belong to the xiith. Nubti-hetep-ta has the back of the time of Neferhetep. Resunefer is like this in work of the face. Sat-sebek is like 13 U, 13 V, which are also about this date. Uazet seems too good to be later than mid xiith dynasty; the back is exactly that of 12 Z, 12 AL, agreeing to this date.
After a worn scarab (13-2) which seems to be of Sekhem-ka-ra, there are others of similar style of Onkh-neferu-uah-ra and Nefer-onkh-ra. These must be early in the dynasty by the good work, and they may be the names of Amenemhot and Aufni, of that age. But the scroll work seems too good to be after the xiith dynasty. Next is Seonkh-ab-ra, whose great quartzite altars are familiar in Cairo. Two of Sehetep-ab-ra are too rude for Amenemhot I, and must be placed to the second of that name. The beautiful cylinder in the Amherst collection, of Amenemhot-senbf, must also be early in this dynasty. The half cylinder 13 -15 -I is fixed to Sebekhetep I by the falcon name Kho bau (see Naville, Bubastis, pi. xxxiii, I); this cylinder gives the nebti name, otherwise unknown, zedui renpetu. The reading hes her on 13-15-4 suggests the xxvth dynasty. Hetep-ka-ra is only known from this cylinder; it might be the 9th, 18th or 38th name in the Turin list, all ending in ka. Another of these three names may be Se-beka-ka-ra, of whom here are two cylinders. Of Sebekhetep II, a large gold bead is formed in two halves, soldered together; they seem to have been impressed from a mould or die. The parents of Neferhetep and Sebekhetep III (13-20-3, 4) are well known on their scarabs (13-21, 1-6 ; 13-22-1, 4); from their independent scarabs we see that Haonkhef was a royal sealer or chancellor, and Divine father (13-20-3), who married the heiress, the king's daughter, Kema (13-20-4). These give good dating points of style of signs and of back among private scarabs. Of the small scarabs of Sebek-hetep III there is no question that some are late, as one with Kho-nefer-ra occurs in the group of xxvith dynasty work found by Quibell at Saqqareh. So 13-22-18 to 22 of small neat work, mostly in paste, may be put late. Yet we must not at once call them all re-issues, as the name was used in the xxvth dynasty, where there were two Sebek-hetep princes, a son of Zinefer of Abusir, and a son of Tafnekht II (Stud. Hist, iii, 322). Some of these scarabs might well have belonged to one of those princes.
Pl. xix. The cowroid of Kho-ka-ra differs from the style of Senusert III, and might be of the king of this name in the xiiith dynasty. The scarabs of Queen Ana are put here next to King Ana, as being probably his wife or daughter; the style shows they belong to this period. The Hon with the name Neb-maot-ra cannot be of Amenhetep III, by the style; it may belong to . . . mdot-ra Aba 13-41. Nehesi, 13, 53, shows an unexpected revival of scrolls, which had disappeared since the beginning of the dynasty.
The king's son Antef (14 B) must be of about the middle of the xiiith dynasty, as the back of the scarab has the deep groove between the elytra; the rough style of work agrees to this date. The other scarabs of kings' sons seem clearly later, hke the Hyksos scarabs of the xvith dynasty; compare Nehesi and Sepedneb with Apepa I, and also Nebneteru with Yekeb-bor. Tur might be of the beginning of the xviiith dynasty, compare Turs, wife of Amenhetep I. The style of Kho-sebek-ra and Uazed approaches most to that of the earliest Hyksos, so they may well be of the end of the xivth dynasty.
The scarabs of the xivth dynasty are of very coarse work. Those of Suazenra are not common (14-69-1 to 14-69-5) and there is only one of Ncfer'ab'ra (14-76), which agrees with the Hyksos style. Of the same age are Khenzer and Khondy, two kings of eastern origin. Khenzer has apparently the same name as the later Babylonian king Ukin-zer, Khinzeros in Ptolemy; and Khondy represents the Syrian taking precedence of the Egyptian. Khenzer is best known from his stele in Paris, showing him as a pious Egyptian king who restored the temple of Abydos, and had the throne name Ne-maot-ne-kho-ra, modified from that of Amenemhot III. Beside the two scarabs here, three others have been attributed to this king. The Eraser example (65) has a second cartouche User-ka-ra, wliich raises a difficulty; and the zer is so different from that on the stele and on these scarabs, that it seems a doubtful reading; possibly it is Er-khnum, a shortened form in which da is understood, "By Khnum" (he is given). The British Museum example (42716) is very confused, oa kho being inserted in the name, and a title of an official added,—a construction to which there is hardly a parallel; the supposed zer sign is also quite different to the form on the stele or other examples. The scarab attributed by Ward (219) is of Amenemhot III, with Nefer-kara added. None of these others therefore can be safely assigned to Khenzer. Of Khondy the cylinder here shows much. He was king of Upper Egypt, by the crown; his rule over Syria (or Mesopotamia) was his main dominion, as the Syrian takes precedence; the Egyptian—called hen, the "servant,"—who follows, bears a papyrus with a nesting bird, a symbol of the Delta. The king had the Egyptian attribute of giving life to his subjects, "life of the Living One"—the king. The style of the twist pattern and the row of ibexes is Mesopotamian rather than Egytian; the jasper cylinder with figures belongs to Babylonia, and is quite unknown in Egypt. One scarab is known of this king, rather differently spelt (Blanchard), and it is of haematite, a characteristic material of Syria. It seems certain that in Khondy—and probably also in Khenzer—we have easterners entering Egypt, and taking over rule, probably by peaceful means, before the harsh confusion of the Hyksos triumph.
Pl. XX. On many scarabs are groups of signs, of the same character as the royal names. It is probable that these are the names of some of the host of kings who are only known by their total number in the xivth to xviith dynasties. On scarab 14 O the name may be Sekhem-ra, and zet onkh equal to onkh zetta, "living eternally," as on 16-C-16. The border of 14 P is like that of 13 Q; but the name Kems, on the latter, is so usual in the Middle Kingdom that it does not give a closer dating. On 14 Q and 14 R the sign sma seems fairly distinct from nefer; yet, on the other hand, 14 R has the marks on the body of the sign like nefer; and it would be unlikely that 14 T, 14 V, and 14 X should not be intended to show nefer. Perhaps then 14 Q, with the stem widening upward, is the only sma sign. It would seem impossible to attribute all the Nefer-ra scarabs to one king. On X the work is very good, and the circular spirals appear to belong to the early part of the xiith dynasty; while on W the system of the surrounding hieroglyphs belongs to the earlier part of the xvith dynasty (Hyksos and Israelite Cities, pl. li). The Nefer-ra scarabs, then, are more probably only acts of devotion to Ra, and not belonging to a king. Rather the same conclusion is shown by the diverse periods of the Nekara scarabs. While AN is clearly of the age of Apepa I, see 15-5-12, the fine circular scrolls on AP and the playing with Ra and nefer signs (as on Senusert I, 12-2-16, 17) indicate the early part of the xiith dynasty.
The long cylinder of Ka-zed-uah-ra has two separate scenes upon it, placed base to base ; one of these is here reversed, so that both read upright. The essential key to the reading lies in the signs in the second cartouche, which contains bat nub, probably to be read as a title, "victorious king" (like Her nub, the "victorious Horus"); followed by Uah-neferui as a name, and ur, "the great," as a following adjective. Now on the first half is a figure with Uah-neferui around it, intended therefore for the same name as is written with titles in the cartouche. The first half shows this ruler Uah-neferui, with apparently a son, and wife kneeling, before a larger figure holding a lotus, who has the cartouche behind him, Neferui-ka-zed-uah. By the usage of the Middle Kingdom neferui is equivalent to Ra, at the beginning of a cartouche, so that Ka-zed-uah-ra must be the throne name of the larger figure, who is doubtless the suzerain of the lesser ruler. In the field behind the larger figure and also behind the larger figure on the second half, is Ka-onkh-er-nefer-kho, which appears to be the personal name of the same. Thus we have here the record of a suzerain Ka-zed-uah-ra, Ka-onkh-er-nefer-kho, with a subject ruler Uaz-ra, who takes the titles "victorious king" and "great," and who has a son, and a wife named Hathor, or priestess of Hathor.
Pl. xxi. Although the exact order of the Hyksos kings is unknown, the general positions are shown by the many stages of degradation of the border designs, as tabulated in Hyksos and Israelite Cities, pl. li, repeated in Historical Studies, pl. vi. Only two of them can be connected with literary statements, Apepa I with the mathematical papyrus, and with Apophis of Josephus, and Apepa III with Apepa of the Seqenen-ra papyrus. By the time of Apepa I, the fourth or fifth of the great Hyksos kings, they had taken up much of the Egyptian civilisation, as shown by his erecting columns and a bronze gate for the temple at Bubastis; but the violent stage of the conquest is reflected in the titles of Ontha here, "Prince of the Desert, the Terror." By the style of his scarabs he stood at the beginning of this dynasty; and this title, together with the fluctuation of his name, Ontha or Ont-her, well agrees with this position. The supposed scarab of Nubti (Brit. Mus. Cat. 301) is probably of Tehutmes I, see 18-3-1. The scarabs of Apepa I are remarkable for their variety of design and frequency. Here on I is the human-headed uraeus and nefer, the Agathodairaon; and the uraeus as royal emblem also appears on 6 and 7. The nub sign at the head of scarabs, as on 4, 6, 7, and below on 12, may well be the emblem of Set, as in his title Nubti, and the Horus on mib title. The twist of cord, on 3 and 4, is a Mesopotamian design; but the old Egyptian design of the entwined Nile plants was adopted, as on II. The Agathodaimon type appears again under Oanebra, 16-A-1, 2.
The scarabs of Pepa were at one time assigned to Pepy of the vith dynasty. As the Hyksos types became recognised, it was seen that these were of that period; and on the strength of the long form of the signs, as on 10, 13, 14, the reading Shesha was generally adopted. But lately, guided by the names Teta and Pepa occurring in the xviith dynasty, the name has again been acknowledged as Pepa. What seems to be the best reason for the reading is the variation according to the style of the scarab. On those of the best work. as C 1 here, the form is quite square, and finely ribbed with three vertical strokes, unmistakably the p and not the sh sign. The scroll borders are the best class of these scarabs, and the form is nearly square on these. The most elongated form is with the most debased borders as 13, 14, 15. Thus the sh form must be looked on as a degradation of the p form.
Pl. xxii. As the degradation of style progressed, the reading of the names becomes more difficult, and can hardly be settled without comparing several examples. On touching the xviith dynasty, however, an entirely new departure appears under Apepa III, whose two cartouches are on a piece of chert vase of fine work in the British Museum. The style of the scarab is thick, and the signs are large and clear; the hard green paste is also revived after a long eclipse. Of the same style of scarab and hieroglyphs is the large scarab of Nub-onkh-ra, which must therefore be assigned to this period.
Another sudden change is the rise of small, clearly cut, scarabs, certainly of this age, as dated by those of Rahetep (pi. xxiii). The names of Neb-neferui-ra, Nub-sma-ra, Nub-peh-ra and Nub-hetep-ra would all well accord with the Hyksos forms.
Pl. xxiii. Rahetep was followed by Menhetep-ra, according to an ostrakon of the xxth dynasty. A scarab here with the crowned uraeus on nuh and Ra-men might belong to this king. A clearer example is that in Aberdeen with Ra-men-hetep, and a figure of Taurt with onkh (here drawn).
The name Khnem-taui-ra is in a debased border closely like that of 18-2-18. Khu-uaz, by the size, seems more like the Rahetep group. Neb-ka-ra is clearly a name, by the scarab of the same in a cartouche surrounded with zed, nefer, onkh, and nuh below. (Cairo Catalogue, pi. v. 37082.) From the style of the border it might be of the xvith dynasty, but the xviith is more likely, on comparing the small size and square form with the plaques of the xviiith.
The xviith dynasty is only known by the names of the later kings, of whom there are very scanty remains. The royal pectoral shell of gold of Seqenen-ra is the only such object, until we reach the jewellery of Queen Aoh-hetep at the end of the dynasty. Kames, who is known by that group of jewellery, appears here on a finely-cut scarab with gold mounting (Kames i); the signs neter nefer da onkh at the sides are a reminiscence of the Hyksos arrangement, and the double feather on the top is interesting as the earliest example of such on a cartouche, though seen later under Amenhetep I, Heremheb, and onward. The plaque of blue paste (2) belongs to the earlier period when Kames only claimed to be the heq prince, not a king.