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Image search results - "spoils"
56.jpg
056 Annia Faustina. AE30 9.gmobv: ANNIA OAYCT.CINA.AYrCEB drp. bust r.
rev: TICV_N KAHTON Roma enthroned l. holding Nike,
shield and spoils behind
"3rd wife of Elagabalus"
1 commentshill132
MariusFundania1Denarius.jpg
0aa Caius MariusC. Fundanius, moneyer
101-91 BC

Denarius

Helmeted head of Roma right, control-mark C behind

"Triumphator" (Marius) in quadriga right, holding laurel-branch and staff; a rider sits on near horse, holding laurel-branch, Q above, C FVNDAN in exergue

The reverse shows Marius as triumphator in the quadriga. He holds sceptre and laurel branch. On one of the horses rides his son. The children of the triumphator were - according to tradition - allowed to share the triumph of their father. The Q above refers to the office as quaestor the mintmaster held while minting these coins. FORVM Ancient Coins says of a similar piece, "The reverse refers to Marius triumph after victories over the Cimbri and Teutones. The rider on the near horse is Marius's son, at that time eight years old." Andrew McCabe comments, "The Triumphator on the Fundania denarius is usually taken to be Marius, with his young son on horseback. This would make it the first Roman coin to explicitly portray a living Roman politician. "

Seaby Fundania 1

Marius rose from common origins to become the First Man in Rome. Plutarch in his Life writes: There is a likeness of Marius in stone at Ravenna, in Gaul, which I myself saw quite corresponding with that roughness of character that is ascribed to him. Being naturally valiant and warlike, and more acquainted also with the discipline of the camp than of the city, he could not moderate his passion when in authority. . . . He was born of parents altogether obscure and indigent, who supported themselves by their daily labour; his father of the same name with himself, his mother called Fulcinia. He had spent a considerable part of his life before he saw and tasted the pleasures of the city; having passed previously in Cirrhaeaton, a village of the territory of Arpinum, a life, compared with city delicacies, rude and unrefined, yet temperate, and conformable to the ancient Roman severity. He first served as a soldier in the war against the Celtiberians, when Scipio Africanus besieged Numantia; where he signalized himself to his general by courage far above his comrades, and particularly by his cheerfully complying with Scipio's reformation of his army, being almost ruined by pleasures and luxury. It is stated, too, that he encountered and vanquished an enemy in single combat, in his general's sight. In consequence of all this he had several honours conferred upon him; and once when at an entertainment a question arose about commanders, and one of the company (whether really desirous to know, or only in complaisance) asked Scipio where the Romans, after him, should obtain such another general, Scipio, gently clapping Marius on the shoulder as he sat next him, replied, "Here, perhaps. . . ."

The consul Caecilius Metellus, being declared general in the war against Jugurtha in Africa took with him Marius for lieutenant; where, eager himself to do great deeds and services that would get him distinction, he did not, like others, consult Metellus's glory and the serving his interest, and attributing his honour of lieutenancy not to Metellus, but to fortune, which had presented him with a proper opportunity and theatre of great actions, he exerted his utmost courage. . . . Marius thus employed, and thus winning the affections of the soldiers, before long filled both Africa and Rome with his fame, and some, too, wrote home from the army that the war with Africa would never be brought to a conclusion unless they chose Caius Marius consul. . . .He was elected triumphantly, and at once proceeded to levy soldiers contrary both to law and custom, enlisting slaves and poor people; whereas former commanders never accepted of such, but bestowed arms, like other favours, as a matter of distinction, on persons who had the proper qualification, a man's property being thus a sort of security for his good behavior. . . .

[In Marius' fourth consulship,] The enemy dividing themselves into two parts, the Cimbri arranged to go against Catulus higher up through the country of the Norici, and to force that passage; the Teutones and Ambrones to march against Marius by the seaside through Liguria. . . . The Romans, pursuing them, slew and took prisoners above one hundred thousand, and possessing themselves of their spoil, tents, and carriages, voted all that was not purloined to Marius's share, which, though so magnificent a present, yet was generally thought less than his conduct deserved in so great a danger. . . . After the battle, Marius chose out from amongst the barbarians' spoils and arms those that were whole and handsome, and that would make the greatest show in his triumph; the rest he heaped upon a large pile, and offered a very splendid sacrifice. Whilst the army stood round about with their arms and garlands, himself attired (as the fashion is on such occasions) in the purple-bordered robe, and taking a lighted torch, and with both hands lifting it up towards heaven, he was then going to put it to the pile, when some friends were espied with all haste coming towards him on horseback. Upon which every one remained in silence and expectation. They, upon their coming up, leapt off and saluted Marius, bringing him the news of his fifth consulship, and delivered him letters to that effect. This gave the addition of no small joy to the solemnity; and while the soldiers clashed their arms and shouted, the officers again crowned Marius with a laurel wreath, and he thus set fire to the pile, and finished his sacrifice.
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Aemilia10.jpg
0ac Conquest of MacedoniaPaullus Aemilius Lepidus, moneyer
109-100 BC

Denarius

Veiled head of Concord, right, PAVLLVS LEPIDVS CONCORDIA
TER above trophy, L. Aemelius Lepidus on right, Perseus and his two sons as prisoners on left, PAVLLVS in ex.

Seaby, Aemelia 10

L. Aemelius Paullus defeated the Macedonians in 168 BC and brought Perseus and his sons to Rome to adorn his triumph.

Three days after the battle Perseus arrived at Amphipolis, and from that city he sent heralds with a caduceus to Paulus. In the meanwhile Hippias, Midon, and Pantauchus, the principal men among the king's friends who had fled from the field of battle to Beroea, went and made their surrender to the Roman consul. In the case of others also, their fears prompted them, one after another, to do the same. The consul sent his son Q. Fabius, together with L. Lentulus and Q. Metellus, with despatches to Rome announcing his victory. He gave the spoils taken from the enemy's army lying on the field of battle to the foot soldiers and the plunder from the surrounding country to the cavalry on condition that they were not absent from the camp more than two nights. The camp at Pydna was shifted to a site nearer the sea. First of all Beroea, then Thessalonica and Pella, and almost the whole of Macedonia, city by city, surrendered within two days.

Livy, History of Rome, 44.45
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TraianDecSestDacia.jpg
1cq Trajan Decius249-251

Sestertius

Laureate, cuirassed bust, right, MP C M Q TRAIANVS DECIVS AVG
Dacia standing left holding draco standard, or staff surmounted by a donkey's head, DACIA SC

RIC 101b

The Byzantine historian Zosimus recorded in his New History: [Philip], thinking that he had by these means established himself in the possession of the empire, he made an expedition against the Carpi, who had plundered all the country about the Ister. . . . As there were at that time many disturbances in the empire, the eastern provinces, which were uneasy, partly, owing to the exactions of exorbitant tributes, and partly to their dislike of Priscus, their governor, who was a man of an intolerably evil disposition, wished for innovation, and set up Papianus for emperor, while the inhabitants of Moesia and Pannonia were more inclined to Marinus.

Philip, being disturbed by these events, desired the senate cither to assist him against such imminent dangers, or, if they were displeased with his government, to suffer him to lay it down and dismiss him quietly. No person making a reply to this, Decius, a person of illustrious birth and rank, and moreover gifted, with every virtue, observed, that he was unwise in being so much concerned at those events, for they would vanish of themselves, and could not possibly long subsist. And though the event corresponded with the conjecture of Decius, which long experience in the world had enabled him to make, Papianus and Marinus being taken off, yet Philip was still in fear, knowing how obnoxious the officers in that country were to the army. He therefore desired Decius to assume the command of the legions in Moesia and Pannonia. As he refused this under the plea that it was inconvenient both for Philip and himself, Philip made use of the rhetoric of necessity, as the Thessalians term it, and compelled him to go to Pannonia to punish the accomplices of Marinus. The army in that country, finding that Decius punished all that had offended, thought it most politic to avoid the present danger and to set up a sovereign who would better consult the good of the state, and who, being more expert both in civil and military affairs, might without difficulty conquer Philip.

For this purpose they clothed Decius in purple, and notwithstanding all his apprehensions of future mischances, compelled him to assume the supreme authority. Philip therefore, on hearing that Decius was thus made emperor, collected all his forces to overpower him. The supporters of Decius, though they knew that the enemy had greatly the advantage in numbers, still retained their confidence, trusting to the general skill and prudence of Decius in affairs. And when the two armies engaged, although the one was superior in number, yet the other so excelled it in discipline and conduct, that a great number of Philip's partisans were slain and he himself amongst them, together with his son, on whom he had conferred the title of Caesar. Decius thus acquired the empire.

The Scythians, taking advantage of the disorder which every where prevailed through the negligence of Philip, crossed the Tanais, and pillaged the countries in the vicinity of Thrace. But Decius, marching against them, was not only victorious in every battle, but recovered the spoils they had taken, and endeavoured to cut off their retreat to their own country, intending to destroy them all, to prevent their ever again, making a similar incursion. For this purpose he posted Gallus on the bank of the Tanais with a competent force, and led in person the remainder of his army against the enemy. This expedition exceeded to his utmost wish; but Gallus, who was disposed to innovation, sent agents to the Barbarians, requesting their concurrence in a conspiracy against Decius. To this they gave a willing assent, and Gallus retained his post on the bank of the Tanais, but the Barbarians divided themselves into three battalions, the first of which posted itself behind a marsh. Decius having destroyed a considerable number of the first battalion, the second advanced, which he likewise defeated, and discovered part of the third, which lay near the marsh. Gallus sent intelligence to him, that he might march against them across the fen. Proceeding therefore incautiously in an unknown place, he and his army became entangled in the mire, and under that disadvantage were so assailed by the missiles of the Barbarians, that not one of them escaped with life. Thus ended the life of the excellent emperor Decius.

Eutropius wrote: DECIUS, a native of Lower Pannonia, born at Budalia, assumed the government. . . . When he and his son had reigned two years, they were both killed in the country of the Barbarians, and enrolled among the gods.
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TrebGallusAEVim.jpg
1cu Trebonianus Gallus251-253

AE Viminacium

Laureate, draped bust, right, IMP C GALLVS P FELIX AVG
Moesia standing facing, head left, hands outstretched over a bull and a lion at her sides, PMS COL VIM

Moushmov 56

For Gallus' perfidy against Decius, see the Decius entry. Zosimus reports regarding Gallus' reign: Gallus, who declared his son Volusianus his associate in the empire, published an open declaration, that Decius and his army had perished by his contrivance. The Barbarians now became more prosperous than before. For Callus not only permitted them to return home with the plunder, but promised to pay them annually a sum of money, and allowed them to carry off all the noblest captives; most of whom had been taken at Philippopolis in Thrace.

Gallus, having made these regulations, came to Rome, priding himself on the peace he had made with the Barbarians. And though he at first spoke with approbation of Decius's mode of government, and adopted one of his sons, yet, after some time was elapsed, fearing that some of them who were fond of new projects might recur to a recapitulation of the princely virtues of Decius, and therefore might at some opportunity give the empire to his son, he concerted the young man's destruction, without regard either to his own adoption of him, or to common honour and justice.

Gallus was so supine in the administration of the empire, that the Scythians in the first place terrified all the neighbouring nations, and then laid waste all the countries as far by degrees as the sea coast; not leaving one nation subject to the Romans unpillaged, and taking almost all the unfortified towns, and many that were fortified. Besides the war on every side, which was insupportably burdensome to them, the cities and villages were infested with a pestilence, which swept away the remainder of mankind in those regions; nor was so great a mortality ever known in any former period.

At this crisis, observing that the emperors were unable to defend the state, but neglected all without the walls of Rome, the Goths, the Borani, the Urugundi, and the Carpi once more plundered the cities of Europe of all that had been left in them; while in another quarter, the Persians invaded Asia, in which they acquired possession of Mesopotamia, and proceeded even as far as Antioch in Syria, took that city, which is the metropolis of all the east, destroyed many of the inhabitants, and carried the remainder into captivity, returning home with immense plunder, after they had destroyed all the buildings in the city, both public and private, without meeting with the least resistance. And indeed the Persians had a fair opportunity to have made themselves masters of all Asia, had they not been so overjoyed at their excessive spoils, as to be contented with keeping and carrying home what they had acquired.

Meantime the Scythians of Europe were in perfect security and went over into Asia, spoiling all the country as far as Cappodocia, Pesinus, and Ephesus, until Aemilianus, commander of the Pannonian legions, endeavouring as much as possible to encourage his troops, whom the prosperity of the Barbarians had so disheartened that they durst not face them, and reminding them of the renown of Roman courage, surprised the Barbarians that were in that neighbourhood. Having destroyed great numbers of them, and led his forces into their country, removing every obstruction to his progress, and at length freeing the subjects of the Roman empire from their ferocity, he was appointed emperor by his army. On this he collected all the forces of that country, who were become more bold since his successes against the Barbarians, and directed his march towards Italy, with the design of fighting Gallus, who was as yet. unprepared to contend with him. For Gallus had never heard of what had occurred in the east, and therefore made only what accidental preparations were in his reach, while Valerianus went to bring the Celtic and German legions. But Aemilianus advanced with great speed into Italy, and the armies were very near to each other, when the soldiers of Gallus, reflecting that his force was much inferior to the enemy both in number and strength, and likewise that he was a negligent indolent man, put him and his son to death, and going over to the party of Aemilianus, appeared to establish his authority.
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AurelianusAntPietas.jpg
1dk Aurelian270-275

Radiate, cuirassed bust, right, IMP AVRELIANVS AVG
Aurelian & Severina or priest standing facing each other, each holding short sceptre, sacrificing at altar between them, S in ex, PIETAS AVG

Zosimus recorded: Aurelianus, having regulated the empire, went from Rome to Aquileia, and from thence into Pannonia, which he was informed the Scythians were preparing to invade. For this reason he sent orders to the inhabitants of that country to carry into the towns all their corn and cattle, and every thing that could be of use to the enemy, in order to distress them with famine, with which they were already afflicted. The Barbarians having crossed the river into Pannonia had an engagement, the result of which was nearly equal. But the same night, the Barbarians recrossed the river, and as soon as day appeared, sent ambassadors to treat for peace. |25

The Emperor, hearing that the Alemanni and the neighbouring nations intended to over-run Italy, was with just reason more concerned for Rome and the adjacent places, than for the more remote. Having therefore ordered a sufficient force to remain for the defence of Pannonia, he marched towards Italy, and on his route, on the borders of that country, near the Ister, slew many thousands of the Barbarians in one battle. Several members of the senate being at this time accused of conspiring against the emperor were put to death ; and Rome, which before had no walls, was now surrounded with them. This work was begun in the reign of Aurelianus, and was finished by Probus. At the same time Epitimius, Urbanus, and Domitianus, were likewise suspected as innovators, and were immediately apprehended and punished. During these occurrences in Italy and Pannonia, the emperor prepared to march against the Palmyrenians, who had subdued all Egypt, and the east, as far as Ancyra in Galatia, and would have acquired Bithynia even as far as Chalcedon, if the inhabitants of that country had not learned that Aurelianus was made emperor, and so shook off the Palmyrenian yoke. As soon as the emperor was on his march thither, Ancyra submitted to the Romans, and afterwards Tuana, and all the cities between that and Antioch. There finding Zenobia with a large army ready to engage, as he himself also was, he met and engaged her as honour obliged him [an defeated the enemy. . . .

[Having crushed Palmyra and razed it] He then entered Rome in triumph, where he was most magnificiently received by the senate and people. At this period also be erected that sumptuous temple of the sun, which he ornamented with all the sacred spoils that he brought from Palmyra; placing in it the statues of the sun and Belus. After this he easily reduced Tatricus with his rebellious accomplices, whom he brought to signal punishment. He likewise called in all the counterfeit money, and issued new, to avoid confusion in trade. Besides which he bestowed on the people a gift of bread, as a mark of his favour; and having arranged all affairs set out on a journey from Rome. . . .

During his stay at Perinthus, now called Heraclea, a conspiracy was thus formed against him. There was in the court a man named Eros, whose office was to carry out the answers of the emperor. This man had been for some fault threatened by the emperor, and put in great fear. Dreading therefore lest the emperor should realize his menaces by actions, he went to some of the guard, whom he knew to be the boldest men in the court; be told them a plausible story, and shewed them a letter of his own writing, in the character of the emperor (which he had long before learned to counterfeit), and persuading them first that they themselves were to be put to death, [h]e endeavoured to prevail on them to murder the emperor. The deception answered. Observing Aurelianus to go out of the city with a small retinue, they ran out upon him and murdered him.

RIC 138
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Trajan_Antiochia_ad_Maeandrum.jpg
Antiochia ad MaeandrumAssarion, circa 98-102.
Obv: AYT NЄP TPAI KAI CЄ ΓЄP ΔAK
Laurate head of Trajan to right.
Rev: PΩΜΗ ANTIOXЄΩN
Helmeted Roma seated left on cuirass and spoils of war, holding nike on extended right hand and sheathed sword in left.

24mm, 6.10g
RPC III 2242, SNG Copenhagen 50
klausklage
arch of Titus.jpg
arch of TitusPart of the Arch of Titus showing the spoils from the destruction of the Temple in JerusalemJay GT4
Bramsen 0280.JPG
Bramsen 0280. La Venus de Medicis, 1803.Obv. Head of Napoleon.
Exergue, JEUFFROY FECIT 1803. DENON DIR. G.D. MUSÉE C. D. ARTS
Rev. the antique statue of the Venus de Medicis.
Legend, AUX ARTS LA VICTOIRE. L'AN IV DU CONSULAT DE BONAPARTE.

Depicts the Venus de Medici in the Louvre, and the occasion of Napoleons visit to the museum. The legend "Aux arts la victoire" is a reference to Napoleon's philosophy of "To the victors belong the spoils" . 1803.
LordBest
Bramsen 0453.JPG
Bramsen 0453. Deputation des maires de Paris a Schoenbrunn, 1805.Obv. A winged, trumpet-blowing woman runs left, carrying a tablet behind her a pile of spoils of war. Signed in the left field, BRENET F, DE GERMANIS. // IMP VRBI SVAE.
Exergue: PRIMITIAE · BELLI · ARMA · ET · SIGNA · MILITARIA E · MANVBIIS · VERTINGENS CIVITATI · DONATA VI · ID · OCT · MDCCCV
Rev. On the right Napoleon and Murat in classical dress, at their feet a nymph with an urn, approaching from the left are two men, one offering a scroll PANNONIA · SVBACTA. // SCHOENBRUNN.
Exergue: AEDILES. PARIS. IMP. NEAPOLIONI. A. VICTORIA REDVCI IN. SVBVRBANO. CAESARVM GRATES. AGVUNT. PR. ID. DECEMBR. MDCCCV
68mm.

This medal was struck to commemorate the events following the Battle of Austerlitz in the First Austrian campaign, namely the fact that Austria was subdued and Vienna taken by French forces. 1805.
LordBest
TrajanBronze.jpg
Bronze Dupondius of TrajanA Roman bronze dupondius of Trajan, minted in Rome between 103-111 AD. 27mm, 11.66g.

Obverse: IMP CAES NERVAE TRAIANO AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS V P P Trajan facing left

Reverse: SPQR OPTIMO PRINCIPI, Pax standing left with cornucopia setting fire to spoils, SC in ex

Attribution: RIC II 507
chuy1530
Marcian_AV_Solidus_E2.png
C. Graffito: Marcian AV Solidus, Constantinople, 450-7 CE, cross etched in obv. fieldRoman Imperial / Byzantine. Marcian AV Solidus (4.45g, 20mm, 5h), Constantinople, c. 450-457 CE.
Obv: D N MARCIANVS P F AVG. Helmeted & cuirassed bust facing three-quarters right, holding spear & shield decorated with equestrian motif (horseman spearing fallen enemy). Graffito (cross) in r. field.
Rev: VICTORIA AVGGG Z / CONOB in exergue. Victory standing left, holding cross; star in right field.
Ref: RIC 510; DOC 481.
Prov: Ex-Auctiones Gmbh 34 (22 Feb 2015), Lot 136.

Notes: "Graffito" (pl., "graffiti") may seem to be nothing more than damage, detracting artistically. But oftentimes it contributes something as well. It may give us evidence for an additional chapter in the "object biography" of a coin, telling us how it was used and what it meant to its users in antiquity.
The reasons for scratching characters into the surfaces of their coins are often lost to us, but not always. In this case, at least the surface meaning is obvious. It is an example of the pervasive religious graffiti in the form of crosses found on "Byzantine" (i.e., late Eastern Roman) gold coins.
But questions do remain: Was it just a widespread cultural custom to inscribe crosses anywhere possible? Was it a means of showing religious affiliation and cultural membership? Was it meant as a blessing, possibly with some anticipated benefit, either for the person, for the transaction, or even for the Emperor (next to whose face it is inscribed)?
Beyond the technical ease with which it is scratched, perhaps gold money especially required purification, given its distinctly worldly character. (It is worth noting the rev. design already included a cross; perhaps this individual felt that wasn't sufficient, and that the absence of a cross on the obverse demanded remedy.)
See Also: For graffito with religious significance, but in the much older context of a small hoard of Boeotian Theban staters (interpreted as the religious dedication of a "tithe" of spoils), see Liampi (AJN 2008) "NIKA, ΛEIA: Graffiti on Sicyonian and Theban Staters in a New Hoard from Boeotia / Beginning of 2000": https://www.jstor.org/stable/43580312
Curtis JJ
Vlasto_68~1.jpg
CALABRIA, Taras. Circa 510-500 BC. AR Incuse Nomos8,03 g; 24 mm; 11 h
Phalanthos riding dolphin right, extending left arm, holding dolphin with right hand; crowning Nike to left; shell below
Rv. Incuse of obverse, but ethnic in relief.
HNItaly 826; Vlasto 68. The first issue of Tarentine coinage. Very rare. Lightly toned and in fine archaic style, extremely fine.

I got this great piece from an auction last fall and it was the most important acquisition for me.
Taras incuse stater is more compact and thicker than Kaulonia and Sybaris incuse stater. It was dibble (or triple) striked and the details were hard to detect. We can found slight trace on the Taras’s head and his left hand. I believe this is the reason that the pattern looks very sharp while the high points (such as dolphin’s eyes and tail ) are flat.

Dating from the late sixth century, this nomos shows Phalantus naked, riding a dolphin, expressing a motif destined for popular success in the coins of Taras: the dolphin brings Phalantus safe and sound across the sea (also evidenced by the presence of a pecten in the lower field of the coin), and conveys him to Italy, according to the dictate of the Delphic oracle. We learn from the Periegesis of Greece of Pausania (II cent. A.D.) that statues of Taras, Phalantus, and Phalantus’ dolphin (cf. Paus. X 13) were among the votive offerings (anathemata) presented to Delphi by the Tarantines with a fifth of the spoils taken from the Peucetii and the Iapygians. The reverse has the same representation as the obverse, in incuse, using a well-known technique of early coinage that was deployed at many other Southern Italian cities besides Taras
1 commentsLeo
3108816_m.jpg
Crawford 410/1, ROMAN REPUBLIC - Musa - AR DenariusRome, The Republic.
Q. Pomponius Musa, 56-52 BCE
AR Denarius (3.76g; 20mm).
Rome Mint.

Obv: Q•POMPONI – MVSA; Head of Apollo facing right, hair tied with band.

Rev: HERCVLES – MVSARVM; Hercules facing right, wearing lion skin and playing lyre.

References: Crawford 410/1; Sydenham 810; Pomponia 8.

Provenance: Ex Collection of an English Amateur Scholar [NAC 92 (May 2016) Lot 1669]; Munzen und Medaillen XIX (Jun 1959) Lot 98; L. Hamburger 95 (1932} Lot 238; Manuel Vidal Quadras y Ramon (d. 1894) Collection [E. Bourgey (Nov 1913) Lot 526].

Q. Pomponius Musa punned his name by depicting the Muses on a series of coins. Musa’s coins have long been favorites of Roman Republican collectors both for their high-style and because they form a mini-series within the larger series of Republican moneyer coins. Basically, they're fun-to-collect tray candy.

Musa is unknown except for his coins, which, combined with scant hoard evidence, makes precise dating of the series difficult. For many years, scholars (including Crawford) dated the series to 66 BCE. However, the absence of any examples of the series in the large Mesagne hoard caused Hersh and Walker to bring down the date of the series to 56 BCE. In "Roman Moneyers and Their Coins" (2nd ed), Michael Harlan suggested a later date of 52 BCE due to the large number of moneyers attributed from 57-54.

This example of Musa's series does not depict a Muse at all, but Hercules Musarum – Hercules as patron of the Muses. In 187 BCE, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, celebrating victories in Greece, dedicated a Temple of Hercules Musarum in Rome, near the Circus Flaminius. This round temple contained statues of Hercules and the nine Muses. It is possible that the reverses of Musa’s coins depict the actual statues contained within this temple, which were likely brought back to Rome as spoils from Greece. Over 100 years after this temple was consecrated, Cicero praised Nobilior for honoring poetry and the arts in his victory over the Greeks.

Apollo is often depicted androgynously on ancient coins. The standard references consistently attribute the obverse heads on all varieties of Musa’s coins as Apollo; but the depictions are notably different between the Hercules Musarum variety and the nine Muse varieties. On the above coin, the deity’s hair is down and tied, and generally consistent with many depictions of Apollo on other Roman Republican coins (see, e.g., denarii of L. Calpurnius Piso and C. Calpurnius Piso). Comparatively, the head on the Muse varieties of this series are considerably more feminine in appearance and laureate, though lacking earrings, necklaces or other feminine accents. Admittedly, this more feminine type head has also been attributed by scholars as Apollo on other coin types (see, e.g., denarii of P. Clodius and C. Considius). However, within the same series the different styled heads appear to depict different deities. Given the Muse emblems behind each head on the nine Muse types, it’s possible that the feminine heads are not Apollo, but the Muses themselves. Michael Harlan agrees with this interpretation in both editions of "Roman Republican Moneyers and their Coins." More research on this issue is needed.
3 commentsCarausius
_DSC5120_mod_dub_sm.jpg
IMP C CLAVDIVS AVG / MARS VLTOR antoninianus (268-270 A.D.) Obv.: [IM]P C CLAVDIVS AVG, radiate cuirassed bust of Claudius right, both ribbons behind.

Rev.: MARS [VLTO]R, Mars, walking right, naked except for helmet and some flowing drapery left and right, holding spear transverse in right hand and trophy in left hand.

d oval 16-19+mm, 2.41g, die axis 1h (medal alignment), material: bronze/copper-based alloy supposedly with some silver.

Authority and portrait: Claudius II Gothicus (reign 268-270). Mint: Rome.

IMP = Imperator (Commander-in-Chief), C = Caesar, AVG = Augustus. MARS VLTOR = Mars the Avenger or the Punisher. An important aspect of some Roman deities was their ability to avenge for injuries received by Roman people, this applies especially to their main warlike gods, Jupiter and Mars. So in times of troubles, like the crisis of the 3d century, we often see references to Jupiter or Mars Ultor. High-crested Corinthian helmet and a spear are common attributes of Mars. In this case he also carries a trophy (tropaeum). Trophies, equally by the Romans and the Greeks, were esteemed as the rewards and insignia of victories. In the earlier ages they consisted simply of a trunk of a tree or long pole, to which a little below the top another piece of wood was fastened crosswise, and set up on the field of battle immediately after a victory; this was adorned with spoils, or the armor of the vanquished, customarily a cuirass, a helmet, and a buckler.

RIC V-1 Rome 66; Cohen 160; Sear 11350.

ID straightforward. The bust in all examples is cuirassed with both ribbons behind, but catalogues mention usual bust variations. There may be a mintmark in right or, rarely, left field, H/"N"/"II", all probably designating Greek letter eta, i.e. officina 8. The size in many examples is 20mm or more.

A close type, RIC 67 has IMP CL... in the obverse legend instead of IMP C CL..., but here we clearly see IMP C CL...
Yurii P
DSC00501.JPG
Italy, Rome, Arch of TitusArch of Titus in Rome depicting the spoils of Jerusalem's temple.
Photo taken September 2005
Jay GT4
st_mark.jpg
Italy, St. Peter's gate in the Basicilica of St. Mark in Venice.This is one of the frontal (western facade) portico entrances to St Mark's basilica in Venice. The church was founded in 1063 and is an fine example of byzantine architecture. Many of the columns, reliefs, and sculptures were spoils stripped from the churches, palaces, and public monuments of Constantinople as a result of the Venetian participation in the Fourth Crusade. Among the plundered artefacts brought back to Venice were the four ancient bronze horses that were placed prominently over the entry.

The mosaic depicts the arrival St Mark's body in Venice.

St Mark the Evangelist's body is buried here, after the Venetians plundered if from Alexandria.
Not shown, but sitting just above this mosaic, were the 4 bronze horses that adorned the main gate to Constantinople. Since 1974, these are exact replicas - the originals are in a nearby museum. The venetians carried them off as plunder when the 4th crusade sacked Constantinople in 1204.
Ron C2
Italy- Rome- The Arch of Vespasian.jpg
Italy- Rome- The Arch of TitoThe Arch of Titus (Arcus Titi) is a triumphal arch that commemorates the victory of the emperors Vespasian and Titus in Judea in 70 CE, which lead to the conquest of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Jewish temple there, and the triumphal procession the two held in Rome in 71 CE. It is situated at the E. entrance to the Forum Romanum, on the Via Sacra, south of the Temple of Amor and Roma, close to the Colosseum.

The arch was definitely erected sometimes after after the death of Titus in 81 CE, since Titus is referred to as Divus in the inscription. The deification of an emperor only happened posthumously after decision by the senate. It was most probably erected by emperor Domitian who succeeded his brother Titus in 81 CE, but it has also been suggested that it was built later, by Trajan, because of stylistic similarities with the Arch of Trajan at Benevento.

The Arch of Titus is a single arch, measuring 15.4m in height, 13.5m in width and 4.75m in depth, originally constructed entirely in Pantelic marble, with four semi-columns on each side. The external decorations include figures of Victoria with trophies on the spandrels and images of Roma and the Genius of Rome on the two keystones.

The inscription on the E. side is the original dedication of the arch by the senate. It reads:

Senatus
Populusque Romanus
divo Tito divo Vespasiani f(ilio)
Vespasiano Augusto

The senate
and people of Rome
to the divine Titus, son of the divine Vespasian,
Vespasianus Augustus

The inside the archway the monument is decorated with reliefs in marble. The S. side shows the beginning of the triumphal entry into Rome of the victorious emperor and his troops. The soldiers, walking left to right, are carrying the spoils of war, which include the seven armed candelabrum and the silver trumpets from the temple of Jerusalem. The signs carried by some soldiers displayed the names of the conquered cities and people. To the right the procession is entering the city through the Porta Triumphalis.

The N. side of the arch is decorated with a relief of the emperor in the triumphal procession. The emperor is riding a quadriga, which is lead by the goddess Roma, and he is crowned by Victoria flying above him. The lictors are walking in front of the chariot with their long ceremonial axes. After the emperor follow as a young man, who represents the Roman people, and an older man in toga, representing the senate. In the middle, under the vault a small relief shows the apotheosis of Titus, flying to the heavens on the back of an eagle.
Peter Wissing
Italy- Rome- The arch of Tito and inside the arches.jpg
Italy- Rome- The arch of Tito and inside the archesThe Arch of Titus (Arcus Titi) is a triumphal arch that commemorates the victory of the emperors Vespasian and Titus in Judea in 70 CE, which lead to the conquest of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Jewish temple there, and the triumphal procession the two held in Rome in 71 CE. It is situated at the E. entrance to the Forum Romanum, on the Via Sacra, south of the Temple of Amor and Roma, close to the Colosseum.

The arch was definitely erected sometimes after after the death of Titus in 81 CE, since Titus is referred to as Divus in the inscription. The deification of an emperor only happened posthumously after decision by the senate. It was most probably erected by emperor Domitian who succeeded his brother Titus in 81 CE, but it has also been suggested that it was built later, by Trajan, because of stylistic similarities with the Arch of Trajan at Benevento.

The Arch of Titus is a single arch, measuring 15.4m in height, 13.5m in width and 4.75m in depth, originally constructed entirely in Pantelic marble, with four semi-columns on each side. The external decorations include figures of Victoria with trophies on the spandrels and images of Roma and the Genius of Rome on the two keystones.

The inscription on the E. side is the original dedication of the arch by the senate. It reads:

Senatus
Populusque Romanus
divo Tito divo Vespasiani f(ilio)
Vespasiano Augusto

The senate
and people of Rome
to the divine Titus, son of the divine Vespasian,
Vespasianus Augustus

The inside the archway the monument is decorated with reliefs in marble. The S. side shows the beginning of the triumphal entry into Rome of the victorious emperor and his troops. The soldiers, walking left to right, are carrying the spoils of war, which include the seven armed candelabrum and the silver trumpets from the temple of Jerusalem. The signs carried by some soldiers displayed the names of the conquered cities and people. To the right the procession is entering the city through the Porta Triumphalis.

The N. side of the arch is decorated with a relief of the emperor in the triumphal procession. The emperor is riding a quadriga, which is lead by the goddess Roma, and he is crowned by Victoria flying above him. The lictors are walking in front of the chariot with their long ceremonial axes. After the emperor follow as a young man, who represents the Roman people, and an older man in toga, representing the senate. In the middle, under the vault a small relief shows the apotheosis of Titus, flying to the heavens on the back of an eagle.
Peter Wissing
Italy- Rome- The entrance to Forum and the arch of Tito.jpg
Italy- Rome- The entrance to Forum and the arch of TitoThe Arch of Titus (Arcus Titi) is a triumphal arch that commemorates the victory of the emperors Vespasian and Titus in Judea in 70 CE, which lead to the conquest of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Jewish temple there, and the triumphal procession the two held in Rome in 71 CE. It is situated at the E. entrance to the Forum Romanum, on the Via Sacra, south of the Temple of Amor and Roma, close to the Colosseum.

The arch was definitely erected sometimes after after the death of Titus in 81 CE, since Titus is referred to as Divus in the inscription. The deification of an emperor only happened posthumously after decision by the senate. It was most probably erected by emperor Domitian who succeeded his brother Titus in 81 CE, but it has also been suggested that it was built later, by Trajan, because of stylistic similarities with the Arch of Trajan at Benevento.

The Arch of Titus is a single arch, measuring 15.4m in height, 13.5m in width and 4.75m in depth, originally constructed entirely in Pantelic marble, with four semi-columns on each side. The external decorations include figures of Victoria with trophies on the spandrels and images of Roma and the Genius of Rome on the two keystones.

The inscription on the E. side is the original dedication of the arch by the senate. It reads:

Senatus
Populusque Romanus
divo Tito divo Vespasiani f(ilio)
Vespasiano Augusto

The senate
and people of Rome
to the divine Titus, son of the divine Vespasian,
Vespasianus Augustus

The inside the archway the monument is decorated with reliefs in marble. The S. side shows the beginning of the triumphal entry into Rome of the victorious emperor and his troops. The soldiers, walking left to right, are carrying the spoils of war, which include the seven armed candelabrum and the silver trumpets from the temple of Jerusalem. The signs carried by some soldiers displayed the names of the conquered cities and people. To the right the procession is entering the city through the Porta Triumphalis.

The N. side of the arch is decorated with a relief of the emperor in the triumphal procession. The emperor is riding a quadriga, which is lead by the goddess Roma, and he is crowned by Victoria flying above him. The lictors are walking in front of the chariot with their long ceremonial axes. After the emperor follow as a young man, who represents the Roman people, and an older man in toga, representing the senate. In the middle, under the vault a small relief shows the apotheosis of Titus, flying to the heavens on the back of an eagle.

Peter Wissing
Papia_1c_edge.JPG
L Papius Denarius SerratusObv:– Head of Juno Sospita right, wearing goat skin tied under chin. Behind head, Compass
Rev:– Gryphon running right; in ex., L. PAPI.; in field, Drill
Minted in Rome from . B.C. 79.
Reference(s) – RSC Papia 1. RRC 384/1. RCTV 311.

An uneven strike with an off-centre reverse spoils what would otherwise have been a very pleasing coin.

This image illustrates the uneven strike. You can see the thickness of the coin varying from left (where there was little or no pressure) to right (where the main pressure from the strike took place).
maridvnvm
Papia_1c_img.jpg
L Papius Denarius Serratus, Papia 1, Sym. var. RRC 204Obv:– Head of Juno Sospita right, wearing goat skin tied under chin. Behind head, Compass
Rev:– Gryphon running right; in ex., L. PAPI.; in field, Drill
Minted in Rome from . B.C. 79.
Reference(s) – RSC Papia 1. RRC 384/1. RCTV 311.
Symbol variety – RRC 204. Babelon -. BMCRR -
3.85g. 20.41 mm. 180 degrees

An uneven strike with an off-centre reverse spoils what would otherwise have been a very pleasing coin.
2 commentsmaridvnvm
Papia_1c_img~0.jpg
L Papius Denarius Serratus, Papia 1, Sym. var. RRC 204Obv:– Head of Juno Sospita right, wearing goat skin tied under chin. Behind head, Compass
Rev:– Gryphon running right; in ex., L. PAPI.; in field, Drill
Minted in Rome from . B.C. 79.
Reference(s) – RSC Papia 1. RRC 384/1. RCTV 311.
Symbol variety – RRC 204. Babelon -. BMCRR -
3.85g. 20.41 mm. 180 degrees

An uneven strike with an off-centre reverse spoils what would otherwise have been a very pleasing coin.
maridvnvm
Trajan_RIC_102.jpg
RIC 102Denarius, 103-111
Obv: IMP TRAIANO AVG GER DAC P M TR P
Laur. r., dr. l. s.
Rev: COS V P P S P Q R OPTIMO PRINC – in ex. PAX
Pax standing l., holding cornucopiae and setting fire to a pile of spoils.

3.42g, 19mm
Woytek 347b (40 specimen)
klausklage
Trajan_RIC_102-2.jpg
RIC 102Denarius, 103-111
Obv: IMP TRAIANO AVG GER DAC P M TR P
Laur. r., dr. l. s.
Rev: COS V P P S P Q R OPTIMO PRINC – in ex. PAX
Pax standing l., holding cornucopiae and setting fire to a pile of spoils.
3,23g, 19mm

RIC 102, Woytek 347d (11 specimen)

RIC knows this type with the legend PAX in ex. (RIC 102, 103) and without it (RIC 125). According to Woytek, the type RIC 125 does not exist. I believed I had found this one, but apparently the legend below just got lost over the centuries.
klausklage
T133sm.jpg
RIC 133 TitusÆ Sestertius, 23.26g
Rome mint, 80 AD
Obv: IMP T CAES VESPASIAN AVG P M TR P P P COS VIII; Head of Titus, laureate, bearded, r.
Rev: IVDAEA CAPTA; S C in exergue; Palm tree; to l., Captive stg. r.; to r., Judaea std. r.
RIC 133 (R2). BMC -. BNC -. Hendin 1589.
Acquired from Solidus, March 2023. Ex Solidus Auction 108, 8 November 2022, lot 299.

An extremely rare Judaea Capta commemorative sestertius struck for Titus in early 80, possibly to coincide with the opening of the massive Flavian Amphitheater. A recently discovered dedicatory inscription of the building states "The Emperor Titus Caesar Vespasian Augustus Commanded the New Amphitheater to be Built from the Spoils of War." Combined with the original decoration scheme of palm trees, shields, and captives it is compelling evidence that Titus' 'Judaea Capta' coins were issued during the structure's inaugural games in the late spring or early summer of 80. The reverse copies a similar Judaea Capta type struck for Vespasian in 71, possibly serving as a 'stop-gap' issue until new reverse designs were prepared for Titus (RIC, p.184). The coin features a couple of differences from the more common 'IVD CAP' sestertii struck later in the same year: the obverse legend is counter clockwise with 'VESPASIAN' fully spelled out, and the reverse fully spells 'IVDAEA CAPTA' with some minor differences in the design (figures are reversed around the palm, shield instead of plough near standing captive). RIC places this coin as a Rome mint issue struck in early 80 alongside two other types - Mars and Pax, based on the 'Rome mint' style of the portraits, all of which share the same obverse die. Curtis Clay has proposed (Gemini IX, lot 448) a Thracian origin for the issue because of the flat fabric of the flans (a trademark of the Thracian mint), many of the specimens came to market after the fall of the Iron Curtain, and the reverse designs match those struck later at the Thracian mint. He further argues the 'Rome mint' style can be explained by Roman die engravers being transferred to Thrace. The style indeed mirrors contemporary Rome mint denarii, which can only be a result of the same engravers working on both issues. Despite the flat fabric of the flans, the style does not match up to the later Thracian issues (heavily seriffed letters, large portraits), and the circulation pattern appears to be similar with the Rome mint issues. Therefore, I believe the coins were struck in Rome, possibly for circulation in the East. Missing from both the BM and Paris collections.
2 commentsDavid Atherton
T149.jpg
RIC 149 TitusÆ Sestertius, 25.80g
Rome mint, 80-81 AD
Obv: IMP T CAES VESP AVG P M TR P P P COS VIII; Head of Titus, laureate, bearded, l.
Rev: IVD CAP across field; S C in exergue; Palm tree; to l., Judaea std. l. on arms; to r., Captive stg. r., looking back
RIC 149 (C). BMC 165. BNC 157. Hendin 1592.
Ex Bertolami E-Live Auction 236, 24-25 September 2022, lot 800.

The Jewish War was a gift that kept on giving for the Flavian dynasty. This rare Judaea Capta commemorative sestertius was struck a decade after the fall of Jerusalem for Titus as Augustus. The new emperor wished to remind the Roman populace of his military bona fides and his part in the Jewish War. This later variant of the type differs from those stuck under Vespasian by the shortened reverse legend (IVD CAP instead of IVDAEA CAPTA) and the presence of an oblong shield or yoke(?) to the right of the standing captive. COS VIII dates the coin to either 80 or 81, although it's possible the IVD CAP types were struck in 80 to coincide with the opening of the massive Flavian Amphitheater. A recently discovered dedicatory inscription of the building states "The Emperor Titus Caesar Vespasian Augustus Commanded the New Amphitheater to be Built from the Spoils of War." Combined with the original decoration scheme of palm trees, shields, and captives it is compelling evidence the IVD CAP coins were issued during the structure's inaugural games in the late spring or early summer of 80.
1 commentsDavid Atherton
T183.jpg
RIC 183 TitusÆ Sestertius, 24.84g
Rome mint, 80-81 AD
Obv: IMP T CAES VESP AVG P M TR P P P COS VIII; Head of Titus, laureate, bearded, l.
Rev: VICTORIA AVGVST; S C in field; Victory adv. l., with wreath and palm
RIC 183 (R2). BMC p. 261 ||. BNC 188.
Ex Harlan J Berk BBS 225, 30 November 2023, lot 106. Ex Curtis Clay collection. Ex CNG 50, 23 June 1999, lot 86. Ex Cornelius C. Vermeule Collection. Ex Glendining & Co. The V.J.E. Ryan Collection part V, 2 April 1952, lot 2391 (part).

An extremely rare sestertius struck in 80 or 81 during Titus' great bronze issue. This is the first appearance of this Victory type on the coinage since earlier in Vespasian's reign. Could the occasion of the opening games of the Colosseum possibly have inspired the mint engravers to bring this reverse out of retirement? A dedicatory inscription on the new amphitheatre declared it had been funded from 'the spoils of war' and Victory featured prominently in its decorative scheme. Missing from the BM.
3 commentsDavid Atherton
T184cc.jpg
RIC 184 TitusÆ Sestertius, 24.48g
Rome mint, 80-81 AD
Obv: No legend; Flavian amphitheatre; to l., Meta Sudans; to r., porticoed building
Rev: IMP T CAES VESP AVG P M TR PPP COS VIII; Titus std. l. on curule chair with branch and roll; around, arms; S C in field
RIC 184 (R2). BMC 190. BNC 189. Hendin 1594.
Ex Harlan J Berk BBS 225, 30 November 2023, lot 456. Ex Harlan J Berk BBS 35, 12 February 1985, lot 361.

In June of 80 AD Titus spectacularly opened the Flavian amphitheatre with a series of inaugural games lasting 100 days. This rare sestertius commemorates the event in a no less impressive fashion. Vespasian had begun construction nearly a decade before, but it was Titus who virtually completed it. The obverse* features an inventive bird's eye view of the structure from the Temple of Claudius on the Caelian Hill, with the Meta Sudans to the left and the porticoes of the Baths of Titus to the right. The depiction of the three structures on the obverse is strong evidence the Romans viewed the amphitheatre as part of a larger entertainment complex. The reverse features Titus seated surrounded by a pile of captured arms, identical to sestertii struck for Claudius. Taken together both obverse and reverse pays homage to Claudius, an emperor highly regarded by the Flavians. At the same time, the captured arms on the reverse and the decorative motif of the amphitheatre featuring palm trees and triumphal imagery commemorate the Jewish War which was still a major theme of Titus' coinage. Also, a recently discovered inscription which originally adorned one of the entrances proclaims the Flavian amphitheatre was built from the spoils of the Jewish War. Nathan T. Elkins believes the rarity of these coins today may hint that they were issued primarily for distribution at the opening games as souvenirs of the occasion. Ben Lee Damsky has convincingly argued Titus' extensive pulvinar precious metal coinage commemorates the inaugural games as well. If that is the case, a large portion of Titus' coinage was devoted to these opening games and the fantastic venue in which they were held, emphasising the prominent place it held for Titus and the Flavian dynasty. The fact that it still serves as a symbol of the Roman Empire today shows that Titus was correct in his estimation of its importance. Like the Eid Mar denarii, the Colosseum sestertii are seen today as one of the most well known and iconic coin types struck by the Roman Empire.

*Older references place the Colosseum on the reverse, but this is incorrect. Reverse dies at the Rome mint typically have concave flans. The seated Titus side is concave on these sestertii, therefore it was almost certainly intended as the reverse.
9 commentsDavid Atherton
Trajan_RIC_231~0.jpg
RIC 231Denarius, 111
Obv: IMP TRAIANO AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS V DES VI
Laur. r.
Rev: S P Q R OPTIMO PRINCIPI – PAX
Pax standing l., holding cornucopiae and setting fire to a pile of spoils.

3.43g, 19mm
Woytek 378a (3 specimen)
klausklage
D274.jpg
RIC 274 Domitian Æ Sestertius, 24.21g
Rome mint, 85 AD
Obv: IMP CAES DOMITIAN AVG GERM COS XI; Bust of Domitian, laureate, bearded, r., with aegis
Rev: GERMANIA CAPTA; S C in exergue; Trophy; to r., German captive stg. r., hands bound, head l.; to l., Germania std. l.; around arms
RIC 274 (R). BMC 244. BNC 312.
Acquired from Savoca Coins, August 2022.

In 85 Domitian struck a fairly impressive issue of sestertii, M. Grant hyperbolically called it the most 'ambitious' of any one reign or year. The series is the first major aes issue of Domitian's reign and is dominated by panoramic types commemorating his military victory over the Germanic tribe the Chatti. The details of the war are unclear, but the overall impression is that the conflict was a minor affair blown out of proportion by an emperor eager for military glory. No large battles, a la Mons Graupius, have come down to us, prompting Tacitus' assertion, 'that in recent times, the Germans were more triumphed over than conquered'. Consequently, Domitian's Germanic triumph of 83 received a certain amount of ridicule from ancient writers who thought the whole thing was a sham (Dio goes so far as to say Domitian raided the palace's furniture stores for his fake spoils!), no doubt the numismatic propaganda for the victory was likely viewed in the same manner by contemporary senatorial elites. Germania Capta types were first struck in silver in 84 and in bronze in 85. This iconic Germania Capta sestertius strongly echoes Vespasian's Judaea Capta types - but instead of a palm tree we see a trophy which appears to be mounted on a palm trunk(?). H. Mattingly writes in BMCRE 'the type is closely modelled on the Judaea Capta of Vespasian, but the German element is indicated by the heavy angular cloak worn by the man and by the oblong shields.' Comparing the two triumphs, the Josephian scholar Steve Mason remarked - 'The same people who produced Flavian Triumph I: Judaea were on hand for Flavian Triumph II: Germania, and sequels are rarely as good as the originals.'

The Germania Capta commemorative sestertii were produced for only a few short years between 85-88. The present example from the first issue of 85 debuts this iconic reverse type and is slightly rarer than the variant struck in the second issue.
2 commentsDavid Atherton
D280a.jpg
RIC 280 DomitianÆ Sestertius, 26.14g
Rome mint, 85 AD
Obv: IMP CAES DOMITIAN AVG GERM COS XI; Bust of Domitian, laureate, bearded, r., with aegis
Rev: S C in exergue; Domitian riding r. with shield, striking with spear at falling German
RIC 280 (C). BMC 300A. BNC 317.
Ex Roma Numismatics E-Sale 88, 9 September 2021, lot 843.

In 85 Domitian struck a fairly impressive issue of sestertii, M. Grant hyperbolically called it the most 'ambitious' of any one reign or year. The series is the first major aes issue of Domitian's reign and is dominated by panoramic types commemorating his greatest military victory over the Germanic tribe the Chatti. The Germanic triumph received a certain amount of ridicule from ancient writers who thought the whole thing was a sham (Dio goes so far as to say Domitian raided the palace's furniture stores for his fake spoils!), no doubt the numismatic propaganda for the victory was likely viewed in the same manner by contemporary senatorial elites. This sestertius depicts Domitian on the reverse heroically chasing down a Chattian warrior, no doubt one of the tribal leaders. It goes without saying that such a scene never actually took place and the reverse is as much a sham as the Triumph itself. The type was struck for just a few short years and was slowly phased out by 89.
1 commentsDavid Atherton
D281.jpg
RIC 281 DomitianÆ Sestertius, 26.14g
Rome mint, 85 AD
Obv: IMP CAES DOMITIAN AVG GERM COS XI; Bust of Domitian, laureate, bearded, r., with aegis
Rev: S C in exergue; Domitian stg. r., clasping hands over altar with officer stg. l.; behind officer, one soldier with standard and one soldier at r. with spear and shield
RIC 281 (R). BMC 301. BNC 321.
Acquired from Olding, MA Shops, June 2019 = Olding, List 96, March 2019, Sammlung Fritz Reusing, no. 182. From the collection of Fritz Reusing (1874-1956), acquired from the Heynen Collection; inherited and continued by Reusing's nephew Paul Schürer (1890-1976).

In 85 Domitian struck a fairly impressive issue of sestertii, M. Grant hyperbolically called it the most 'ambitious' of any one reign or year. The series is the first major aes issue of Domitian's reign and is dominated by panoramic types commemorating his greatest military victory over the Germanic tribe the Chatti. The Germanic triumph received a certain amount of ridicule from ancient writers who thought the whole thing was a sham (Dio goes so far as to say Domitian raided the palace's furniture stores for his fake spoils!), no doubt the numismatic propaganda for the victory was likely viewed in the same manner by contemporary senatorial elites. This rare sestertius depicts a rather ambiguous scene showing Domitian, the much larger figure on the left, clasping hands with a legate over an altar while two legionaries stand by. What exactly is going on here is a mystery. Mattingly in BMCRE II believed it to be 'the taking of the sacramentum, the military oath'. Others have postulated the scene shows Domitian greeting Agricola upon his return from Britannia. The Agricola connection is highly unlikely. The type is struck for several more years, so it cannot be referring to one single 'event'. It's an intriguing scene in the context of the Germania Capta series, perhaps depicting a post victory ceremony. Whatever the meaning, the reverse strongly underscores Domitian's bond with the military.

This wonderful old cabinet toned piece is from the collection of the German portrait painter Fritz Reusing.

4 commentsDavid Atherton
D351a.jpg
RIC 351 DomitianÆ Sestertius, 25.24g
Rome mint, 85 AD
Obv: IMP CAES DOMIT AVG GERM COS XI CENS POT P P; Head of Domitian, laureate, r., with aegis
Rev: GERMANIA CAPTA; S C in exergue; Trophy; to r., German captive stg. r., hands bound, head l.; to l., Germania std. l.; around arms
RIC 351 (C). BMC 325. BNC 350.
Ex Agora 96, 10 March 2020, lot 349. Ex CNG E458, 18 December 2019, lot 349. Ex Gorny & Mosch 261, 4 March 2018, lot 700. Ex Shlomo Moussaieff Collection. Formerly in NGC holder #4934009-008, with grade VF, strike 5/5, surface 2/5.

In 85 Domitian struck a fairly impressive issue of sestertii, M. Grant hyperbolically called it the most 'ambitious' of any one reign or year. The series is the first major aes issue of Domitian's reign and is dominated by panoramic types commemorating his military victory over the Germanic tribe the Chatti. The details of the war are unclear, but the overall impression is that the conflict was a minor affair blown out of proportion by an emperor eager for military glory. No large battles, a la Mons Graupius, have come down to us, prompting Tacitus' assertion, 'that in recent times, the Germans were more triumphed over than conquered'. Consequently, Domitian's Germanic triumph of 83 received a certain amount of ridicule from ancient writers who thought the whole thing was a sham (Dio goes so far as to say Domitian raided the palace's furniture stores for his fake spoils!), no doubt the numismatic propaganda for the victory was likely viewed in the same manner by contemporary senatorial elites. Germania Capta types were first struck in silver in 84 and in bronze in 85. This iconic Germania Capta sestertius strongly echoes Vespasian's Judaea Capta types - but instead of a palm tree we see a trophy which appears to be mounted on a palm trunk(?). H. Mattingly writes in BMCRE 'the type is closely modelled on the Judaea Capta of Vespasian, but the German element is indicated by the heavy angular cloak worn by the man and by the oblong shields.' Comparing the two triumphs, the Josephian scholar Steve Mason remarked - 'The same people who produced Flavian Triumph I: Judaea were on hand for Flavian Triumph II: Germania, and sequels are rarely as good as the originals.'

The Germania Capta commemorative sestertii were produced for only a few short years between 85-88. The present example from the second issue of 85 is probably the most common variant of the type struck just before Domitian was awarded the perpetual censorship.

Fine style and nicely toned.
2 commentsDavid Atherton
D397sm.jpg
RIC 397 DomitianÆ Sestertius, 26.19g
Rome mint, 85 AD
Obv: IMP CAES DOMIT AVG GERM COS XI CENS PER P P; Head of Domitian, laureate, r., with aegis
Rev: GERMANIA CAPTA; S C in exergue; Trophy; to r., German captive stg. r., hands bound, head l.; to l., Germania std. l.; around arms
RIC 397 (R2). BMC 361. BNC -.
Acquired from Incitatus Coins, August 2019.

In 85 Domitian struck a fairly impressive issue of sestertii, M. Grant hyperbolically called it the most 'ambitious' of any one reign or year. The series is the first major aes issue of Domitian's reign and is dominated by panoramic types commemorating his military victory over the Germanic tribe the Chatti. The details of the war are unclear, but the overall impression is that the conflict was a minor affair blown out of proportion by an emperor eager for military glory. Consequently, Domitian's Germanic triumph of 83 received a certain amount of ridicule from ancient writers who thought the whole thing was a sham (Dio goes so far as to say Domitian raided the palace's furniture stores for his fake spoils!), no doubt the numismatic propaganda for the victory was likely viewed in the same manner by contemporary senatorial elites. Germania Capta types were first struck in silver in 84 and in bronze in 85. This iconic Germania Capta sestertius strongly echoes Vespasian's Judaea Capta types - but instead of a palm tree we see a trophy and a bound captive replaces the triumphal emperor. H. Mattingly writes in BMCRE 'the type is closely modelled on the Judaea Capta of Vespasian, but the German element is indicated by the heavy angular cloak worn by the man and by the oblong shields.' Comparing the two triumphs, the Josephian scholar Steve Mason remarked - 'The same people who produced Flavian Triumph I: Judaea were on hand for Flavian Triumph II: Germania, and sequels are rarely as good as the originals.'

The Germania Capta sestertii were produced for only a few short years between 85-88. The present example from the third issue of 85 is a rare variant with an obverse legend struck just after Domitian had become censor for life (CENS PER).
3 commentsDavid Atherton
Trajan_RIC_507.jpg
RIC 507Dupondius, 103-111
Obv: IMP CAES NERVAE TRAIANO AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS V P P
Rad. r.
Rev: SPQR OPTIMO PRINCIPI / S – C
Pax standing l. with cornucopiae, setting fire to spoils.
14.73g, 27mm
klausklage
RPC1965.jpg
RPC 1965 Vespasian TetradrachmΑΥΤΟΚΡ ΚΑΙΣ ΟΥΕΣΠΑΣΙΑΝ
Laureate bust of Vespasian right with aegis

ETOYΣ Γ IEPOY
Eagle standing left with wreath in beak on palm branch; club in left field

Caesarea Maritima mint, 70-71 CE

13.63g
RPC 1965 (1 spec.). Prieur 129.

Ex-Cgb

Rare. Only two others in Forum galleries (Atherton, Alberto)

Part of a small series of tetradrachms struck in Caesarea Maritima shortly after the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE.
After its fall, Titus spent three days outside the city handing out rewards and spoils to his troops.

"Then descending with his army to Caesarea Maritima, he there deposited the bulk of his spoils and directed that his prisoners should be kept in custody; for the winter season prevented his sailing for Italy" (Josephus)

It has been suggested this series of tetradrachms was struck during Titus' time in Caesaera. The style is fairly crude, although this specimen has a wonderful portrait, and is similar to other bronze coins attributed to Caesarea Maritima. Silver quality is not standardized, which gives evidence of a military issue. Being stuck just days or weeks after the fall of Jerusalem, surely these were part of the rewards Titus distributed to the troops.

Thanks to David Atherton for additional info.
8 commentsJay GT4
RPC1968_Titus.jpg
RPC 1968 TitusΑΥΤΟΚΡ ΤΙΤΟΣ ΚΑΙΣ ΟΥΕΣΠ
Laureate head right with aegis

ΕΤΟΥΣ Γ ΙΕΡΟΥ
Eagle standing left with wreath in beak on palm branch; club in left field

Caesarea Maritima

70 CE (Group 6, year3)

14.25g

RPC 1968/2 (this coin); McAlee 380 (this coin) noted as "MC" (My coin) from his own collection; Prieur 141,

A rare coin!

Ex-CGB: Ex-McAlee plate coin from his own collection; Ex-Empire 3, May 5th 1985; ex-Schulten, Nov 8, 1982, lot 301)

Part of a small series of tetradrachms struck in Caesarea Maritima shortly after the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE.
After its fall, Titus spent three days outside the city handing out rewards and spoils to his troops.

"Then descending with his army to Caesarea Maritima, he there deposited the bulk of his spoils and directed that his prisoners should be kept in custody; for the winter season prevented his sailing for Italy" (Josephus)

It has been suggested this series of tetradrachms was struck during Titus' time in Caesaera. The style is fairly crude and is similar to other bronze coins attributed to Caesarea Maritima. Silver quality is not standardized, which gives evidence of a military issue. Being stuck just days or weeks after the fall of Jerusalem, surely these were part of the rewards Titus distributed to the troops.

Thanks to David Atherton for additional info.
1 commentsJay GT4
RPC1968.jpg
RPC 1968 Titus as Caesar [Vespasian]AR Tetradrachm, 13.93g
Caesarea Maritima mint, 70-71 AD
Obv: AYTOKP TITOΣ KAIΣ OYEΣΠ; Bust of Titus, laureate, r., with aegis
Rev: ETOYΣ Γ IEPOY; Eagle standing, l., with wreath in beak on palm branch; club in l. field
RPC 1968 (1 spec.).
Acquired from Roy's Coins, October 2014.

After the siege and sack of Jerusalem in August 70 AD, Titus Caesar spent three days outside the ruined city with his legions handing out rewards and spoils. Josephus tells us what followed next - "Then descending with his army to Caesarea-on-sea, he there deposited the bulk of his spoils and directed that his prisoners should be kept in custody; for the winter season prevented his sailing for Italy" (BJ 7.20). Presumably it is during the sojourn at Caesaera Maritima that this tetradrachm was struck. The coin dates to just after the fall of Jerusalem and is part of the group 6 Syrian tetradrachms. However, the style is fairly crude and the silver fineness variable, all evidence of a military issue. Titus is featured prominently in the series (no doubt due to his recent successful conclusion of the Jewish War) and the style is similar to other bronze coins attributed to Caesarea Maritima. With that in mind, the mint for this issue is most likely Caesarea Maritima and dates to the days or weeks after the fall of Jerusalem as part of the rewards Titus distributed to his triumphant troops.

RPC catalogues two rare versions of this type: one with the obverse legend starting at 6 o'clock (RPC 1967) and an even rarer variant with the legend starting at 12 o'clock (RPC 1968). This specimen is the rarer 12 o'clock variant.

The coin is well worn, but with clear devices and a wonderfully crude portrait. It's so thick that it reminds one not so much of a coin but of a large hunk of stamped metal.
5 commentsDavid Atherton
RPC_1969_Titus.jpg
RPC 1969 Titus tetradrachmΑΥΤΟΚΡ • ΤΙΤΟΣ ΚΑΙΣ ΟΥΕΣΠ
Laureate head of Titus right with Aegis

ΕΤΟΥΣ Γ ΙΕΡΟΥ
eagle standing, left with wreath in beak on caduceus; quiver (?) and bow to r. of eagle's head

Caesarea Maritima

70 CE (Group 6, year3)

14.75g

RPC 1969; McAlee 34, Prieur 142

Rare (5 specimens RPC online) die matched to #5

Ex-Denarius Ringsrud (Norway); Ex. Münzzentrum Köln, auction 43 lot 188, plate p. 32 (27 April 1981).

Part of a small series of tetradrachms struck in Caesarea Maritima shortly after the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE.
After its fall, Titus spent three days outside the city handing out rewards and spoils to his troops.

"Then descending with his army to Caesarea Maritima, he there deposited the bulk of his spoils and directed that his prisoners should be kept in custody; for the winter season prevented his sailing for Italy" (Josephus)

It has been suggested this series of tetradrachms was struck during Titus' time in Caesaera. The style is fairly crude and is similar to other bronze coins attributed to Caesarea Maritima. Silver quality is not standardized, which gives evidence of a military issue. Being stuck just days or weeks after the fall of Jerusalem, surely these were part of the rewards Titus distributed to the troops.

Thanks to David Atherton for additional info.
3 commentsJay GT4
C__Hosidius_C_f__Geta_28Tx_-_White29.jpg
The Roman Republic. C.Hosidius C.f. Geta AR Serrate DenariusThe Roman Republic. C.Hosidius C.f. Geta AR Serrate Denarius. Rome, 68 or 64 BC. Draped bust of Diana right, with bow and quiver over shoulder; GETA downwards to left, III•VIR downwards to right / Calydonian boar standing right, pierced by spear and attacked by hound to right; C•HOSIDI•C•F in exergue. Crawford 407/1; RSC Hosidia 2; Sydenham 904. 3.89g, 22mm, 6h.

Ex Andrew McCabe collection (CNG Electronic Auction 472, 15th July 2020, Lot 259).
Ex Numismatica Ars Classica 114 (Part II), 7th May 2019, Lot 1326.
Ex Gorny & Mosch 186, 8th March 2010, Lot 1798.

‘He squealed harshly, hot foam streaming over his broad shoulders, and his tusks were as long as an elephant’s. Flames came out of his mouth, and the leaves were burnt up by his breath’ (Metamorphoses 8.284-9).

On the obverse of this handsome denarius is a portrait of Diana, goddess of the hunt, sporting her trademark bow and quiver. The reverse features the giant Calydonian boar of classical Greek myth, wounded by a spear and being attacked by a hound half it’s size. The ferocious boar was sent by Diana as retribution after King Oienus of Calydon forgot to include her in his annual sacrifical offerings to the gods. Oienus called for help from the best hunters in Greece, and many of the famous heroes of the generation before the Trojan war responded, including Oienus’ own son Meleager, some of the Argonauts, the Dioscuri and the huntress (and only woman) Atalanta.

Many of the men refused to hunt alongside a woman, but Meleager, who had taken a shine to the huntress, convinced them. It was Atalanta that drew the first blood, whilst Meleager finished the job off. He presented her with the trophies of the hunt, and this stirred up feelings of discontent that the prize should go to a girl. Meleager’s two uncles got in on the act and stole the spoils, causing Meleager to kill them in a fit of rage. This led to Meleager’s mother Althaea, whose brothers had just been murdered, seeking revenge - even if it meant killing her own son. It had been prophesized at Meleager’s birth that he would live only so long as a log then burning in the family hearth should last. Althaea had removed it from the fire and kept it hidden for years in the hope of preserving her son’s life. Until now. She threw the log back onto the fire, thus ending Meleager’s life as it was consumed. Diana had finally had her revenge against King Oienus.

One of the most famous depictions of the hunt is found on the François Vase, a large krater of Athenian workmanship dated to circa 570 BC.

As for Hosidius, there is little known about the moneyer responsible for this issue. There is no mention of the Hosidii in Rome prior to it’s appearance on these coins, but there is reference to the family name in inscriptions from a town on the coast of Italy called Histonium (present day Vasto). Indeed, there may be links between this town and the myth of the Calydonian boar; via Diomedes, one of the heroes of the Trojan war, and the founder of Histonium according to legend. Therefore Hosidius likely chose to depict a legend that was well known and important to the people of his home town.

This is without a doubt one of my favourites in my collection. It's a particularly well centred example with wonderful toning.

Notes from Andrew McCabe: "I purchased this coin due to the really exceptional speared boar and dog on the reverse and the very large flan, but later found an example from the collection of Benjamin Nightingale, a well-known 19th century antiquarian. My new coin has a less cute boar, but I had to choose between provenance and art."
2 commentsPaulus J
Rumeli_Hisari.jpg
Turkey, Istanbul, Rumeli HisariRumeli Hisari means ‘Rumelian Castle’: Rumelia (derived from ‘Rome’) being the Turkish word for the Balkan lands which once belonged to the Roman (Byzantine) Empire. The Rumeli Hisari was constructed in 1452 a few miles north of Constantinople on the European side of the Bosphorus by order of Sultan Mehmet II. Impressively, the whole fortress was built in less than four months. The Rumeli Hisari sits opposite an older, smaller Ottoman fort on the Asian side, the Anadolu Hisari (Anatolian Castle). Together the two forts effectively controlled traffic through the Bosphorus, cutting Constantinople off from the Black Sea and ensuring that an Ottoman army operating on the European side could be supplied from the granaries of central Anatolia. The building of Rumeli Hisari was preparation for the investment and conquest of Constantinople, which took place the following year.

The Rumeli Hisari/Anadolu Hisari forts are built at the point where the Bosphorus is most constricted (about 700m across). This is the same narrows where the Persian King Darius I over 2500 years ago built a ‘bridge of boats’ to transport his army across to attack Thrace (see Herodotus, Histories 4.87f). And these days a modern suspension bridge links Asia to Europe at the same spot, but sadly it rather spoils the view.
Abu Galyon
TrajanDeciusRIC11b.jpg
[1108a] Trajan Decius, July 249 - June or July 251 A.D. Silver antoninianus, RIC 11b, RSC 4, choice EF, Rome mint, 3.923g, 23.3mm, 0o, 249 - 251 A.D.; Obverse: IMP C M Q TRAIANVS DECIVS AVG, radiate and cuirassed bust right, from behind; Reverse: ADVENTVS AVG, Trajan Decius on horseback left, raising right hand and holding scepter. Ex FORVM.


De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors


Trajan Decius (249-251 A.D.) and Usurpers During His Reign


Geoffrey Nathan and Robin McMahon

Geoffrey Nathan
San Diego State University



Early Life and Public Career

Any discussion of Decius (and for most third century emperors) must be prefaced by an understanding that the historical tradition is incomplete, fragmentary, and not wholly trustworthy. Any reconstruction of his life and reign will therefore be to some degree speculative. With that caveat in mind, Gaius Messius Quintus Decius was born, to a provincial yet aristocratic Senatorial family during the transitional Severan age, possibly in 201. His family may have been from Italian stock, although that is by no means certain. Attempts to describe his life previous to the consulship are problematic, although he did serve as governor in Moesia in the mid-230's. That also means that Decius probably had been a member of the Senate for some time. We know little else about his early life, other than at some point he married Herennia Cupressenia Etruscilla, apparently from the Senatorial ordo as well. His political fortunes rose in the troubled 240's. As instability grew in the mid-third century, Philip the Arab charged Decius, suffect consul for 249, with restoring order along the Danubian frontier. In addition to the border unrest, a low-level army officer, Tiberius Claudius Marinus Pacatianus, had led a rebellion of the armies in Pannonia and Moesia. For a short time, Marinus apparently claimed the imperial purple and along with movements of the Gepidae, represented a clear threat to the stability of Philip's rule.

Philip's decision to send Decius was perhaps more motivated by political expediency than by any great confidence in his military abilities. Decius had an aristocratic pedigree, and so was likely to have been a popular choice with a Senate that was increasingly doubtful of Philip's abilities. He was also a native of Sirmium in Pannonia Inferior, and so was likely familiar with the intricacies of life and politics in the region. Finally, he had, of course, served as governor of the wayward province, and thus undoubtedly had connections there among the civil and military curia--ones that Philip hoped Decius could exploit. Thus, the consul was charged with restoring order along one of the Empire's most problematic borders. Accompanied by his son, Herennius, Decius traveled to Moesia, probably to reclaim the Legio IV Flavia Felix and possibly the Legio XI, both of which were stationed in that province.

Shortly before his arrival, Marinus was killed and local troops quickly named Decius emperor, encouraging him to assert this newfound responsibility in a war against Philip. Philip's inability to deal decisively with the worsening military crises on the borders, the fear of punishment, and the opportunity for enrichment no doubt motivated the soldiers to place the purple on a local leader--a now increasingly common practice. Decius' lineage also probably appealed to traditionalists in Rome, who begrudged Philip his humble origins and his possible involvement in the death of Gordian III. Philip led out an army in June of 249 to meet his newest rival for the purple and at an unknown location (possibly Verona or Beroea) lost the battle. Whether Philip died in the fighting or was assassinated by his own troops--another increasingly common practice--is unknown. Philip's son, Philip Junior, recently made an Augustus, was quickly put to death by the Praetorian Guard in Rome. Decius was the first emperor to come from the Balkans region. How much he wanted to serve is unknown. While this account undoubtedly contains fictional elements, with several popular literary topoi, the rough outlines of the story are undoubtedly true: we have epigraphic evidence in July for support among the Pannonian Legio X, suggesting that Decius owed his accession in no small part to local troops

Publicity and Power
The victory of an established Senatorial aristocrat was one that seemed to reassert the authority and place of traditional political power, despite the means of Decius' ascension. The new emperor, no doubt aware of the perils of his position, seems to have embarked upon a highly conservative program of imperial propaganda to endear himself to the Roman aristocracy and to the troops who had thrust the purple upon him. One of his earliest acts was to take the honorific name of Trajan, whose status as the greatest of all emperors after Augustus was now becoming firmly established. The fact that Trajan had commanded legions in Upper Germany and had close links to both Pannonia and Moesia at the time of his accession invited the comparison. The name was cleverly chosen: Trajan had been an active and successful general throughout his reign, but had also established a reputation for a widely popular civil government.

Decius also served as consul in every year of his reign and took for himself traditional republican powers, another way to underscore his authority and conservatism. He even tried to revive the long defunct office of censor in 251, purportedly offering it to the future emperor, Valerian. Decius moreover portrayed himself as an activist general and soldier. In addition to leading military campaigns personally, he often directly bestowed honors upon his troops, high and low alike. He also holds the dubious distinction of being the first emperor to have died fighting a foreign army in battle. Finally, in 250, he associated his sons Herennius and Hostilianus in his rule by making them Caesars, eventually raising the former (and elder) to Augustus. Undoubtedly, Decius sought to create a dynasty in much the same way the Gordians had in the previous decade. This traditionalism may to be a large extent, however, a construction rather than a reality. When we abandon the literary tradition and look instead at other forms of evidence, his imperial aims are less clear. The legal record, extremely thin, is only vaguely supportive of a conservative policy: most of his surviving enactments deal with private law issues consistent with earlier Severan jurisprudence.

On the other hand in late 249, when Decius returned to Rome, he embarked upon an active building program in the capital. After a destructive fire, he extensively restored the Colosseum. He later commissioned the opulent Decian Baths along the Aventine. He perhaps also was responsible for the construction of the Decian Portico. Such activities contrasted to a twenty-year period of relative building inactivity. Both the kind of building projects and their stylistic qualities suggest an attempt to recall the glories of the past. The numismatic evidence also suggests some degree of traditionalism. It is there that we see the first references to Trajan Decius, as well as an association with both Pannonia and Dacia. His Liberitas and Uberitas issues, combined with his wife's Pudicitia and his sons' Princeps Iuventi coins, all seem to rearticulate traditional ideology. Legends tend to be conservative, so this is hardly surprising, but there were no great innovations to suggest a new set of ideological principles. In sum, while the literary reconstructions of Decius' life are problematic, it seems clear that traditionalism was an important factor in his administration, especially in the wake of Philip's reign.

The Persecution of Christians
Another possible aspect of this conservatism was a reported wide-scale attack on the growing Christian minority. The third century saw the slow creation of sizeable communities in the Empire's urban populations. For the first time, if we are to believe Christian sources, an Empire-wide persecution of Christians was begun under Decius. The state required all citizens to sacrifice to the state gods and be in receipt of a libellus, a certificate from a temple confirming the act. The rationale for the emperor's actions, however, is not entirely clear. Eusebius writes he did so because he hated Philip, who purportedly was a secret Christian. Probably the enmity was real, but it seems unconnected to the introduction of these policies. More likely, if Decius did indeed seek to persecute Christians, he was reacting to the growing visibility of the religion, especially in the city of Rome itself. One of the more prominent martyrs of the age was Fabian, the bishop of the imperial capital.

But the new policy of public religiosity was much more probably a program to reassert traditional public piety, consistent with some of the other conservative initiatives introduced during the emperor's short reign. The libelli themselves were largely generalized in nature and language, and there is no implication that they were directed at any one group per se. Whatever intended effect it may have had on Christianity was thus to a degree unplanned. Christians would have no doubt seen it differently. It is possible then that fourth and fifth century Christian polemicists have misinterpreted (whether purposefully or not) Decius' libelli. In the particular cases of Eusebius and Lactantius, both wrote in the wake of the great persecution of Diocletian and no doubt magnified upon the theme of the tyrant-persecutor. A hostile tradition notwithstanding, the new requirements did impact Christians most acutely, causing considerable division in the growing ranks of the new religion.

Imperial and Military Problems
Like other third century emperors, Decius was not free of threats to his authority, either from within or without. The revolt of Jotapianus, either in Syria or Cappadocia, had actually begun in Philip's reign, but was quickly quelled after Decius' accession. Probably the usurper's own soldiers murdered the would-be emperor, since the accounts state that his body was delivered to Decius while still in Rome in the summer of 249.
A potentially more serious revolt broke out while Decius was out of Rome in 250 fighting the Goths. Julius Valens Licinianus, also a member of the Senatorial aristocracy with some popular support, took the purple at the Empire's capital. It appears to have been relatively short-lived grab for power, ending in a few days with his execution. The governor of Macedon, Titus Julius Priscus, also permitted himself to be proclaimed Augustus at Philippopolis towards the end of 251, probably with Gothic collusion. The Senate declared him a public enemy almost as soon as he chose usurpation. He probably survived Decius, but is likely to have perished when Gallus became emperor.

Of greater concern than sporadic rebellions, which were relatively minor, were the vitreous northern borders. For the first time, a new and aggressive Germanic people, the Goths, crossed into and raided Roman territory in the 250's. At the time of Decius' forced accession, the Gepidae and the Carpi were both raiding deep into the Moesian provinces. They, along with the Goths, raided Pannonia and Dacia as well. Decius was forced to fight campaigns each year of his reign, doing his best to keep the borders stable.

His final campaign in 251 led to the death of his son, Herennius, and to his own. Decius led a successful attack on the Carpi, pushing them out of Dacia. But Moesia Inferior had been left largely undefended and Cniva, king of the Goths, led a sizeable portion of his army into the province. The emperor, after chasing the Germanic force around the region, engaged Cniva's forces outside of Philippopolis, which had recently been sacked by the king and held by the rebel, Priscus. It was here that his elder son was slain by an arrow and the emperor, seeking to reassure his troops, famously proclaimed that the death of one soldier was not a great loss to the Republic. Cniva then led his troops homeward, laden with the spoils of war. The loss became Decius' undoing. Trebonianus Gallus, one of the emperor's commanders, may have revolted, although it is not entirely clear. Instead of regrouping his forces and re-securing the borders, Decius unwisely sought to chase down Cniva before he left Roman territory. His decision may have been motivated by his son's death (despite his insistence otherwise) or it may have been an attempt to salvage what had been a failed campaign. In either case, it was ill-advised.

It was at Abrittus, about 100 kilometers northeast of Nicopolis that Decius finally met his death. Hoping to cut off Cniva's escape route (and perhaps minimize any help from Gallus), Decius' army was itself cut off in the marshy terrain. The details are sketchy, but Cniva divided his seventy thousand man army into three groups and surrounded the emperor's force. On July 1st, the emperor and most of his troops were slain. In the aftermath, the survivors named Trebonianus Gallus emperor, a decision subsequently confirmed by the Senate. Some contemporaries called the death tragic; others heroic. An Altar of Decius was erected where the emperor fell, still apparently famous two centuries later. Decius and Herennius may have even been deified. Christian polemicists, as might be expected, took pleasure in describing Decius' body being stripped and left on the battlefield to be devoured by animals. Whatever else, his was the first death of an emperor at the hands of an enemy of Rome. But even the account of his death, along with that of his son, must be looked on suspiciously. Their deaths bring to mind the sacrificial devotions of the famous Republican Decii father and son, P. Decius Mus senior and junior. The circumstances of Decius' death, therefore, are perhaps as opaque as those of his accession.

Assessment
In spite of gaining some modicum of praise from both ancient and modern observers, Decius' reign was not well-suited to the demands of a rapidly changing empire. Conservatism may have been popular among a certain portion of the Roman elite, but the old aristocracy's power and influence all but disappeared in the third century. Decius clearly had a broader vision of what he wanted to accomplish in his reign than many of his contemporaries, and certainly he was vigorous, but he was also a man who was not sufficiently flexible when the moment called for it. His religious policy caused major disruptions in Rome and; in contrast to some of the other barracks emperors, Decius proved himself less than apt when dealing with Rome's Germanic foes. His death may have been heroic, but it was unnecessary and unsuccessful. This best sums up Decius Trajan's reign.

Ancient Sources

Relatively little remains about Decius' reign. If there were a biography of Decius in the SHA, it no longer survives, although there are scattered references to his rule in the biographies of Claudius II Gothicus and Aurelian. Zosimus, i: 21-23, Aurelius Victor, 29-30, Zonaras 12, Eutropius 9, Jordanes Get. 17-8, and Sylvius Polemius 37-40 have brief accounts of his reign. There are fragments in John of Antioch, fr. 148 and Dexippus, fr. 18. Eusebius, vi: 39-41, vii:1, 11, 22, and viii:4, discusses his persecution, and there are passing references to his persecution in Socrates and Lactantius. Inscriptions and coinage are relatively abundant.

Copyright (C) 2002, Geoffrey Nathan and Robin McMahon. Published on De Imperatoribus Romanis, An Online Encyclopedia of the Roman Emperors and their Families; http://www.roman-emperors.org/decius.htm. Used by permission.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
1 commentsCleisthenes
AttalosISNGvanAulock1358.jpg
[2402] Kingdom of Pergamon, Attalos I AR Tetradrachm. 241-197 BC.Attalos I, AR Tetradrachm. SNG von Aulock 1358. 28mm - 16.8 grams. aVF. Obverse: Laureate & diademed head of Philetairos right; Reverse: FILETAIROU, Athena enthroned left, holding wreath in right hand, left elbow resting on shield set on ground behind, spear below; grape bunch to outer left, A to inner left, bow to outer right. Ex Nemesis.

Attalus I

Attalus I (in Greek Attalos) Soter (Greek: "Savior"; 269 BC – 197 BC) ruled Pergamon, a Greek polis in what is now Turkey, first as dynast, later as king, from 241 BC to 197 BC. He was the second cousin (some say the grand-nephew) and the adoptive son of Eumenes I, whom he succeeded, and was the first of the Attalid dynasty to assume the title of king in 238 BC. He was the son of Attalus (in Greek Attalos) and wife Antiochis, Princess of Syria.

Attalus won an important victory over the Galatians, newly arrived Celtic tribes from Thrace, who had been, for more than a generation, plundering and exacting tribute throughout most of Asia Minor without any serious check. This victory, celebrated by the triumphal monument at Pergamon, famous for its Dying Gaul, and the liberation from the Gallic "terror" which it represented, earned for Attalus the name of "Soter", and the title of "king."

A courageous and capable general and loyal ally of Rome, he played a significant role in the first and second Macedonian Wars, waged against Philip V of Macedon. He conducted numerous naval operations, harassing Macedonian interests throughout the Aegean, winning honors, collecting spoils, and gaining for Pergamon possession of the Greek islands of Aegina during the first war, and Andros during the second, twice narrowly escaping capture at the hands of Philip.

He died in 197 BC, shortly before the end of the second war, at the age of 72, having suffered an apparent stroke while addressing a Boeotian war council some months before. He enjoyed a famously happy domestic life, shared with his wife and four sons. He was succeeded as king by his son Eumenes II.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attalus_I

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.






Cleisthenes
CommodusRSC190.jpg
[906a]Commodus, March or April 177 - 31 Dec 192 A.D.COMMODUS AR silver denarius. RSC 190. RCV 5644. 16.5mm, 2.3g. F. Obverse: L AEL AVREL COMM AVG P FEL, bust of Commodus wearing lion skin in imitation of Hercules and Alexander the Great, facing right; Reverse: HER-CVL RO-MAN AV-GV either side of club of Hercules, all in wreath. RARE. Ex Incitatus.

This coin refers to Commodus' belief that he was Hercules reincarnated. According to the historian Herodian, "he issued orders that he was to be called not Commodus, son of Marcus, but Hercules, son of Jupiter. Abandoning the Roman and imperial mode of dress, he donned the lion-skin, and carried the club of Hercules..." (Joseph Sermarini).

De Imperatoribus Romanis:
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors


Commodus (A.D. 180-192)


Dennis Quinn

Marcus Aurelius Commodus Antoninus, the son of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius and his wife-cousin Faustina, was born in Lanuvium in 161 AD. Commodus was named Caesar at the age of 5, and co-Augustus at the age of 17, spending most of his early life accompanying his father on his campaigns against the Quadi and the Marcomanni along the Danubian frontier. His father died, possibly of the plague, at a military encampment at Bononia on the Danube on 17 March 180, leaving the Roman Empire to his nineteen-year-old son.[[1]] Upon hearing of his father's death, Commodus made preparations for Marcus' funeral, made concessions to the northern tribes, and made haste to return back to Rome in order to enjoy peace after nearly two decades of war. Commodus, and much of the Roman army behind him, entered the capital on 22 October, 180 in a triumphal procession, receiving a hero's welcome. Indeed, the youthful Commodus must have appeared in the parade as an icon of new, happier days to come; his arrival sparked the highest hopes in the Roman people, who believed he would rule as his father had ruled.[[2]]

The coins issued in his first year all display the triumphant general, a warrior in action who brought the spoils of victory to the citizens of Rome.[[3]] There is a great deal of evidence to support the fact that Commodus was popular among many of the people, at least for a majority of his reign. He seems to have been quite generous.[[4]]. Coin types from around 183 onward often contain the legend, Munificentia Augusta[[5]], indicating that generosity was indeed a part of his imperial program. Coins show nine occasions on which Commodus gave largesses, seven when he was sole emperor.[[6]] According to Dio, the emperor obtained some of this funding by taxing members of the senatorial class.[[7]] This policy of munificence certainly caused tensions between Commodus and the Senate. In 191 it was noted in the official Actus Urbis that the gods had given Commodus to Populus Senatusque Romanus. Normally the phrase Senatus Populusque Romanus was used. [[8]] While the Senate hated Commodus, the army and the lower classes loved him.[[9]] Because of the bad relationship between the Senate and Commodus as well as a senatorial conspiracy,[[10]] Rome "...was virtually governed by the praetorian prefects Perennis (182-185) and Cleander (186-9)."[[11]]

Commodus began to dress like the god Hercules, wearing lion skins and carrying a club.[[12]] Thus he appropriated the Antonines' traditional identification with Hercules, but even more aggressively. Commodus' complete identification with Hercules can be seen as an attempt to solidify his claim as new founder of Rome, which he now called the Colonia Lucia Annia Commodiana. This was legitimized by his direct link to Hercules, son of Father Jupiter.[[13]] He probably took the title of Hercules officially some time before mid-September 192.[[14]]

While the literary sources, especially Dio, Herodian, and the Historia Augusta, all ridicule the antics of his later career, they also give important insight into Commodus' relationship to the people.[[15]] His most important maneuver to solidify his claims as Hercules Romanus was to show himself as the god to the Roman people by taking part in spectacles in the amphitheater. Not only would Commodus fight and defeat the most skilled gladiators, he would also test his talents by encountering the most ferocious of the beasts.[[16]]

Commodus won all of his bouts against the gladiators.[[17]] The slayer of wild beasts, Hercules, was the mythical symbol of Commodus' rule, as protector of the Empire.[[18]]

During his final years he declared that his age should be called the "Golden Age."[[19]] He wanted all to revel in peace and happiness in his age of glory, praise the felicitas Commodi, the glorious libertas, his pietas, providential, his victoria and virtus aeterna.[[20]] Commodus wanted there to be no doubt that this "Golden Age" had been achieved through his munificence as Nobilissimus Princeps. He had declared a brand new day in Rome, founding it anew in 190, declaring himself the new Romulus.[[21]] Rome was now to be called Colonia Lucia Annia Commodiana, as noted above, and deemed "the Immortal," "the Fortunate," "the Universal Colony of the Earth."[[22]] Coins represent the archaic rituals of city-[re]foundation, identifying Commodus as a new founder and his age as new days.[[23]]

Also in 190 he renamed all the months to correspond exactly with his titles. From January, they run as follows: Lucius, Aelius, Aurelius, Commodus, Augustus, Herculeus, Romanus, Exsuperatorius, Amazonius, Invictus, Felix, Pius.[[24]] According to Dio Cassius, the changing of the names of the months was all part of Commodus' megalomania.[[25]] Commodus was the first and last in the Antonine dynasty to change the names of the months.


The legions were renamed Commodianae, the fleet which imported grain from Africa was called Alexandria Commodiana Togata, the Senate was deemed the Commodian Fortunate Senate, his palace and the Roman people were all given the name Commodianus.[[26]] The day that these new names were announced was also given a new title: Dies Commodianus.[[27]] Indeed, the emperor presented himself with growing vigor as the center of Roman life and the fountainhead of religion. New expressions of old religious thought and new cults previously restricted to private worship invade the highest level of imperial power.[[28]]

If Eusebius of Caesarea [[29]] is to be believed, the reign of Commodus inaugurated a period of numerous conversions to Christianity. Commodus did not pursue his father's prohibitions against the Christians, although he did not actually change their legal position. Rather, he relaxed persecutions, after minor efforts early in his reign.[[30]] Tradition credits Commodus's policy to the influence of his concubine Marcia; she was probably his favorite,[[31]] but it is not clear that she was a Christian.[[32]] More likely, Commodus preferred to neglect the sect, so that persecutions would not detract from his claims to be leading the Empire through a "Golden Age."[[33]]

During his reign several attempts were made on Commodus' life.[[34]] After a few botched efforts, an orchestrated plot was carried out early in December 192, apparently including his mistress Marcia. On 31 December an athlete named Narcissus strangled him in his bath,[[35]] and the emperor's memory was cursed. This brought an end to the Antonine Dynasty.


SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alföldy, G. "Der Friedesschluss des Kaisers Commodus mit den Germanen," Historia 20 (1971): 84-109.

Aymard, J. "Commode-Hercule foundateur de Rome," Revue des études latines 14 (1936): 340-64.

Birley, A. R. The African Emperor: Septimius Severus. -- rev. ed.-- London, 1988.
________. Marcus Aurelius: A Biography. London, 1987.

Breckenridge, J. D. "Roman Imperial Portraiture from Augustus to Gallienus," ANRW 2.17. 1 (1981): 477-512.

Chantraine, H. "Zur Religionspolitik des Commodus im Spiegel seiner Münzen," Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und für Kirchengeschichte 70 (1975): 1-31.

Ferguson, J. The Religions of the Roman Empire. Ithaca, 1970.

Fishwick, D. The Imperial Cult in the Latin West. Leiden, 1987.

Gagé, J. "La mystique imperiale et l'épreuve des jeux. Commode-Hercule et l'anthropologie hercaléenne," ANRW 2.17.2 (1981), 663-83.

Garzetti, A. From Tiberius to the Antonines. A History of the Roman Empire A. D. 14-192. London, 1974.

Grosso F. La lotta politica al tempo di Commodo. Turin, 1964.

Hammond, M. The Antonine Monarchy. Rome, 1956.

Helgeland, J. "Roman Army Religion," ANRW II.16.2 (1978): 1470-1505.

Howe, L. L. The Praetorian Prefect from Commodus to Diocletian (A. D. 180-305). Chicago, 1942.

Keresztes, P. "A Favorable Aspect of Commodus' Rule," in Hommages à Marcel Renard 2. Bruxelles, 1969.

Mattingly, R. The Roman Imperial Coinage. Volume III: Antoninus Pius to Commodus. London, 1930.

Nock, A. D. "The Emperor's Divine Comes," Journal of Roman Studies 37 (1947): 102-116.

Parker, H. M. D. A History of the Roman World from A. D. 138 to 337. London, 1935.
________. and B.H. Warmington. "Commodus." OCD2, col. 276.

Raubitschek, A. E. "Commodus and Athens." Studies in Honor of Theodore Leslie Shear. Hesperia, Supp. 8, 1948.

Rostovtzeff, M. I. "Commodus-Hercules in Britain," Journal of Roman Studies 13 (1923): 91-105.

Sordi, M. "Un senatore cristano dell'éta di Commodo." Epigraphica 17 (1959): 104-112.

Speidel, M. P. "Commodus the God-Emperor and the Army," Journal of Roman Studies 83 (1993): 109-114.

Stanton, G. R. "Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus, and Commodus: 1962-1972." ANRW II.2 (1975): 478-549.

Notes
[[1]] For a discussion of the circumstances surrounding the death of Marcus Aurelius, see A. R. Birley, Marcus Aurelius: A Biography -- rev. ed. -- (London, 1987), 210.
Aurelius Victor, De Caes. 16.4, writing around the year 360, claimed Aurelius died at Vindobona, modern Vienna. However, Tertullian, Apol. 25, who wrote some seventeen years after Marcus' death, fixed his place of death at Sirmium, twenty miles south of Bononia. A. R. Birley (Marcus Aurelius, 209-10) cogently argues Tertullian is much more accurate in his general description of where Marcus was campaigning during his last days.
For the dating of Marcus Aurelius' death and the accession of Commodus, see M. Hammond, The Antonine Monarchy (Rome, 1956), 179-80.

[[2]] For the army's attitude toward peace, the attitude of the city toward the peace, and the reception of the emperor and his forces into Rome, see Herodian, 1.7.1-4; for Commodus' subsequent political policies concerning the northern tribes, see G. Alföldy, "Der Friedesschluss des Kaisers Commodus mit den Germanen," Historia 20 (1971): 84-109.
For a commentary on the early years of Commodus in the public perception as days of optimism, see A. Garzetti, From Tiberius to the Antonines. A History of the Roman Empire A. D. 14-192 (London, 1974), 530. For a more critical, and much more negative portrayal, see the first chapter of F. Grosso, La lotta politica al tempo di Commodo (Turin, 1964).

[[3]]The gods Minerva and Jupiter Victor are invoked on the currency as harbingers of victory; Jupiter Conservator on his coins watches over Commodus and his Empire, and thanks is given to divine Providence (H. Mattingly, The Roman Imperial Coinage. Volume III: Antoninus Pius to Commodus, [London, 1930] 356-7, 366-7). In 181, new coin types appear defining the new reign of Commodus. Victory and peace are stressed. Coins extol Securitas Publica, Felicitas, Libertas, Annona, and Aequitas (ibid., 357).
By 186 Commodus is depicted as the victorious princes, the most noble of all born to the purple. Herodian (1.5.5) describes how Commodus boasted to his soldiers that he was born to be emperor. See also H. Chantraine, "Zur Religionspolitik des Commodus im Spiegel seiner Münzen," Römische Quatralschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und für Kirchengeschichte 70 (1975), 26. He is called Triumphator and Rector Orbis, and associated with the Nobilitas of Trojan descent (Mattingly, RIC III.359; idem, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum. Volume IV: Antoninus Pius to Commodus, [Oxford, 1940], clxii).

[[4]] Dio tells us that Commodus liked giving gifts and often gave members of the populace 140 denarii apiece (Cass. Dio, 73.16), whereas the Historia Augusta reports that he gave each man 725 denarii (SHA, Comm., 16.3).

[[5]]Mattingly, RIC, III.358.

[[6]] Idem., CBM, IV.clxxiv.

[[7]]Cass. Dio, 73.16.

[[8]]M. P. Speidel, "Commodus the God-Emperor and the Army," Journal of Roman Studies 83 (1993), 113.

[[9]]Mattingly, CBM, IV.xii. Commodus was also popular amongst the northern divisions of the army because he allowed them to wield axes in battle, a practice banned by all preceding emperors. See, Speidel, JRS 83 (1993), 114.

[[10]]Infra, n. 34.

[[11]] H. Parker and B.H. Warmington, OCD2, s.v. "Commodus," col. 276; after 189, he was influenced by his mistress Marcia, Eclectus his chamberlain, and Laetus (who became praetorian prefect in 191 (Idem.).

[[12]]Herodian, 1.14.8. Hadrian appears on medallions in lion skins; but as far as the sources tell us, he never appeared in public in them. See J. Toynbee, Roman Medallions,(New York, 1986), 208.
He would often appear at public festivals and shows dressed in purple robes embroidered with gold. He would wear a crown made of gold, inlaid with the finest gems of India. He often carried a herald's staff as if imitating the god Mercury. According to Dio Cassius, Commodus' lion's skin and club were carried before him in the procession, and at the theaters these vestiges of Hercules were placed on a gilded chair for all to see (Cass. Dio, 73.17). For the implications of the golden chair carried in procession in relation to the imperial cult, see D. Fishwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West, (Leiden, 1987-91 ), 555.

[[13]] H. M. D. Parker, A History of the Roman World from A. D. 138 to 337, (London, 1935), 34; For medallions that express the relationship between Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, and Lucius Verus extolling Hercules as a symbol of civic virtue, see Toynbee, Roman Medallions, 208. For a general statement on the symbolism of Hercules in the Antonine age, see M. Hammond, The Antonine Monarchy, 238.
For a discussion of Commodus' association with Hercules, see
Rostovtzeff, "Commodus-Hercules," 104-6.
Herodian spells out the emperor's metamorphosis in detail (1.14.8).

[[14]]See Speidel, "Commodus the God-Emperor," 114. He argues this general date because a papyrus from Egypt's Fayum records Hercules in Commodus' title on 11 October 192.

[[15]]For a preliminary example, Herodian writes (1.13.8), "people in general responded well to him."

[[16]]As Dio reports, Commodus, with his own hands, gave the finishing stroke to five hippopotami at one time. Commodus also killed two elephants, several rhinoceroses, and a giraffe with the greatest of ease. (Cass. Dio, 73.10), and with his left hand (ibid., 73.19). Herodian maintains that from his specially constructed terrace which encircled the arena (enabling Commodus to avoid risking his life by fighting these animals at close quarters), the emperor also killed deer, roebuck, various horned animals, lions, and leopards, always killing them painlessly with a single blow. He purportedly killed one hundred leopards with one hundred javelins, and he cleanly shot the heads off countless ostriches with crescent-headed arrows. The crowd cheered as these headless birds continued to run around the amphitheater (1.15-4-6; for Commodus' popularity at these brutal spectacles, see Birley, The African Emperor, 86) (and Dio tells his readers that in public Commodus was less brutal than he was in private [73.17ff]).

[[17]] According to Herodian (1.15-17), "In his gladiatorial combats, he defeated his opponents with ease, and he did no more than wound them, since they all submitted to him, but only because they knew he was the emperor, not because he was truly a gladiator."

[[18]]Webber, "The Antonines," CAH, XI.360.

[[19]]Cass. Dio, 73.15.

[[20]] Mattingly, RIC, III.361. For Commodus' propaganda of peace, see W. Webber, "The Antonines," CAH, XI.392.

[[21]] W. Webber, "The Antonines," CAH, XI.392-3. In 189 a coin type was issued with the legend Romulus Conditor, perhaps indicating he began the official renaming process during that year. For a discussion on Commodus as Romulus, see A. D. Nock, "The Emperor's Divine Comes," Journal of Roman Studies 37 (1947), 103.

[[22]] HA, Comm. 7.1; Cass. Dio, 73.15.

[[23]]Mattingly, RIC, III.361. See also, Webber, "The Antonines," CAH, XI.386.

[[24]]The title Felix is first used by the emperor Commodus, and is used in the titles of almost all successive emperors to the fifth century. See, D. Fishwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West (Leiden, 1987-91), 473.
HA, Comm., 12.315; Cass. Dio, 73.15; Herodian, I.14.9. These new names for the months seem to have actually been used, at least by the army, as confirmed by Tittianus' Altar. See M. P. Speidel, "Commodus the God-Emperor and the Army," Journal of Roman Studies 83 (1993), 112.

[[25]] Cass. Dio, 73.15.

[[26]]Legions:Idem.; the Grain fleet: SHA, Comm., 12.7. For a further discussion of Commodus' newly named fleet, see, A. Garzetti, From Tiberius to the Antonines, 547. For coins issued extolling the fleet, see Mattingly, CBM, IV.clxix; RIC, III.359; the Senate: Cass. Dio, 73.15; the Imperial Palace: SHA, Comm., 12.7; the Roman People: Ibid., 15.5.

[[27]]Cass. Dio, 73.15.

[[28]]Mattingly, CBM, IV.clxxxiv.

[[29]]Eusebius, Hist.Ecc., 5.21.1.

[[30]]For a discussion of the treatment of Christianity during the reigns of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus as well as persecutions during the reign of Commodus, see Keresztes, "A Favorable Aspect," 374, 376-377.

[[31]]Herodian, 1.16.4; Dio, 73.4. A Medallion from early 192 shows Commodus juxtaposed with the goddess Roma, which some scholars have argued incorporates the features of Marcia. See, Roman Medallions, "Introduction." Commodus was married, however, to a woman named Crispina. He commissioned several coins early in his rule to honor her.

[[32]]The Christian apologist Hippolytus tells that she was a Christian (Philos. 9.2.12), Dio tells that she simply favored the Christians (73.4). Herodian does not take a stand on the matter either way (1.16.4).

[[33]]Cass. Dio, 73.15. He pronounces Commodus' edict that his rule should be henceforth called the "Golden Age."

[[34]]H. Parker and B.H. Warmington note that Commodus..."resorted to government by means of favorites...which was exacerbated by an abortive conspiracy promoted by Lucilla and Ummidius Quadratus (182)." (OCD2, col. 276).

[[35]]Herodian, 1.17.2-11; Dio Cass., 73.22; SHA, Comm.,17.1-2.

Copyright (C) 1998, Dennis Quinn. This file may be copied on the condition that the entire contents, including the header and this copyright notice, remain intact. Used by Permission.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.


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