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Celtic, Bastarnae Tribe, Thrace, c. 220 - 160 B.C., Imitative of Macedonian Kingdom Type
The Bastarnae were an important ancient people of uncertain, but probably mixed Germanic-Celtic-Sarmatian, ethnic origin, who lived between the Danube and the Dnieper (Strabo, Geography, VII, 3,17) during the last centuries B.C. and early centuries A.D. The etymology of their name is uncertain, but may mean 'mixed-bloods' (compare 'bastard'), as opposed to their neighbours the East Germanic Scirii, the 'clean-' or 'pure-bloods.'
32899. Bronze AE 16, imitative of SNG Cop 1299 (Macedonian Kingdom, time of Philip V and Perseus, 221 - 168 B.C.), Fair/Fine, 2.168g, 16.3mm, obverse Celtic-style bust of river-god Strymon right; reverse TridentCastvlo
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Maroneia, Thrace. 146-100BC, AE18mm.
Obv. Wreathed head of young Dionysos right. Rev. Dionysos left holding grapes, NARTHEX in right field, monogram in near left field.Lee S
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Roman Provincial Trajan, AE23, of Tabae, Caria, 5.1g, 24mm
Obverse: AVK A TPAIANOC APIΓCΔA, Laureate head right.
Reverse: TABHNΩN, Demeter, polos on head, standing left, holding grain ears, bunch of grapes and sceptre.
Reference: SNG Cop 559, Hunter 4.
Gil-galad
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Ionia, Samos. Didrachm; Ionia, Samos; Magistrate Asklepiades, 310-300 BC, Didrachm, 6.22g. Barron-p. 214, 2b (this coin). Obv: Facing lion's scalp. Rx: Forepart of ox r. with dotted truncation, SA and olive branch below, [A]SK?H?IA?[HS] above. Ex M & M List 169, 1957, no. 18; this coin listed in Barron's monograph on Samos (1966).
paul1888
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Philip I AD 244-249 Æ Sestertius (27x31mm, 15.79 g.)
Secular Games issue.
Rome mint, struck AD 249.
Obv. Laureate, draped, and cuirassed bust right.
Rev. SAECVLARES AVGG, she-wolf standing left, head right, suckling the twins Romulus and Remus.
RIC IV 159
Continuing the tradition of Claudius and Antoninus Pius before him, the celebration of the Secular Games at the end of every century since the founding of Rome culminated during the reign of Philip I, as the city celebrated her 1,000th anniversary in AD 248. The legends on these issues almost exclusively read Saeculares Augg, and feature a similar iconography from previous games, such as the she-wolf suckling the twins, the various wild beasts paraded through the amphitheater, and a cippus inscribed for the preservation of the memory of these events.paul1888
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Philip I Arabs, 244-249. Dupondius 248, Rome, on the city's 1000th anniversary. Bust / cippus. RIC 162 C. 197 10.14 g. Dark brown patina, rare good Very nice
Ex auction Leu 10, 1974, 319 (hammer price: 1700 CHF).
While Claudius (47) and Antoninus Pius (147) used the founding date of 753 B.C. As a basis, Philippus Arabs assumed the Capitoline era, which began a year later. The boundary stone (cippus terminalis) is used in Roman iconography to mark the beginning and end.paul1888
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Ancient Greek
LUCANIA
Metapontion, struck circa 340-330 BC
Female head right / Seven-grain barley ear; ΜΕΤΑ upward to left
7.60 g, 20 mm, silver
References: HGC I, 1052, HN Italy 1538; Numismatic Notes and Monographs #47, The Coinage of Metapontum, 1931, Sydney P. Noe 509c (this coin); ex-Lloyd, Helbing 55:lot 3364 (pictured) 11/08/1928; ex-Woodward, Ars Classica XV: lot 174 (pictured) 07/02/1930; ex CNG Trition IV, Part 1, lot 47, 12/5/2000 paul1888
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Greek Coins
LOKRIS. Lokri Opuntii. Obol (Circa 370-350 BC). Obv: ΟΠΟΝ. Amphora with grape bunch and ivy wreath hanging from mouth. Rev: Sixteen-rayed star. BCD Lokris 27-38; HGC 4, 1003. Ex BCD Collection. Condition: Good very fine. Weight: 0.77 g. Diameter: 11 mm.paul1888
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Chersonesos, Thrace, c. 386 - 338 B.C. Silver hemidrachm, Weber 2422; BMC Thrace p. 185, 43; McClean II 4071; HGC 3.2, 1437; SNG Cop -, Choice gVF, attractive neat style, toned, Cherronesos (Gallipoli peninsula) mint, weight 2.323g, maximum diameter 14.1mm, c. 386 - 338 B.C.; obverse lion forepart right, head turned back left, tongue protruding; reverse quadripartite incuse with alternating shallow and deeper sunken quarters, pellet and VE ligature in one sunken quarter (pellet mostly off flan), pellet and five-point star (pentagram) in the opposite sunken quarter. Coin & photography ex Forum Ancient Coins.
This example is unusually well centered on the obverse, which motivated me to purchase it. Overall I believe it is an attractive coin. paul1888
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JUSTINIAN I, AR Anonymous Half-Siliqua, struck c.530 at ConstantinopleObverse: No legend. Helmeted and draped bust of Constantinopolis facing right.
Reverse: Large K (Kappa) within pelleted circle.
Diameter: 15mm | Weight: 0.7gms | Die Axis: 12
Bendall, Anonymous, 8c. | Vagi 3051
Not in SBCV or DOC
The issue of this particular coin has been tentatively dated, based on style, to around 530 and struck in connection with the bicentennial of the founding of Constantinople.
According to the late Simon Bendall, type 8c is the commonest of all the anonymous types, the majority being quite crude, very light and obviously of sixth century date.
These issues are a copy of a type issued by Constantine I for the foundation of Constantinople in 330, but with the bust of Constantinopolis facing right rather than facing left as it did on Constantine's coin. There seems little doubt that the type was originally resuscitated by Justinian I on the anniversary of the 330 issue, presumably c.530. However, as the overall type is commoner than any sixth century silver coin bearing an imperial portrait, and is of varying degenerative styles and weights (the smallest specimens being the crudest) it would appear that some numbers of them must have continued to have been struck after 530, perhaps even as much as 50 or so years after. A number of theories have been put forward regarding the dating of these but, due to the scant archaeological, epigraphical and hoard evidence presently available, the exact date or dates of issue of individual coins of this type has so far proved to be inconclusive.
*Alex
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1st Century BC - 1st Century CE, IRON AGE BRITAIN, Tribe: Catuvellauni, AE Unit, Struck c.25BC – 10CE at Verlamion (St. Albans) under TasciovanusObverse: Bearded head facing right; VER anti-clockwise in front.
Reverse: Horse with sea horse tail facing left; pellet in ring, and trefoil motif above; VER below.
Diameter: 15.2mm | Weight: 1.97gms | Axis: 3h
SPINK: 243 | BMC 1714-21 | ABC 2658
RARE
CATUVELLAUNI
The Catuvellauni were an Iron Age Celtic tribe in Britain before the Roman conquest, attested by inscriptions into the 4th century. They are mentioned by Cassius Dio, who implies that they led the resistance against the conquest in 43CE. They appear as one of the “Civitates” of Roman Britain in Ptolemy's “Geography” in the 2nd century, occupying the town of Verlamion (Roman Verulamium, modern St.Albans) and the surrounding areas of Hertfordshire, Bedfordshire and southern Cambridgeshire. Their territory was bordered to the north by the Iceni and Corieltauvi, to the east by the Trinovantes, to the west by the Dobunni and to the south by the Atrebates, Regni and Cantii.
TASCIOVANUS
Tasciovanus appears to have become king of the Catuvellauni around 20 BC, before the Roman conquest of Britain. Ruling from Verlamion (St.Albans), for a brief period around 15–10 BC, he issued coins from Camulodunum (Colchester), apparently supplanting Addedomarus of the Trinovantes, but it appears that following the arrival of Augustus in Gaul he withdrew and again issued his coins from Verlamion.
Tasciovanus was the first Catuvellaunian king to issue inscribed coins, bearing “VER”, mint marks for Verlamion. He was also the first to renew hostilities towards the Trinovantes, flouting the long-standing agreement between Caesar and his own grandfather Cassivellaunus.
Tasciovanus died around AD 9 and was succeeded by his son Cunobelinus, who ruled primarily from Camulodunum.
CLICK ON MAP BELOW TO ENLARGE IT
*Alex
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1st Century CE, IRON AGE BRITAIN, Tribe: Iceni, AR Unit, Struck c.60 - 61 under Boudica (Boadicea)Obverse: No legend. Abstract Celtic style head with slit for eye and no ear facing right. Three pellets below head, branch emblem behind neck.
Reverse: No legend. Celtic style horse facing right, lozenge-shaped box with pellets on outer corners below horse. Section of large elaborate wheel-like object above horse, pellet below horse's tail.
Class: Icenian O
Diameter: 14mm | Weight: 0.9gms | Axis: 10
Spink: 434
The first known recorded example of this coin was made by William Stukely, an English antiquarian whose ideas influenced various antiquaries throughout the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Stukeley published over twenty books on archaeology and other subjects during his lifetime and he is regarded as an important forerunner of archaeology for his emphasis on methodically measuring and documenting ancient sites. He died of a stroke in early 1765.
The theory that this coinage was connected with Boudica was originally reported in 1987 and this was endorsed by R D Van Arsdell, an authority on the Celtic coinage of Britain, as Boudican in the 1990's. At the time though this was disputed by many in the numismatic community, some of whom continued to rely on older studies that lumped all "Face-Horse" coins together in a group dating before 20 CE.
However, John Talbot of the University of Oxford carried out research on these issues and, as his die-link and hoard work gradually progressed through the 1990's into the early twenty-first century, these coins were confirmed to be the final coinage of the Iceni. As Talbot's findings were only gradually revealed over a period of time, the accepted dating used in some dealer catalogues did not always keep up with the latest information. During his studies, Talbot discovered that coins from several die sets are only found in the Boudican Rebellion hoards. He also confirmed that these coins were struck in abnormally great numbers for any Icenian issue. But, because he was not certain that this was enough evidence to date the coins to 61 CE. he suggested only that they could have been struck any time after the Claudian Invasion of 43 CE.
Considering though that some die sets are known only from the Boudican Rebellion hoards, that it is still the case that these coins appear in uncirculated condition in the hoards, and that to date none of these coins have been found from secure contexts earlier than the time of the Boudican rebellion, it would appear that the 1987 report was essentially correct and these coins must have been struck nearer to the date of the Boudican Rebellion than earlier, possibly in connection with the financing of that rebellion. The conclusion now is that these coins can, with some confidence, be attributed to Boudica.
THE ICENI
The Iceni were a tribe located in eastern Britain during the Iron Age and the early Roman era. Their territory was bordered by the Corieltauvi to the west, and the Catuvellauni and Trinovantes to the south. In the Roman period, their capital was Venta Icenorum at modern-day Caistor St Edmund.
Julius Caesar did not mention the Iceni in his account of his invasions of Britain in 55 and 54 BC, though they may have been related to the Cenimagni, whom Caesar notes as living north of the River Thames at that time. The Iceni were a significant power in eastern Britain during Claudius I's conquest of Britain in AD 43, in which they allied with Rome. Increasing Roman influence on their affairs led to a revolt in AD 47, though they remained nominally independent under king Prasutagus up until his death around AD 60. Roman encroachment after Prasutagus' death led his wife Boudica to launch a major revolt from 60–61. Boudica's uprising seriously endangered Roman rule in Britain and resulted in the burning of Londinium and other cities. The Romans finally crushed the rebellion, and the Iceni were eventually incorporated into the Roman province.
Archaeological evidence of the Iceni includes torcs, which are heavy rings of gold, silver or electrum worn around the neck and shoulders. The Iceni began producing coins around 10 BC. Their coins were a distinctive adaptation of the Gallo-Belgic "face/horse" design, and in some early issues, most numerous near Norwich, the horse was replaced with a boar. Some coins are inscribed ECENI, making them the only coin-producing group to use their tribal name on coins. The earliest personal name to appear on coins is Antedios (about 10 BC), and other abbreviated names like AESU and SAEMU followed. The name of Prasutagus also appears on some coins as PRASTO.
QUEEN BOUDICA
Queen Boudica was married to Prasutagus, ruler of the Iceni people of East Anglia. When the Romans conquered southern England in AD 43, they allowed Prasutagus to continue to rule. However, when Prasutagus died he left a will dividing his lands between the Roman emperor and his family. The Romans decided to rule the Iceni directly and confiscated all the king's property. When this was contested they are said to have stripped and flogged Boudica and raped her daughters. These actions exacerbated the widespread resentment at Roman rule.
In 60 or 61 AD, while the Roman governor Gaius Suetonius Paullinus was leading a campaign in North Wales, the Iceni rebelled, other tribes joined them, and Boudica led a major uprising against the occupying Roman forces.
Boudica's warriors defeated the Roman Ninth Legion and destroyed the then capital of Roman Britain, Camulodunum (Colchester). They then went on to destroy Londinium (London) and Verulamium (St Albans) killing thousands in the process. Finally, Boudica was defeated by a Roman army led by Paulinus. A great number of her army were killed and, though Boudica's fate is unknown, she is alleged to have either died in battle or poisoned herself to avoid capture. The site of the battle which brought an end to her uprising is also unknown.
The photograph below is of the Victorian statue of Boudica (Boadicea) situated on the Thames embankment in London.
CLICK ON THE IMAGES BELOW TO ENLARGE THEM
  *Alex
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9 Vitellius Denarius, 69 ADVITELLIUS
AR Denarius, 69 AD.
[A VITELLIVS] GERM IMP AVG TR P, Bust right / Anepigraphic. Victory seated left, holding patera and palm
RIC 110, BMCRE 043. aVF
RI0070Sosius
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195 - 211, SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, AR Denarius, Struck 210 at Rome, alluding to BritanniaObverse: SEVERVS PIVS AVG BRIT. Laureate head of Septimius Severus facing right.
Reverse: VICTORIAE BRIT. Victory standing right, holding palm branch in her right hand and placing uninscribed shield on palm tree with her left.
Diameter: 20mm | Weight: 2.83gms | Die Axis: 7h
RIC IV: 336 | RSC: 730 | SRCV: 6384 | SPINK: 651A
SCARCE
This coin commemorates the success of the Roman campaigns in Scotland during 209 and 210 culminating in the death of Severus at York, England, in February 211.
SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS
Lucius Septimius Severus was Roman emperor from 193 to 211. He was born in Leptis Magna in the Roman province of Africa.
Severus seized power after the death of the emperor Pertinax in 193 (the Year of the Five Emperors).
After consolidating his rule over the western provinces, Severus waged a brief, successful war in the east against the Parthian Empire, sacked their capital Ctesiphon, expanded the eastern frontier to the Tigris and enlarged and fortified the Limes Arabicus in Arabia Petraea. In 202, he campaigned in Africa and Mauretania against the Garamantes, captured their capital Garama and expanded the Limes Tripolitanus along the southern desert frontier of the empire. In 198 he raised his elder son Caracalla to Augustus and in 209 did the same to his younger son, Geta.
In AD 209 Severus invaded Caledonia (modern Scotland) with an army of 50,000 men, but he fell fatally ill of an infectious disease in late 210 and died at Eboracum (York, England) early in 211.
SEVERUS' CAMPAIGNS IN BRITAIN
In 208 Septimius Severus travelled to Britain with the intention of conquering Caledonia (Scotland). Modern archaeological discoveries have helped to throw some light on the scope and direction of this northern campaign.
Severus began by occupying the territory up to the Antonine Wall, this is evidenced by extensive Severan era fortifications and the likely reoccupation of some of the forts on that wall. Over the previous years Hadrian's Wall had fallen into disrepair and Severus strengthened and repaired much of it, he did this to such an extent that many early Antiquarians thought that he was the emperor who had actually built it. Severus constructed a 165-acre (67 ha) camp south of the Antonine Wall at Trimontium, probably assembling the main body of his forces there. Severus then thrust north across the Antonine Wall into Caledonian territory, supported and supplied by a strong naval force. He retraced the steps of Agricola of over a century before, rebuilding many abandoned Roman forts along the east coast, and he re-garrisoned the naval base at Carpow, likely built by Commodus in 185, and possibly the place named as "Horrea Classis" or "Poreo Classis" in the Ravenna Cosmography.
By 210 Severus' campaigning had made significant gains, despite Caledonian guerrilla tactics and purportedly heavy Roman casualties.
According to Cassius Dio: “Severus did not desist until he approached the extremity of the island. Here he observed most accurately the variation of the sun's motion and the length of the days and the nights in summer and winter respectively. Having thus been conveyed through practically the whole of the hostile country (for he actually was conveyed in a covered litter most of the way, on account of his infirmity), he returned to the friendly portion, after he had forced the Britons to come to terms, on the condition that they should abandon a large part of their territory.”
The Caledonians had sued for peace, which Severus had granted on the condition that they relinquished control of the Central Lowlands of Scotland, but later that year (210), they, along with the Maeatae, revolted. Severus prepared for another campaign, now intent on exterminating the Caledonians. However the campaign was cut short when Severus fell ill and withdrew south to Eboracum (York) where he died on 4 February 211. Severus was succeeded by his sons, Caracalla and Geta. Caracalla continued campaigning in Caledonia during 212 but soon settled for peace, and shortly after that the frontier was withdrawn south to Hadrian's Wall.
On his death, Severus was deified by the Senate and his remains were buried in the Mausoleum of Hadrian in Rome.
CLICK ON IMAGES BELOW TO ENLARGE THEM
 
*Alex
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195 - 211, SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, AR Denarius, Struck 210 at Rome, alluding to BritanniaObverse: SEVERVS PIVS AVG BRIT. Laureate head of Septimius Severus facing right.
Reverse: VICTORIAE BRIT. Victory seated on shield facing left, holding another shield resting on her knee in her right hand and palm branch in her left.
Diameter: 19mm | Weight: 2.35gms | Die Axis: 12h
RIC IV: 335 | RSC: 731 | SRCV: 6385 | SPINK: 651C
SCARCE
This coin commemorates the success of the Roman campaigns in Scotland during 209 and 210 culminating in the death of Severus at York, England, in February 211.
SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS
Lucius Septimius Severus was Roman emperor from 193 to 211. He was born in Leptis Magna in the Roman province of Africa.
Severus seized power after the death of the emperor Pertinax in 193 (the Year of the Five Emperors).
After consolidating his rule over the western provinces, Severus waged a brief, successful war in the east against the Parthian Empire, sacked their capital Ctesiphon, expanded the eastern frontier to the Tigris and enlarged and fortified the Limes Arabicus in Arabia Petraea. In 202, he campaigned in Africa and Mauretania against the Garamantes, captured their capital Garama and expanded the Limes Tripolitanus along the southern desert frontier of the empire. In 198 he raised his elder son Caracalla to Augustus and in 209 did the same to his younger son, Geta.
In AD 209 Severus invaded Caledonia (modern Scotland) with an army of 50,000 men, but he fell fatally ill of an infectious disease in late 210 and died at Eboracum (York, England) early in 211.
SEVERUS' CAMPAIGNS IN BRITAIN
In 208 Septimius Severus travelled to Britain with the intention of conquering Caledonia (Scotland). Modern archaeological discoveries have helped to throw some light on the scope and direction of this northern campaign.
Severus began by occupying the territory up to the Antonine Wall, this is evidenced by extensive Severan era fortifications and the likely reoccupation of some of the forts on that wall. Over the previous years Hadrian's Wall had fallen into disrepair and Severus strengthened and repaired much of it, he did this to such an extent that many early Antiquarians thought that he was the emperor who had actually built it. Severus constructed a 165-acre (67 ha) camp south of the Antonine Wall at Trimontium, probably assembling the main body of his forces there. Severus then thrust north across the Antonine Wall into Caledonian territory, supported and supplied by a strong naval force. He retraced the steps of Agricola of over a century before, rebuilding many abandoned Roman forts along the east coast, and he re-garrisoned the naval base at Carpow, likely built by Commodus in 185, and possibly the place named as "Horrea Classis" or "Poreo Classis" in the Ravenna Cosmography.
By 210 Severus' campaigning had made significant gains, despite Caledonian guerrilla tactics and purportedly heavy Roman casualties.
According to Cassius Dio: “Severus did not desist until he approached the extremity of the island. Here he observed most accurately the variation of the sun's motion and the length of the days and the nights in summer and winter respectively. Having thus been conveyed through practically the whole of the hostile country (for he actually was conveyed in a covered litter most of the way, on account of his infirmity), he returned to the friendly portion, after he had forced the Britons to come to terms, on the condition that they should abandon a large part of their territory.”
The Caledonians had sued for peace, which Severus had granted on the condition that they relinquished control of the Central Lowlands of Scotland, but later that year (210), they, along with the Maeatae, revolted. Severus prepared for another campaign, now intent on exterminating the Caledonians. However the campaign was cut short when Severus fell ill and withdrew south to Eboracum (York) where he died on 4 February 211. Severus was succeeded by his sons, Caracalla and Geta. Caracalla continued campaigning in Caledonia during 212 but soon settled for peace, and shortly after that the frontier was withdrawn south to Hadrian's Wall.
On his death, Severus was deified by the Senate and his remains were buried in the Mausoleum of Hadrian in Rome.
CLICK ON IMAGES BELOW TO ENLARGE THEM
*Alex
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195 - 211, SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, AR Denarius, Struck 210 at Rome, alluding to BritanniaObverse: SEVERVS PIVS AVG BRIT. Laureate head of Septimius Severus facing right.
Reverse: VICTORIAE BRIT. Victory advancing right, holding wreath in her outstretched right hand and palm branch in her left.
Diameter: 19mm | Weight: 3.5gms | Die Axis: 6h
RIC IV: 332 | RSC: 727 | SRCV: 6382 | SPINK: 650
SCARCE
This coin commemorates the success of the Roman campaigns in Scotland during 209 and 210 culminating in the death of Severus at York, England, in February 211.
SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS
Lucius Septimius Severus was Roman emperor from 193 to 211. He was born in Leptis Magna in the Roman province of Africa.
Severus seized power after the death of the emperor Pertinax in 193 (the Year of the Five Emperors).
After consolidating his rule over the western provinces, Severus waged a brief, successful war in the east against the Parthian Empire, sacked their capital Ctesiphon, expanded the eastern frontier to the Tigris and enlarged and fortified the Limes Arabicus in Arabia Petraea. In 202, he campaigned in Africa and Mauretania against the Garamantes, captured their capital Garama and expanded the Limes Tripolitanus along the southern desert frontier of the empire. In 198 he raised his elder son Caracalla to Augustus and in 209 did the same to his younger son, Geta.
In AD 209 Severus invaded Caledonia (modern Scotland) with an army of 50,000 men, but he fell fatally ill of an infectious disease in late 210 and died at Eboracum (York, England) early in 211.
SEVERUS' CAMPAIGNS IN BRITAIN
In 208 Septimius Severus travelled to Britain with the intention of conquering Caledonia (Scotland). Modern archaeological discoveries have helped to throw some light on the scope and direction of this northern campaign.
Severus began by occupying the territory up to the Antonine Wall, this is evidenced by extensive Severan era fortifications and the likely reoccupation of some of the forts on that wall. Over the previous years Hadrian's Wall had fallen into disrepair and Severus strengthened and repaired much of it, he did this to such an extent that many early Antiquarians thought that he was the emperor who had actually built it. Severus constructed a 165-acre (67 ha) camp south of the Antonine Wall at Trimontium, probably assembling the main body of his forces there. Severus then thrust north across the Antonine Wall into Caledonian territory, supported and supplied by a strong naval force. He retraced the steps of Agricola of over a century before, rebuilding many abandoned Roman forts along the east coast, and he re-garrisoned the naval base at Carpow, likely built by Commodus in 185, and possibly the place named as "Horrea Classis" or "Poreo Classis" in the Ravenna Cosmography.
By 210 Severus' campaigning had made significant gains, despite Caledonian guerrilla tactics and purportedly heavy Roman casualties.
According to Cassius Dio: “Severus did not desist until he approached the extremity of the island. Here he observed most accurately the variation of the sun's motion and the length of the days and the nights in summer and winter respectively. Having thus been conveyed through practically the whole of the hostile country (for he actually was conveyed in a covered litter most of the way, on account of his infirmity), he returned to the friendly portion, after he had forced the Britons to come to terms, on the condition that they should abandon a large part of their territory.”
The Caledonians had sued for peace, which Severus had granted on the condition that they relinquished control of the Central Lowlands of Scotland, but later that year (210), they, along with the Maeatae, revolted. Severus prepared for another campaign, now intent on exterminating the Caledonians. However the campaign was cut short when Severus fell ill and withdrew south to Eboracum (York) where he died on 4 February 211. Severus was succeeded by his sons, Caracalla and Geta. Caracalla continued campaigning in Caledonia during 212 but soon settled for peace, and shortly after that the frontier was withdrawn south to Hadrian's Wall.
On his death, Severus was deified by the Senate and his remains were buried in the Mausoleum of Hadrian in Rome.
CLICK ON IMAGES BELOW TO ENLARGE THEM
*Alex
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IONIA, CHIOSCa 400-380 BC
AR Drachm 13 mm, 3.63 g
O: Sphinx seated left; amphora surmounted by grapes to left
R: Quadripartite granulated incuse square
Chios; BMC 17-8
ex Roma Numismatics auction laney
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Kingdom of JERUSALEM. Struck during the siege of Jerusalem by Sibylla, Queen of Jerusalem and Balian of Ibelin in 1187 . Bi Denier .Kingdom of Jerusalem . Struck during the siege of Jerusalem by Sibylla, Queen of Jerusalem and Balian of Ibelin in 1187 . Bi Denier .
+ TVRRIS DAVIT (legend retrograde), Tower of David
+ SЄPVLChRVM DOMINI, view of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher
Slocum 288; cf. C.J. Sabine, “Numismatic iconography of the Tower of David and the Holy Sepulchre,” NC 1979, pl. 17, 3; N. du Quesne Bird, “Two deniers from Jerusalem, Jordan,” NumCirc LXXIII.5 (May 1965), p. 109; Metcalf, Crusades, p. 77; CCS 51.
Very Rare . Thirteen known example .
The Ernoul chronicle refers to Balian of Ibelin and the patriarch Heraclius of Jerusalem stripped the silver and gold edicule from the Church of the Holy Sepulcher for striking coins to pay those defending the city at it's last stand .Vladislav D
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Marcus Aurelius Antoninus “Elagabalus”, 218-222 CE.Elagabalus, 16 May 218 - 11 March 222 A.D., Markianopolis, Moesia Inferior
Bronze AE
Varbanov 1384, VF, Markianopolis mint, 2.0g, 16mm,
Obverse: AΥT K M AΥΡ ANTΩNINOC, laureate head right.
Reverse:MAΡKIANOΠOΛITΩN, bunch of grapes.NORMAN K
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Thrace, Maroneia AE16mm (5.6g).Thrace, Maroneia AE16mm (5.6g).
Obverse: Head of Dionysos, wreathed in ivy
Reverse: Dionysos standing left holding bunch of grapes and thyrsos.2173
Antonivs Protti
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ROME
PB Tessera (17mm, 5.32 g, 6 h)
Venus standing left, holding mirror and adjusting hair
Bunch of grapes
Rostowzew – (but cf. 484 for a similar type with Fortuna on the obverse)Ardatirion
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NORTHERN GREECE, Uncertain
PB Tessera (16mm, 3.96 g)
Goat standing right
Bunch of grapes hanging from vine
Ex Classical Numismatics Group 85 (15 September 2010), lot 330bArdatirion
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EAST AFRICA, Kilwa Sultanate. 'Ali bin al-Hasan. Late 5th century AH / 11th century AD
Æ Fals (21mm, 2.68 g, 3 h). Kilwa Kisiwani mint.
Inscription in two lines; star at center
Inscription in three lines
Album 1180; Walker, Kilwa 12; SICA 10, 589-91; Zeno 87054 (this coin)
Acquired in the 1960's, likely through circulation in Dar-es-Salaam.
Chittick ("On the Chronology of the sultans of Kilwa" in NC 13, 1973), the excavator of Kilwa Kisiwani, notes that these issues were found in the earliest stratigraphic layers and accordingly reassigns them to the first sultan of Kilwa. Walker and Freeman-Grenville gave them to an otherwise unattested 13th century ruler of the same name. However, the picture is muddled by finds from the excavations at Songo Mnara, occupied only between the 14th and 16th centuries, where this type was among the most numerous to be found. The type is unlikely to have remained in circulation for such a long period and may been reissued by subsequent rulers.Ardatirion
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"As de Nîmes" or "crocodile" Ӕ dupondius of Nemausus (9 - 3 BC), honoring Augustus and AgrippaIMP DIVI F , Heads of Agrippa (left) and Augustus (right) back to back, Agrippa wearing rostral crown and Augustus the oak-wreath / COL NEM, crocodile right chained to palm-shoot with short dense fronds and tip right; two short palm offshoots left and right below, above on left a wreath with two long ties streaming right.
Ó”, 24.5 x 3+ mm, 13.23g, die axis 3h; on both sides there are remains of what appears to be gold plating, perhaps it was a votive offering? Rough edges and slight scrapes on flan typical for this kind of coin, due to primitive technology (filing) of flan preparation.
IMPerator DIVI Filius. Mint of COLonia NEMausus (currently Nîmes, France). Known as "As de Nîmes", it is actually a dupontius (lit. "two-pounder") = 2 ases (sometimes cut in halves to get change). Dupondii were often made out of a golden-colored copper alloy (type of brass) "orichalcum" and this appears to be such case.
Key ID points: oak-wreath (microphotography shows that at least one leaf has a complicated shape, although distinguishing oak from laurel is very difficult) – earlier versions have Augustus bareheaded, no PP on obverse as in later versions, no NE ligature, palm with short fronds with tip right (later versions have tip left and sometimes long fronds). Not typical: no clear laurel wreath together with the rostral crown, gold (?) plating (!), both features really baffling.
But still clearly a "middle" kind of the croc dupondius, known as "type III": RIC I 158, RPC I 524, Sear 1730. It is often conservatively dated to 10 BC - 10 AD, but these days it is usually narrowed to 9/8 - 3 BC.
It is a commemorative issue, honoring the victory over Mark Antony and conquest of Egypt in 30 BC. The heads of Augustus and Agrippa were probably positioned to remind familiar obverses of Roman republican coins with two-faced Janus. Palm branch was a common symbol of victory, in this case grown into a tree, like the victories of Augustus and Agrippa grown into the empire. The two offshoots at the bottom may mean two sons of Agrippa, Gaius and Lucius, who were supposed to be Augustus' heirs and were patrons of the colony. Palm may also be a symbol of the local Nemausian deity, which was probably worshiped in a sacred grove. When these coins were minted, the colony was mostly populated by the settled veterans of Augustus' campaigns, hence the reminiscence of the most famous victory, but some of the original Celtic culture probably survived and was assimilated by Romans. The crocodile is not only the symbol of Egypt, like in the famous Octavian's coins AEGYPTO CAPTA. It is also a representation of Mark Antony, powerful and scary both in water and on land, but a bit slow and stupid. The shape of the crocodile with tail up was specifically chosen to remind of the shape of ship on very common "legionary" denarius series, which Mark Antony minted to pay his armies just before Actium. It is probably also related to the popular contemporary caricature of Cleopatra, riding on and simultaneously copulating with a crocodile, holding a palm branch in her hand as if in triumph. There the crocodile also symbolized Mark Antony.
Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa was born c. 64-62 BC somewhere in rural Italy. His family was of humble and plebeian origins, but rich, of equestrian rank. Agrippa was about the same age as Octavian, and the two were educated together and became close friends. He probably first served in Caesar's Spanish campaign of 46–45 BC. Caesar regarded him highly enough to send him with Octavius in 45 BC to train in Illyria. When Octavian returned to Rome after Caesar's assassination, Agrippa became his close lieutenant, performing many tasks. He probably started his political career in 43 BC as a tribune of the people and then a member of the Senate. Then he was one of the leading Octavian's generals, finally becoming THE leading general and admiral in the civil wars of the subsequent years.
In 38 as a governor of Transalpine Gaul Agrippa undertook an expedition to Germania, thus becoming the first Roman general since Julius Caesar to cross the Rhine. During this foray he helped the Germanic tribe of Ubii (who previously allied themselves with Caesar in 55 BC) to resettle on the west bank of the Rhine. A shrine was dedicated there, possibly to Divus Caesar whom Ubii fondly remembered, and the village became known as Ara Ubiorum, "Altar of Ubians". This quickly would become an important Roman settlement. Agrippina the Younger, Agrippa's granddaughter, wife of Emperor Claudius and mother of Emperor Nero, would be born there in 15 AD. In 50 AD she would sponsor this village to be upgraded to a colonia, and it would be renamed Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (colony of Claudius [at] the Altar of Agrippinians – Ubii renamed themselves as Agrippinians to honor the augusta!), abbreviated as CCAA, later to become the capital of new Roman province, Germania Inferior.
In 37 BC Octavian recalled Agrippa back to Rome and arranged for him to win the consular elections, he desperately needed help in naval warfare with Sextus Pompey, the youngest son of Pompey the Great, who styled himself as the last supporter of the republican cause, but in reality became a pirate king, an irony since his father was the one who virtually exterminated piracy in all the Roman waters. He forced humiliating armistice on the triumvirs in 39 BC and when Octavian renewed the hostilities a year later, defeated him in a decisive naval battle of Messina. New fleet had to be built and trained, and Agrippa was the man for the job. Agrippa's solution was creating a huge secret naval base he called Portus Iulius by connecting together lakes Avernus, Avernus and the natural inner and outer harbors behind Cape Misenum at the northern end of the Gulf of Naples. He also created a larger type of ship and developed a new naval weapon: harpax – a ballista-launched grapnel shot with mechanisms that allowed pulling enemy ships close for easy boarding. It replaced the previous boarding device that Romans used since the First Punic War, corvus – effective, but extremely cumbersome. A later defence against it were scythe blades on long poles for cutting ropes, but since this invention was developed in secret, the enemy had no chance to prepare anything like it. It all has proved extremely effective: in a series of naval engagements Agrippa annihilated the fleet of Sextus, forced him to abandon his bases and run away. For this Agrippa was awarded an unprecedented honour that no Roman before or after him received: a rostral crown, "corona rostrata", a wreath decorated in front by a prow and beak of a ship.
That's why Virgil (Aeneid VIII, 683-684), describing Agrippa at Actium, says: "…belli insigne superbum, tempora navali fulgent rostrata corona." "…the proud military decoration, gleams on his brow the naval rostral crown". Actium, the decisive battle between forces of Octavian and Mark Antony, may appear boring compared to the war with Sextus, but it probably turned out this way due to Agrippa's victories in preliminary naval engagements and taking over all the strategy from Octavian.
In between the wars Agrippa has shown an unusual talent in city planning, not only constructing many new public buildings etc., but also greatly improving Rome's sanitation by doing a complete overhaul of all the aqueducts and sewers. Typically, it was Augustus who later would boast that "he had found the city of brick but left it of marble", forgetting that, just like in his naval successes, it was Agrippa who did most of the work. Agrippa had building programs in other Roman cities as well, a magnificent temple (currently known as Maison Carrée) survives in Nîmes itself, which was probably built by Agrippa.
Later relationship between Augustus and Agrippa seemed colder for a while, Agrippa seemed to even go into "exile", but modern historians agree that it was just a ploy: Augustus wanted others to think that Agrippa was his "rival" while in truth he was keeping a significant army far away from Rome, ready to come to the rescue in case Augustus' political machinations fail. It is confirmed by the fact that later Agrippa was recalled and given authority almost equal to Augustus himself, not to mention that he married Augustus' only biological child. The last years of Agrippa's life were spent governing the eastern provinces, were he won respect even of the Jews. He also restored Crimea to Roman Empire. His last service was starting the conquest of the upper Danube, were later the province of Pannonia would be. He suddenly died of illness in 12 BC, aged ~51.
Agrippa had several children through his three marriages. Through some of his children, Agrippa would become ancestor to many subsequent members of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. He has numerous other legacies.Yurii P
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(0177) COMMODUS--AUGUSTA TRAIANA177 - 192 AD
struck 191-192 AD
AE 29.5 mm; 15.36 g
Magistrate: L. Aemilius Iustus (Legatus Augusti pro praetore provinciae Thraciae)
O: AV KAI [M] AV KOMOΔOC (or similar) Laureate bust right
R: ΗΓΕ Λ ΑΙΜ ΙΟVСΤ ΑVΓΟVСΤΗС ΤΡΑΙΑΝΗС City gate with 3 towers
Thrace, Augusta Traiana
cf RPC online 10823, citing a Freeman & Sear sale of 2005, without picture.
Note: (from C. Clay, 3.21.2015) "Governor Aem. Justus is rare at this mint, yours may be just the second specimen recorded. Not known to Varbanov, or to Stein in his 1926 monograph on Thracian officials. Apparently not in Schoenert-Geiss's Augusta Traiana corpus, or Varbanov would have known it from there."
d.s.laney
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(0193) SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS193 - 211 AD
AE 27 mm; 13.25 g
O: Laureate draped bust right
R: Dionysos standing left, holding thrysos and grape cluster or kantharos
Naxos, Cyclades
cf Paris 322; Boutin 2457-2460; Le Quéré 106; Chaix 309; Mionnet Supp IV, 237
ex d.s.laney
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(0198) GETA198 - 212 AD
AE 19.6 mm, 4.48 g
O: PCENTI GETAC . Bare headed and draped bust right
R: [PAVTA LI] WTWN . Bunch of grapes hanging
(double struck)
Thrace, Pautalia
Rarelaney
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(0218) ELAGABALUS218-222 AD
17.5 mm, 2.97 g
O: Laureate head right
R: MARKIANOPOLITWN cluster of grapes on stalk
Markianopolislaney
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(11) TITUS79 - 81 AD
(struck 80 AD)
AE As 26 mm 9.09 g
O: IMP T CAES VESP AVG P M TR P COS VIII
LAUR HEAD R
R: ANEPIGRAPHIC
SPES ADVANCING LEFT HOLDING FLOWER AND RAISING HEM OF SKIRT, S-C
ROMElaney
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(12) DOMITIAN81 - 96 AD
AE As 26 mm 9.62 g
O: CAES DIVI AVG VESP F DOMITIAN COS VII Laureate head right
R: (anepigraphic)Minerva advancing right holding shield and brandishing spear S-C
Cohen 459laney
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(500a113) Roman Republic, P. Licinius Nerva, 113-112 B.C.ROMAN REPUBLIC: P. Licinius Nerva. AR denarius (3.93 gm). Rome, ca. 113-112 BC. Helmeted bust of Roma left, holding spear over right shoulder and shield on left arm, crescent above, * before, ROMA behind / P. NERVA, voting scene showing two citizens casting their ballots in the Comitium, one receiving a ballot from an attendant, the other dropping his ballot into a vessel at right. Crawford 292/1. RSC Licinia 7. RCTV 169. Nearly very fine. Ex Freeman and Sear.
Here is a denarius whose reverse device is one that celebrates the privilege and responsibility that is the foundation of a democratic society; it is a forerunner to the L. Cassius Longinus denarius of 63 B.C. Granted, humanity had a long road ahead toward egalitarianism when this coin was struck, but isn't it an interesting testimony to civil liberty's heritage? "The voter on the left (reverse) receives his voting tablet from an election officer. Horizontal lines in the background indicate the barrier separating every voting division from the others. Both voters go across narrow raised walks (pontes); this is intended to ensure that the voter is seen to cast his vote without influence" (Meier, Christian. Caesar: A Biography. Berlin: Severin and Siedler, 1982. Plate 12). This significant coin precedes the Longinus denarius by 50 years.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
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(504c) Roman Republic, L. Cassius Longinus, 63 B.C.Silver denarius, Crawford 413/1, RSC I Cassia 10, SRCV I 364, aVF, struck with worn dies, Rome mint, weight 3.867g, maximum diameter 20.3mm, die axis 0o, c. 63 B.C. Obverse: veiled bust of Vesta left, kylix behind, L before; Reverse: LONGIN III V, voter standing left, dropping tablet inscribed V into a cista.
The reverse of this Longinus denarius captures a fascinating moment when a Roman citizen casts his ballot. "The abbreviation III V [ir] indentifies Longinus as one of the three annually appointed mintmasters (officially called tres viri aere argento auro flando feriundo). A citizen is seen casting his vote into the urn. On the ballot is the letter 'U', short for uti rogas, a conventional formula indicating assent to a motion. The picture alludes to the law, requested by an ancestor of the mintmaster, which introduced the secret ballot in most proceedings of the popular court" (Meier, Christian. Caesar, a Biography. Berlin: Severin and Siedler, 1982. Plate 6).
The date that this denarius was struck possesses unique significance for another reason. Marcus Tullius Cicero (politician, philosopher, orator, humanist) was elected consul for the year 63 BC -- the first man elected consul who had no consular ancestors in more than 30 years. A "new man," Cicero was not the descendant of a "patrician" family, nor was his family wealthy (although Cicero married "well"). Cicero literally made himself the man he was by the power of the words he spoke and the way in which he spoke them. A witness to and major player during the decline of the Roman Republic, Cicero was murdered in 43 BC by thugs working for Marc Antony. But Cicero proved impossible to efface.
Cicero's words became part of the bed rock of later Roman education. As Peter Heather notes, every educated young man in the late Roman Empire studied "a small number of literary texts under the guidance of an expert in language and literary interpretation, the grammarian. This occupied the individual for seven or more years from about the age of eight, and concentrated on just four authors: Vergil, Cicero, Sallust and Terence" (Heather, Peter. The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. 17).
Plutarch: Cicero's Death
But in the meantime the assassins were come with a band of soldiers, Herennius, a centurion, and Popillius, a tribune, whom Cicero had formerly defended when prosecuted for the murder of his father. Finding the doors shut, they broke them open, and Cicero not appearing, and those within saying they knew not where he was, it is stated that a youth, who had been educated by Cicero in the liberal arts and sciences, an emancipated slave of his brother Quintus, Philologus by name, informed the tribune that the litter was on its way to the sea through the close and shady walks. The tribune, taking a few with him, ran to the place where he was to come out. And Cicero, perceiving Herennius running in the walks, commanded his servants to set down the litter; and stroking his chin, as he used to do, with his left hand, he looked steadfastly upon his murderers, his person covered with dust, his beard and hair untrimmed, and his face worn with his troubles. So that the greatest part of those that stood by covered their faces whilst Herennius slew him. And thus was he murdered, stretching forth his neck out of the litter, being now in his sixty-fourth year. Herennius cut off his head, and, by Antony's command, his hands also, by which his Philippics were written; for so Cicero styled those orations he wrote against Antony, and so they are called to this day.
When these members of Cicero were brought to Rome, Antony was holding an assembly for the choice of public officers; and when he heard it, and saw them, he cried out, "Now let there be an end of our proscriptions." He commanded his head and hands to be fastened up over the rostra, where the orators spoke; a sight which the Roman people shuddered to behold, and they believed they saw there, not the face of Cicero, but the image of Antony's own soul. And yet amidst these actions he did justice in one thing, by delivering up Philologus to Pomponia, the wife of Quintus; who, having got his body into her power, besides other grievous punishments, made him cut off his own flesh by pieces, and roast and eat it; for so some writers have related. But Tiro, Cicero's emancipated slave, has not so much as mentioned the treachery of Philologus.
Translation by John Dryden: http://intranet.grundel.nl/thinkquest/moord_cicero_plu.html
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.Cleisthenes
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*SOLD*Greek Thracian – Chersonese/Cherronesos AR Hemidrachm
Attribution: Weber 2419, 2434; McClean 4079, BMC 11
Date: 400-350 BC
Obverse: Forepart of lion w/ head reverted and gaping mouth
Reverse: Quadripartite incuse square, alternating depressions with pellet in one and
bunch of grapes in the other
Size: 14 mm
ex-ForvmNoah
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..SMHε.AE3/4 Follis, 2.42 g, 17 mm, 11 h
Obverse: VRBS ROMA
Helmeted (with plume) wearing imperial cloak and ornamental necklace, bust left
Reverse: Anepigraphic
She-wolf to left suckling Romulus and Remus, 2 stars above
Exergue: ..SMHε.
Heraclea mint
RIC VII 134drjbca
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.SMHεAE3/4 Follis, 2.48 g, 17 mm, 6 h, 330-333 AD
Obverse: VRBS ROMA
Helmeted (with plume) wearing imperial cloak and ornamental necklace, bust left
Reverse: Anepigraphic
She-wolf to left suckling Romulus and Remus, 2 stars above
Exergue: .SMHε
Heraclea mint
RIC VII 119drjbca
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0001 Sasanian Empire Khusro II -- Year 2 -- BishapurObv: Pahlavi script legend: to the l. on two lines reading down leftward and outward is GDH/'pzwt (xwarrah abzūd) and to the r. on one line reading down is hwslwd (Husraw) = Khusro has increased the royal glory; frontal bust facing r. of bearded Khusro II with a hair globe drawn to the back of the neck, crown with three merlons and attached to the top of the crown cap are wings (group of pellets within the base) with an attached crescent and star, double pearl diadem with three ribbons behind, earring made up of three dots, neckline edged with a row of pearls, both shoulders decorated with a crescent and star, double row of pearls from shoulders to breast, two dots on the breast, star in upper l. field, star and crescent in upper r. field, two dotted rims with a star on a crescent at 3h, 6h, and 9h.
Rev: Pahlavi script legend: to the l. reading down is year tlyn of Khusro II's reign and to the r. reading down is the mint mark BYSh = year 2 of Khusro II's reign, Bishapur; fire altar with a base consisting of two slabs and a shaft with two ribbons pointing upwards to the r. and l. of the shaft with four altar slabs on top and flames consisting of four tiers rendered as four then three then two then one upward stroke, star to the l. and crescent to the r. of the top two tiers, to the l. and r. of the altar are two frontal facing attendants each holding a sword pointing downwards with the r. hand over the l. hand and wearing a rounded cap, three dotted rims with a star on a crescent at 3h, 6h, 9h, and 12h.
Denomination: silver drachm; Mint: Bishapur; Date: year 2, 591 - 592 AD; Weight: 4.12g; Diameter: 29mm; Die axis: 90º; References, for example: Göbl II/2; SNS Iran 580 and 581 (same mint and regnal year).
Regnal year 2 saw major changes to the coinage of Khusro II. First, the defeat of Wahrām Chōbēn (Wahrām VI) brought to an end the interruption of Khusro II's xwarrah and so wings representing Vərəθraγna/Verethragna (Avestan), Wahrām (Middle Persian), Bahrām (Persian), i.e. the god or personification of victory, were added to Khusro II's crown. Second, for the first time in Sasanian coinage the ideogram GDH (xwarrah) is added to the legend (obverse). Third, on the reverse six pointed stars are added to the crescent moons outside of the three dotted rims at 3h, 6h, 9h, and 12h. Six pointed stars can be considered representations of the sun (see Gariboldi 2010 pp. 36ff and the sources referenced in footnote 71, p. 37).
See Daryaee (1997) for an interesting study of the religious and political iconography on the coinage of Khusro II*. He argues that Khusro II implemented iconographic changes in regnal year 2 (591 - 592 AD) as a direct result of suppressing the rebellion (with the assistance of the Byzantine Emperor Maurice) of the brilliant general Wahrām Chōbēn (Wahrām VI) in 591 AD. Further iconographic changes were carried out in regnal year 11 (600 - 601 AD) in response to the final defeat in 600 AD of the 10 year rule/rebellion of Wistahm**, his uncle (as the brother-in-law of his father Ohrmazd IV) and former staunch supporter.
*The study cannot be intended to be complete. For example, there is no discussion of the legend 'pd that appeared, beginning in the 12th regnal year but not present for all subsequent years or at all mints, in the second quadrant outside of the rims on the obverse. Gariboldi 2010 (p.64) translates the legend as "good", "excellent", "wonderful" while Göbl 1983 (p. 331) translates it as "praise".
**There is some debate about when Wistahm was finally eliminated. Daryaee, following Paruck 1924, relies on (purported?) numismatic evidence that the last coin minted in his name was for year 10. Therefore Daryaee states that 600 AD was the year of elimination (Daryaee 1997, p. 53 n. 38. Also see Daryaee 2009, p. 33 n. 166 for a slightly more tepid assertion). Frye 1984 implies a 10 year rule for Wistahm, stating that "it was not until 601 that the rule of Chosroes [Khusro] was restored over all of the empire..." (p. 336). Göbl SN, however, states that 10 years of reign are said to be represented, although personally he had only seen coins of years 2 through 7 (p. 53). Thus Wistahm's years in SN's Table XI are listed as "591/2 - 597?" Malek 1993 also lists Wistahm's years as 591/2 - 97 (p. 237).
Provenance: Ex Stephen Album Rare Coins Auction 36, January 25, 2020
Photo Credit: Stephen Album Rare Coins
Sources
Daryaee, Touraj. 'The Use of Religio-Political Propaganda on Coins of Xusrō II." The Journal of the American Numismatics (1989-), vol. 9 (1997): 41-53.
Daryaee, Touraj. Sasanian Persia: The Rise And Fall Of An Empire. London: I. B. Tauris, 2009.
Frye, Richard. The History of Ancient Iran. Munich: C.H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1984.
Gariboldi, Andrea. Sasanian Coinage and History: The Civic Numismatic Collection of Milan. Costa Mesa: Mazda Publishers, 2010.
Göbl, Robert. Sasanian Numismatics. Braunschweig: Klinkhardt and Biermann, 1971.
Göbl 1983: Yarshater, Ehsan, ed. The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 3 (1), The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Periods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983: 322 - 336.
Malek, Hodge. "A Survey of Research on Sasanian Numismatics." The Numismatic Chronicle (1966-), vol. 153 (1993): 227 - 269.
Paruck, F.D.J. Sasanian Coins. Bombay: 1924.
SNS Iran: Akbarzadeh, Daryoosh and Nikolaus Schindel. Sylloge Nummorum Sasanidarum Iran A Late Sasanian Hoard from Orumiyeh. Wien: Österreichischen Akademie Der Wissenschaften, 2017.
Tracy Aiello
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0002 Sasanian Empire Khusro II -- Year 5 -- CtesiphonObv: Pahlavi script legend: to the l. on two lines reading down leftward and outward is GDH/'pzwt (xwarrah abzūd) and to the r. on one line reading down is hwslwd (Husraw) = Khusro has increased the royal glory; frontal bust facing r. of bearded Khusro II with a hair globe drawn to the back of the neck, crown with three merlons and attached to the top of the crown cap are wings (lines within the base, wings open) with an attached crescent and star, double pearl diadem with three ribbons behind, earring made up of three dots, neckline edged with a row of pearls, both shoulders decorated with a crescent and star, double row of pearls from shoulders to breast, two dots on the breast, star in upper l. field, star and crescent in upper r. field, two dotted rims with a star on a crescent at 3h, 6h, and 9h.
Rev: Pahlavi script legend: to the l. reading down is year ḥwmŝ‵ of Khusro II's reign and to the r. reading down is the mint mark WYHC = year 5 of Khusro II's reign, Ctesiphon; fire altar with a base consisting of two slabs and a shaft with two ribbons pointing upwards to the r. and l. of the shaft with four altar slabs on top and flames consisting of four tiers rendered as four then three then two then one upward stroke, star to the l. and crescent to the r. of the top two tiers, to the l. and r. of the altar are two frontal facing attendants each holding a sword pointing downwards with the r. hand over the l. hand and wearing a rounded cap, three dotted rims with a star on a crescent at 3h, 6h, 9h, and 12h.
Denomination: silver drachm; Mint: Ctesiphon;1 Date: year 5, 594 - 595 AD; Weight: 4.10g; Diameter: 31.34mm; Die axis: 90º; References, for example: Göbl II/2.
Notes:
1See Schindel (2005) pp. 296 - 299 for an argument identifying the Pahlavi mint signature WYHC with Ctesipon.
See Daryaee (1997) for an interesting study of the religious and political iconography on the coinage of Khusro II*. He argues that Khusro II implemented iconographic changes in regnal year 2 (591 - 592 AD) as a direct result of suppressing the rebellion (with the assistance of the Byzantine Emperor Maurice) of the brilliant general Wahrām Chōbēn (Wahrām VI) in 591 AD. Further iconographic changes were carried out in regnal year 11 (600 - 601 AD) in response to the final defeat in 600 AD of the 10 year rule/rebellion of Wistahm**, his uncle (as the brother-in-law of his father Ohrmazd IV) and former staunch supporter.
*The study cannot be intended to be complete. For example, there is no discussion of the legend 'pd that appeared, beginning in the 12th regnal year but not present for all subsequent years or at all mints, in the second quadrant outside of the rims on the obverse. Gariboldi 2010 (p.64) translates the legend as "good", "excellent", "wonderful' while Göbl 1983 (p. 331) translates it as "praise".
**There is some debate about when Wistahm was finally eliminated. Daryaee, following Paruck 1924, relies on (purported?) numismatic evidence that the last coin minted in his name was for year 10. Therefore Daryaee states that 600 AD was the year of elimination (Daryaee 1997, p. 53 n. 38. Also see Daryaee 2009, p. 33 n. 166 for a slightly more tepid assertion). Frye 1984 implies a 10 year rule for Wistahm, stating that "it was not until 601 that the rule of Chosroes [Khusro] was restored over all of the empire..." (p. 336). Göbl SN, however, states that 10 years of reign are said to be represented, although personally he had only seen coins of years 2 through 7 (p. 53). Thus Wistahm's years in SN's Table XI are listed as "591/2 - 597?" Malek 1993 also lists Wistahm's years as 591/2 - 97 (p. 237).
Provenance: Ex Marc R. Breitsprecher, Classical Numismatist October 2, 2018.
Photo Credit: Marc R. Breitsprecher, Classical Numismatist
Sources
Daryaee, Touraj. "The Use of Religio-Political Propaganda on Coins of Xusrō II." The Journal of the American Numismatics (1989-), vol. 9 (1997): 41-53.
Daryaee, Touraj. Sasanian Persia: The Rise And Fall Of An Empire. London: I. B. Tauris, 2009.
Frye, Richard. The History of Ancient Iran. Munich: C.H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1984.
Gariboldi, Andrea. Sasanian Coinage and History: The Civic Numismatic Collection of Milan. Costa Mesa: Mazda Publishers, 2010.
Göbl, Robert. Sasanian Numismatics. Braunschweig: Klinkhardt and Biermann, 1971.
Göbl 1983: Yarshater, Ehsan, ed. The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 3 (1), The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Periods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983: 322 - 336.
Malek, Hodge. "A Survey of Research on Sasanian Numismatics." The Numismatic Chronicle (1966-), vol. 153 (1993): 227 - 269.
Paruck, F.D.J. Sasanian Coins. Bombay: 1924.
Schindel, Nickolaus. "Sasanian Mint Abbreviations: The Evidence of Style." The Numismatic Chronicle (1966-), vol. 165 (2005): 287 - 299.Tracy Aiello
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0003 Sasanian Empire Khusro II -- Year 35 -- CtesiphonObv: Pahlavi script legend: to the l. on two lines reading down leftward and outward (with the first word extending through the inner rim) is GDH/'pzwt (xwarrah abzūd) and to the r. on one line reading down is hwslwd (Husraw) = Khusro has increased the royal glory; frontal bust facing r. of bearded Khusro II with a hair globe drawn to the back of the neck, crown with three merlons and attached to the top of the crown cap are wings (lines within the base, wings open) with an attached crescent and star, double pearl diadem with three ribbons behind, earring made up of three dots, neckline edged with a row of pearls, both shoulders decorated with a crescent and star, double row of pearls from shoulders to breast, two dots on the breast, star in upper l. field and star and crescent in upper r. field both extending through the inner rim, two dotted rims with a star on a crescent at 3h, 6h, and 9h.
Rev: Pahlavi script legend: to the l. reading down is year pncsyh of Khusro II's reign and to the r. reading down is the mint mark WYHC = year 35 of Khusro II's reign, Ctesiphon; fire altar with a base consisting of two slabs and a shaft with two ribbons pointing upwards to the r. and l. of the shaft with four altar slabs on top and flames consisting of four tiers rendered as four then three then two then one upward stroke, star to the l. and crescent to the r. of the top two tiers, to the l. and r. of the altar are two frontal facing attendants each holding a sword pointing downwards with the r. hand over the l. hand and wearing a crescent cap, three dotted rims with a star on a crescent at 3h, 6h, 9h, and 12h.
Denomination: silver drachm; Mint: Ctesiphon;1 Date: year 35, 624 - 625 AD; Weight: 4.11g; Diameter: 32.6mm; Die axis: 90º; References, for example: Göbl II/3.
Notes:
1See Schindel (2005) pp. 296 - 299 for an argument identifying the Pahlavi mint signature WYHC with Ctesipon.
See Daryaee (1997) for an interesting study of the religious and political iconography on the coinage of Khusro II*. He argues that Khusro II implemented iconographic changes in regnal year 2 (591 - 592 AD) as a direct result of suppressing the rebellion (with the assistance of the Byzantine Emperor Maurice) of the brilliant general Wahrām Chōbēn (Wahrām VI) in 591 AD. Further iconographic changes were carried out in regnal year 11 (600 - 601 AD) in response to the final defeat in 600 AD of the 10 year rule/rebellion of Wistahm**, his uncle (as the brother-in-law of his father Ohrmazd IV) and former staunch supporter.
*The study cannot be intended to be complete. For example, there is no discussion of the legend 'pd that appeared, beginning in the 12th regnal year but not present for all subsequent years or at all mints, in the second quadrant outside of the rims on the obverse. Gariboldi 2010 (p.64) translates the legend as "good", "excellent", "wonderful" while Göbl 1983 (p. 331) translates it as "praise".
**There is some debate about when Wistahm was finally eliminated. Daryaee, following Paruck 1924, relies on (purported?) numismatic evidence that the last coin minted in his name was for year 10. Therefore Daryaee states that 600 AD was the year of elimination (Daryaee 1997, p. 53 n. 38. Also see Daryaee 2009, p. 33 n. 166 for a slightly more tepid assertion). Frye 1984 implies a 10 year rule for Wistahm, stating that "it was not until 601 that the rule of Chosroes [Khusro] was restored over all of the empire..." (p. 336). Göbl SN, however, states that 10 years of reign are said to be represented, although personally he had only seen coins of years 2 through 7 (p. 53). Thus Wistahm's years in SN's Table XI are listed as "591/2 - 597?" Malek 1993 also lists Wistahm's years as 591/2 - 97 (p. 237).
Provenance: Ex Forum Ancient Coins June 8, 2018, from the Jyrki Muona Collection; Ex CNG e-auction 59 (26 Feb 2003), lot 77; Ex CNG e-auction 57 (4 Apr 2001), lot 47.
Photo Credit: Forum Ancient Coins
Sources
Daryaee, Touraj. "The Use of Religio-Political Propaganda on Coins of Xusrō II." The Journal of the American Numismatics (1989-), vol. 9 (1997): 41-53.
Daryaee, Touraj. Sasanian Persia: The Rise And Fall Of An Empire. London: I. B. Tauris, 2009.
Frye, Richard. The History of Ancient Iran. Munich: C.H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1984.
Gariboldi, Andrea. Sasanian Coinage and History: The Civic Numismatic Collection of Milan. Costa Mesa: Mazda Publishers, 2010.
Göbl, Robert. Sasanian Numismatics. Braunschweig: Klinkhardt and Biermann, 1971.
Göbl 1983: Yarshater, Ehsan, ed. The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 3 (1), The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Periods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983: 322 - 336.
Malek, Hodge. "A Survey of Research on Sasanian Numismatics." The Numismatic Chronicle (1966-), vol. 153 (1993): 227 - 269.
Paruck, F.D.J. Sasanian Coins. Bombay: 1924.
Schindel, Nickolaus. "Sasanian Mint Abbreviations: The Evidence of Style." The Numismatic Chronicle (1966-), vol. 165 (2005): 287 - 299.Tracy Aiello
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009. Vitellius 69 ADVITELLIUS. 69 AD.
Without doubt, the most fortuitous moment in Vitellius' political career was his appointment as governor of Lower Germany by the emperor Galba late in 68.
Vitellius has not escaped the hostility of his biographers. While he may well have been gluttonous, his depiction as indolent, cruel, and extravagant is based almost entirely on the propaganda of his enemies. On the other hand, whatever moderating tendencies he did show were overshadowed by his clear lack of military expertise, a deficiency that forced him to rely in critical situations on largely inneffective lieutenants. As a result he was no match for his Flavian successors, and his humiliating demise was perfectly in keeping with the overall failure of his reign.
AR Denarius (20mm, 3.24 gm). Rome mint. Laureate head right / Tripod-lebes; dolphin above, raven below. RIC I 109; RSC 111. Ex-Cngecoli
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0139 - AE Alexander III the Great 336-23 BCObv/ Head of Heracles r. wearing lion-skin headdress.
Rev/ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ in middle, with goryte, bow and mallet at sides; bunch of grapes and circle on r.
AE, 19.1 mm, 6.33 g
Mint: Macedonia uncertain.
Price -- - Drama 103
ex-CGB, auction 49, lot 155dafnis
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02 Augusts RIC I 86aAugustus. 27 B.C.-14 A.D.. Colonia Patricia Mint. 19 B.C. (3.13g, 18.4mm, 2h). Obv: CAESAR AVGSTVS, bare head right. Rev: SIGNIS RECEPTIS, Aquila on l. and standard on r. flanking SPQR arranged around shield inscribed CL V. RIC I 86a, BMC 417, RSC 265.
An important historical type commemorating the return of the legionary eagles lost by Crassus to the Parthians in the battle of Carrhae in 53 B.C. This example has wonderful toning, is perfectly centered, and retains complete legends, even the CL V on the shield is preserved better than the photograph shows. Lucas H
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02 Augustus RIC I 0359Augustus 27 B.C.-14 A.D. Moneyer L. Vinicius. Rome Mint. 16 B.C. (3.72g, 18.8m, 5h). Obv: Anepigraphic, bare head right. Rev: L Vinicivs in ex., Triumphal arch inscribed SPQR IMP CAE in two lines sur. by Quadriga bearing Augustus, r. holding laurel-branch, l. scepter; smaller arch on sides w archer on l. and slinger on r. RIC I 359 (R2). RSC 544.
This coin depicts Augustus’ triple arch, perhaps the first in Rome. Beginning as a double arch to commemorate his victory at Actium, the third arch was probably added to commemorate the return of the lost standards from Parthia. For a scarce type, this example is well centered and has good details on the reverse including complete legends.Lucas H
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02. Persian Empire: Province of Cilicia: City of Tarsos.Double shekel, ca. 351 BC.
Obverse: Baal of Tarsos seated, holding eagle, ear of wheat, bunch of grapes, and sceptre.
Reverse: Lion attacking bull.
10.51 gm., 24 mm.
S. #5650; series V in Myriandros Katisson (E.T. Newell).Callimachus
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020 - Nero AE As - RIC 543 AE As
Obv:- IMP NERO CAESAR AVG P MAX TR P P P (separated with dots), Bare head right with globe at tip
Rev:- -, Victory flying left holding shield inscribed S P Q R, S - C
Minted in Lugdunum. Circa A.D. 66
Reference:- BMCRE 381. RIC Vol I Nero 543
A decent example with a broken patina, a decent portrait, clear legends with the dots in the legends clearly visible.
Please click on the image to see a larger photograph. maridvnvm
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027a06. CaracallaBI Tetradrachm. 26mm, 13.70 g. JUDAEA. Aelia Capitolina (Jerusalem).
Obv: AVT KAI ANTWNINOC CE, Laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right. Rev: ΔHMAPX ЄΞ OYCIAC YΠA TO Δ. Eagle standing facing on thyrsos, wings open, head left; bunch of grapes between legs, vine below. Prieur 1623.lawrence c
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027p Traianus (98-117 A.D.), Caria, Tabae, SNG Cop-559, AE-23, TABHNΩN, Demeter standing left, #1027p Traianus (98-117 A.D.), Caria, Tabae, SNG Cop-559, AE-23, TABHNΩN, Demeter standing left, #1
avers: AY KAI TPAIA NOC API ΓEΔA, Laureate head right.
reverse: TABH NΩN, Demeter, polos on the head, standing left, holding corn-ears, a bunch of grapes and scepter.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 22-24 mm, weight: 9,16g, axis: 0h,
mint: Caria, Tabae, date: A.D.,
ref: SNG Cop-559, SNG Aulock 2718, SNG München 545, Hunter 4; Weber Coll. 6586; BMC 74.
Q-001quadrans
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027p Traianus (98-117 A.D.), Thrace, Perinthos, Moushmov 4438, AE-20, ΠEPINΘIΩN•, Dionysus standing left, #1027p Traianus (98-117 A.D.), Thrace, Perinthos, Moushmov 4438, AE-20, ΠEPINΘIΩN•, Dionysus standing left, #1
avers: AVTOKP N TPAIAOC CEB•Γ•Γ•Δ•, Laureate head right, slight drapery on the left shoulder.
reverse: ΠEPIN ΘIΩN•, Dionysus standing left, holding cantharus (or grapes) over lighted altar (or panther), and thyrsus, star on the left field.
exergue: */-//--, diameter: 20-21 mm, weight: 3,94g, axis: 7h,
mint: Thrace, Perinthos, date: A.D.,
ref: Moushmov 4438, SNG Cop 736, Mionnet II 1191,
Q-001quadrans
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04 Gaius (Caligula) RIC I 2Gaius (Caligula) 37-41 A.D. AR Denarius. Lugdunum (Lyons) Mint 37 AD. (3.3g, 18.5mm, 2h). Obv: C CAESAR AVG GERM P M TR POT COS, bare head right. Rev: anepigraphic, Augustus, radiate head right between two stars. RIC I 2, BMC 4, Sear 1808. Ex personal collection Steve McBride/Incitatus Coins.
Son of Germanicus, Gaius was adopted by Tiberius and was proclaimed Emperor on Tiberius’ death. His reign, marked by cruelty, was ended when he was assassinated by the Praetorian Guard. There is some question when the Imperial Mint was moved from Lugdunum to Rome, but the majority view holds at least Gaius’ early issues were still from Lugdunum.
With more than moderate wear and damage, this coin still has an almost complete obverse legend, and is a decent weight. It was very difficult for me to track down a denarius of Gaius. Lucas H
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049p Septimius Severus (193-211 A.D.), Thrace, Hadriannopolis, Varbanov-2 3354, AE-18, AΔPIANO ΠOΛEITON, Bunch of Grapes, #1049p Septimius Severus (193-211 A.D.), Thrace, Hadriannopolis, Varbanov-2 3354, AE-18, AΔPIANO ΠOΛEITON, Bunch of Grapes, #1
avers: AVK•Λ•CEΠ•CEV•H•POC, Laureate head right.
reverse: AΔPIANO ΠOΛEITON, Bunch of grapes.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 18,0mm, weight: 3,40g, axis: 1h,
mint: Thrace, Hadriannopolis, date: 193-211 A.D.,
ref: Varbanov-2 3354, p-277,
Q-001quadrans
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049p Septimius Severus (193-211 A.D.), Thrace, Philippopolis, Varbanov 1338, AE-18, Bunch of Grapes, Scarce! #1049p Septimius Severus (193-211 A.D.), Thrace, Philippopolis, Varbanov 1338, AE-18, Bunch of Grapes, Scarce! #1
avers: AY KAI CE CEVHROC, Laureate head left.
reverse: ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟΠΟΛΙΤΟΝ, Bunch of grapes.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 18,0mm, weight: 3,07g, axis: h,
mint: Thrace, Philippopolis, date: 193-211 A.D.,
ref: Varbanov (Engl.) 1338, (private coll. O. Gavrailov,)
Q-001quadrans
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051p Caracalla (196-198 A.D. Caesar, 198-217 A.D. Augustus ), Moesia, Nicopolis Ad Istrum, HrHJ-08.18.08.13, AE-17, Bunch of Grapes, #1051p Caracalla (196-198 A.D. Caesar, 198-217 A.D. Augustus ), Moesia, Nicopolis Ad Istrum, HrHJ-08.18.08.13, AE-17, Bunch of Grapes, #1
avers: MAP AV KAI ANTΩNINO, Bareheaded-bust-r.
reverse: NIKOΠOΛIT ΠPOC ICTPON, Bunch of grapes,
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 16,5-18,0mm, weight: 2,11g, axis: 7h,
mint: Moesia, Nicopolis Ad Istrum, date: A.D.,
ref: Hristova/Hoeft/Jekov HrHJ-8.18.06.13, p-187
Q-001quadrans
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053. 2'nd Jewish (bar Kokhba) Revolt.Zuz (denarius), attributed to Year 3 (134-35 AD).
Obverse: (Shim'on) / Bunch of Grapes.
Reverse: (For the Freedom of Jerusalem) / Lyre with three strings.
3.19 gm., 18.5 mm.
Mildenberg #205.19 (this coin); Hendin #734.
This coin likely started out as a denarius of one of the Roman emperors between Vespasian and Hadrian. Many coins of the Second Jewish Revolt show traces of the earlier Roman coin. This coin is no exception, and traces of the previous coin can be seen on the obverse in and around the bunch of grapes.
The bunch of grapes on the obverse is an ancient symbol of blessing and fertility. As such it occasionally appears on ancient coins of other areas besides this series. Given the messianic nature of the Bar Kokhba revolt, the bunch of grapes takes on added significance because in Jewish prophetic literature, grapes (and the vine or vineyard) are often symbolic of the restoration of Israel, or even symbolic of Israel itself.
The lyre on the reverse is associated with temple worship, as are trumpets, which are also found on coins of the Bar Kokhba Revolt. King David is mentioned as playing a lyre, and there are numerous Biblical references to praising the Lord with the lyre and trumpets. (The word "kinnor," sometimes translated as "harp," is really a type of lyre.) Even today the lyre is an important Jewish symbol and the state of Israel has chosen to portray it on the half New Israeli Sheqel coin. Callimachus
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053c Elagabalus. AE 18obv: AVT K M AVR ANTONINO C laur. head r.
rev: MAPKIANOTTO ATTON tall basket with grapes
hill132
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056/4 Subgroup 85 & 86A AE TriensAnonymous. Ae Triens. Apulia. 212-208 BC. (9.08 g, 23.72 g) Obv: Helmeted head of Minerva right, four pellets above. Rev: ROMA, prow right, four pellets below.
Originally defined as Crawford 56/4, this type of Triens have been assigned to subgroup 85 & 86A. This is a Q or H triens, that is missing the Q or H. Andrew McCabe gives the subgroup the number F1 which has the following characteristics:
"Mint: Apulia. Second Punic war. Related to RRC 85 H, and RRC 86 anchor and Q. Obverses are in high relief. The general style, for examples Janus, or Hercules’ truncation, or the regular reverse prow, is like RRC 86 anchor and Q. Reverses of Sextans and Quadrans have either regular, or Luceria style, prows with a club in an elevated fighting platform. On regular reverses, the top and central keel lines join half way across prow. Flans are thin and broad akin to late issues of Luceria. All denominations As through Sextans are known."
"The regular reverse prow is tall (height/width) with a fighting platform and deck structure elevated more than usual, and there is always a line extending either side of the deck structure. The keel-lines are also distinctive, with the middle of the three lines always converging with the top line half way across the prow... These specific design features – especially the middle keel line converging with the upper line half way across the prow – are identical with and typical of the RRC 86A Q series from Apulia58... The obverses of all denominations are in high relief, and show high quality engraving."
"So a close geographic and timing link between the Anchor Q, H, L, L-T, CA and P coins can be posited. These coins are certainly a second Punic war issue from Apulia. It remains open for discussion which city minted these group F1 coins, presumably alongside the RRC 85 and RRC 86 issues."
This is one out of six specimens: "F1 Triens: 6 coins, mean 9.4 grams, heaviest 10.5 grams".
All quotes are from the work of Andrew McCabe.
Link to thread at Forvm Ancient Coins: http://www.forumancientcoins.com/board/index.php?topic=90604.0
On this topic at Andrew McCabe's homepage: http://andrewmccabe.ancients.info/RRC056.html
I would strongly recommend anyone who wants to learn more about Roman Republican coins to give Andrew McCabe's homepage a visit.
Paddy
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056p Elagabalus (218-222 A.D.), Moesia, Nicopolis Ad Istrum, HHJ-08.26.08.05, AE-17, Dionysos left,056p Elagabalus (218-222 A.D.), Moesia, Nicopolis Ad Istrum, HHJ-08.26.08.05, AE-17, Dionysos left,
avers:- AV-K-M-AVP-ANTΩNINOC, Laureate, draped and couirassed bust right.
revers:- NIKOΠOΛITΩN-ΠPOC-ICTPON, Dionysos, nude, wearing boots, standing left, resting with left hand on thyrsos and holding in right hand bunch of grapes.
exe: -/-//--, diameter: 16,5m, weight: 3,13g, axis: 7h,
mint: Moesia, Nicopolis Ad Istrum, date: A.D., ref: Hristova/Hoeft/Jekov HHJ-08.26.08.05, p-392
Q-001quadrans
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056p Elagabalus (218-222 A.D.), Moesia, Nicopolis Ad Istrum, HrHJ (2012) 08.26.08.06., AE-17, NIKOΠOΛITΩN ΠPOC ICTPON, Bunch of grapes, #1056p Elagabalus (218-222 A.D.), Moesia, Nicopolis Ad Istrum, HrHJ (2012) 08.26.08.06., AE-17, NIKOΠOΛITΩN ΠPOC ICTPON, Bunch of grapes, #1
avers: AVT K M AVP ANTONINOC, Laureated, cuirassed bust right.
reverse: NIKOΠOΛITΩN ΠPOC ICTPON, Bunch of grapes,
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 16,5mm, weight: 3,36g, axis: 16,5h,
mint: Moesia, Nicopolis Ad Istrum, date: A.D., ref: HrHJ (2012) 08.26.08.06., p-393
Q-001quadrans
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064 - Septimius Severus denarius - RIC 362aObv:– IMP CAE L SEP SEV PERT AVG, Laureate head right
Rev:– VICTOR IVST AVG II COS, Victory walking left, holding wreath in right hand, palm in left
Minted in Emesa. A.D. 193
Ref:– BMCRE W338 note. RIC 362a (Rated R2). RSC 740a
2.96g, 18.79mm, 180o
Only one other example known – “reported by Bickford-Smith from Dura Europus 942”
All references cite the same coin from the 3rd Dura Hoard, Num. Notes and Monographs, 55, Pg 46. No. 216 maridvnvm
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064 - Septimius Severus denarius - RIC 362aObv:– IMP CAE L SEP SEV PERT AVG, Laureate head right
Rev:– VICTOR IVST AVG II COS, Victory walking left, holding wreath in right hand, palm in left
Minted in Emesa. A.D. 193
Ref:– BMCRE W338 note. RIC 362a (Rated R2). RSC 740a
3.03g, 18.28mm, 180o
Only two other examples known – “reported by Bickford-Smith from Dura Europus 942”
All references cite the same coin from the 3rd Dura Hoard, Num. Notes and Monographs, 55, Pg 46. No. 216
Another example from the same die pair in my own collection.maridvnvm
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064 - Septimius Severus denarius - RIC 369 noteObv:– IMP CAE L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II, Laureate head right
Rev: – BONI E-V-ENTVC, Fides standing left holding basket of fruits in right hand, grain ears in left
Minted in Emesa, A.D. 194 - 195
References:– BMCRE 343 Note, RIC 369 (citing Third Dura hoard - Numismatic Notes and Monographs 55, page 44, number 203.), RSC 65cmaridvnvm
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064 - Septimius Severus denarius - RIC 376BObv:– IMP CAE L CEP(sic) SEV PERT AVG COS II, Laureate head right
Rev:– FORT REDVC, Fortuna standing left, holding rudder and cornucopiae
Minted in Emesa. A.D. 194-195
Reference(s) – BMCRE - (Noted as variant of 352 in footnotes). RIC 376B (Rated Scarce). All citing RD paragraph 55, page 44, no. 205
2.99 g, 18.73 mm. 0 degreemaridvnvm
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0736 THRACE, Bizya, Pseudo-autonomous under Hadrian Tyche standingReference.
RPC III, 736; Jurukova 165
Obv. ΔΙΟΝΥСω ΚΤΙСΤΗ
Dionysos seated right on throne, holding grape bunch and a single grape; vine to left
Rev. ΒΙΖΥΗΝΩΝ.
River-god and Tyche; to left, river-god reclining right, resting right arm on water-urn, holding reed in left hand; to right, Tyche standing facing, head left, wearing long garment and kalathos, holding cantharus in right hand and two ears of corn in left hand.
6.59 gr
22 mm
6hokidoki
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0749 var. THRACE. Philippopolis Hadrian, Apollo Reference.
RPC III, 749/4 var.
Obv. ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟС СΕΒΑСΤΟС
Bare-headed and cuirassed bust of Hadrian, r. with paludamentum seen from rear
Rev. ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟΠΟΛΕΙΤΩΝ
Apollo standing l., naked but a drapery on his r. shoulder, holding patera in his right hand and an laurel-branche in his l. hand
9.36 gr
24 mm
6h
Note.
Harlan J. Berk
This variant with Apollo holding a branch rather than two arrows in his lowered left hand is not in RPC, though Vabanov 629-30 reports such a reverse type combined with two different (laureate) bust types, citing Mouchmov's monograph on the ancient coins of Philippopolis, nos. 16 and 17okidoki
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0958 SARMATIA , Tyra. Hadrian, EagleReference.
RPC III, 958/6; Anokhin 488; Frolova, pp. 58–9, 1–32; Zograph-49
Obv. ΚΑΙ ΑΥ ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟϹ
Bare head of Hadrian, right
Rev. ΤΥΡΑ in ex.
Eagle facing, wings spread, head left
4.31 gr
19 mm
6hokidoki
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0962 Hadrian Denarius Roma 128-29 AD Liberalitas Reference.
RIC II, 364; RIC 962; Strack 201
Bust A1
Obv. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Laureate head
Rev. LIBERALITAS AVG in ex COS III
Liberalitas, standing left, emptying cornucopia held in both hands.
3.16 gr
18 mm
6h
Note from Curtis Clay.
This denarius is rare with Liberalitas standing left rather than right as usual.
Cohen 916 cites this variant from a private collection, Elberling, that was published in 1864. That identical Elberling coin, as one can tell from the accurate line drawing, then came to the BM, BMC 524, pl. 57.8, as part of the Blacas collection in 1867. Your specimen is from the same pair of dies as this BM specimen ex Blacas and Elberling. Strack 201 knew only two specimens of this coin, the BM one and another in Vienna. This variant was missing from the Reka Devnia hoard, compared to seven specimens with Liberalitas standing right. I have a specimen with Liberalitas left myself, from different dies than yours and the BM's.
The old RIC of 1926, pp. 316-7, champions a quite impossible date for Hadrian's HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P issue: Mattingly didn't think it fit in 128-9 AD, so proposed that it was a posthumous issue of 138-9, struck by Antoninus Pius as propaganda while he was quarreling with the Senate over Hadrian's deification! Strack objected strongly and correctly in his Hadrian monograph of 1933, and in BMC III of 1936 Mattingly had no choice but to relent and abandon his "posthumous" attribution. This issue is beyond question simply Hadrian's earliest issue with the title Pater Patriae, struck between Hadrian's acceptance of that title in 128 and c. 129 AD.
okidoki
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098-117 AD - TRAJAN AE dupondius - struck 112-114 ADobv: IMP CAES NERVAE TRAIANO AVG GER DAC PMTRP COS VI PP (radiate bust right with aegis, drapery on far shoulder)
rev: DACIA AVGVST (Dacia seated left on rock, holds aquila. At her side a child holding corn, in front a child holding grapes), PROVINCIA and S-C in ex.
ref: RIC II 623 (S), C.126 (3frcs)
11.36gms, 26mm
Rare
History: D. Terentius Scaurianus, the first governor of Dacia (106–110/112 AD) started to organize the province and it had finished to 112 AD. Scaurianus executed the measures what required to becoming Dacia to the part of the Roman Empire, did the census and the land survey of the conquered areas, even made also several roads. This type of coin is the evidence of that works. berserker
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0a Amazon StaterSilver Stater 20mm Struck circa 440-410 B.C.
Soloi in Cilicia
Amazon kneeling left, holding bow, quiver on left hip
ΣOΛEΩN, Grape cluster on vine; A-Θ to either side of stalk, monogram to lower right
Sear 5602 var.; Casabonne Type 3; SNG France 135; SNG Levante
This coin depicts an amazon in historically accurate garb. Unfortunately, the bow is corroded away on this piece, but it is pointed toward her. She wears the Scythian hat, which also has a bit along the top corroded away. The quiver on her hip is an accurate portrayal of the gorytos (quiver), which was nearly two feet long, fashioned of leather, and often decorated. Fortunately, there is redundancy in this image, and a second bow is shown as in its place in the gorytos, which had separate chambers for arrows and the bow, where the archer stored it while not in use. The amazon has just finished stringing her bow and is adjusting the top hook to make sure the strings and limbs are properly aligned. She has strung the bow using her leg to hold one limb in place so she can use both hands to string the weapon. Her recurve bow was made of horn (ibex, elk, ox) wrapped with horse hair, birch bark, or sinew (deer, elk, ox) and glue (animal or fish) wrapped around a wood core. The bow was about 30 inches long. Arrow heads from grave sites come in bone, wood, iron, and bronze with two or three flanges; the shafts were made of reed or wood (willow, birch, poplar) and fletched with feathers. Poisoned arrows were sometimes painted to resemble vipers. A Scythian archer could probably fire 15-20 arrows per minute with accuracy to 200 feet and range to 500-600 feet. Distance archery with modern reconstructions suggests a maximum unaimed flight distance of 1,600 feet. (Mayor 209ff)
Soloi was founded about 700 B.C.and came under Persian rule. According to Diodorus, when the amazons were engaging in conquest in Asia Minor, the Cilicians accepted them willingly and retained their independence. Soloi may be named after Solois, a companion of Theseus, who married the amazon Antiope. The amazon on the coin may well be Antiope. (Mayor, 264-265)Blindado
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1 Cruzeiro1946 CE
Obverse: Topographical map of Brazil and the country name to the left. BRASIL
Reverse: 1946 1 CRUZEIRO Pericles J2
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10 Cruzeiros1965 CE
Obverse: Topographical map of Brazil. BRASIL
Reverse: 10 CRUZEIROS 1965
Composition: AluminiumPericles J2
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104. Antoninus PiusAntoninus Pius. AD 138-161. Æ Sestertius (31mm, 24.70 g, 12h). Rome mint. Struck AD 149. Laureate head right / Crossed cornucopias from which a grape bunch flanked by two grain ears hang, surmounted by busts of boy. RIC III 857; Banti 410. Near VF, brown patina, minor surface roughness.
From the Fairfield Collection. Ex Pegasi Auctions 25 (8 November 2011), lot 504.
The infants are thought to be T. Aelius Antoninus and T. Aurelius Antoninus, the twin sons of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina Junior born in AD 149. These were the first male offspring of the couple, offering hope for the establishment of the new dynasty, but both died in infancy.
Ex-CNG Eauction 329 446/150/180ecoli
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105b. Lucius VerusLucius Verus was a well educated, active participant in military and political affairs. He had a colorful personality. He is reputed to have been one of the most handsome of emperors whose vanity allowed him to highlight his blond hair with gold dust. The letters of Marcus Cornelius Fronto, teacher to Marcus and Lucius, are far gentler in their portrayal of Lucius' personality and grand life style than are the historical accounts of the biographies included in the Historia Augusta. Whether out of true respect or devoted brotherly love, it is evident that Marcus Aurelius treated Lucius as a partner in governing the empire and commanding its military forces. Typical of his tolerance of others, Marcus Aurelius chronically ignored or defused the questionable behavior and friendships of his brother.
AR Denarius (2.80 gm). Struck 162/3 AD. Bare head right / Providentia standing left holding globe and cornucopiae. RIC III 491 (Aurelius); RSC 156. VF. EX -CNGecoli
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112 Probus (276-282 A.D.), AE-Antoninianus, RIC V-II ???, Ticinum, SALVS-AVG, Bust-Gvar-left, A/-//--, Salus seated left, Not in RIC !!!112 Probus (276-282 A.D.), AE-Antoninianus, RIC V-II ???, Ticinum, SALVS-AVG, Bust-Gvar-left, A/-//--, Salus seated left,
avers:- VIRTVS-PROBI-AVG, Radiate, helmeted (Corinthian helmet), cuirassed bust right, without spear and shield. Not in RIC this type of bust !!!
revers:- SALVS-AVG, Salus seated left, feeding serpent rising from altar.
exe: A/-//--, diameter: 23-24,5mm, weight: 3,88g, axis: 0h,
mint: Ticinum, date: ??? A.D., ref: RIC-V-II ???, p-,
Q-001
"Another exceedingly rare coin! No bibliographic reference, you are right. I just know another similar coin, from a private Dutch collection.
Yours is from the same obverse die. You generally have many interesting coins from Siscia. This exception from the Ticinum mint is stunning. Congratulations again,
S. Estiot" Thank you S.Estiot.quadrans
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112 Probus (276-282 A.D.), Siscia, Alföldi 0096.0170, -/-//XXIP, Bust E2/Gvar., RIC V-II 816, (Bust and officina not in RIC!!!), AE-Antoninianus, VIRTVS PROBI AVG, Mars walking right, Rare!!!112 Probus (276-282 A.D.), Siscia, Alföldi 0096.0170, -/-//XXIP, Bust E2/Gvar., RIC V-II 816, (Bust and officina not in RIC!!!), AE-Antoninianus, VIRTVS PROBI AVG, Mars walking right, Rare!!!
avers: IMP C M AVR PROBVS P AVG, Radiate, helmeted, cuirassed bust left, holding spear and shield, seen from back, shield in front and a spear pointing forward. (E2/Gvar.)
reverse: VIRTVS PR OBI AVG, Mars walking right, holding spear and trophy.
exergue: -/-//XXIV, diameter: 22mm, weight: 4,00g, axis: 0h,
mint: Siscia, date: 282 A.D., ref: RIC V-II 816 var, p-106 Bust and officina not in RIC, Alföldi 0096.0170, Rare!!!
Q-001
"- Quadrans' coin (titulature P AVG) is known to me by 2 other examples, both in Paris: one is the coin quoted by Alföldi 96, 170, the other belonged to the collection of the famous epigraphist H.-G. Pflaum, whose collection has been (partly) bought by the Bibliothèque nationale de France. These 3 coins have been struck from the same obverse die." by S. Estiot.quadrans
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138-161 AD - ANTONINUS PIUS AE sestertius - struck 149 ADobv: ANTONINVS AVG PIVS P P TR P XII (laureate bust right)
rev: TEMPORVM FELICITAS, COS IIII in exergue, S C across field (crossed cornucopiae from which a grape bunch flanked by two grain ears hang, surmounted by busts of two boys, vis-á -vis)
ref: RIC III 857, Cohen 813 (8frcs), BMC 1825note
23.14gms, 30mm,
Rare
The infants are thought to represent T. Aelius Antoninus and T. Aurelius Antoninus, the twin sons of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina Junior born in 149 AD. These were the first male offspring of the couple, offering hope for the establishment of the new dynasty, but both died in infancy.
The coin is before cleaning.berserker
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14 ConstansConstans, AE2. Silvered Thessalonica. DN CONSTA-NS PF AVG, pearl diademed, draped, cuirassed bust right, holding globe / FEL TEMP RE-PARATIO, soldier standing left, spearing fallen horseman who is bare-headed, forwards, on hands and knees. Mintmark TSA star. RIC VIII Thessalonica 116.
The obv. isnt as bad as it looks, the silvering and glare kinda made it awkward to photograph :)Randygeki(h2)
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1403a,1, Constantine I (the Great), 307-337 A.D.Constantine I (the Great), 307-337 A.D. Bronze AE 3, RIC 16, C -, VF, 2.854g, 19.1mm, 180o, Constantinople mint, 327 A.D. Obverse: CONSTANTI-NVS MAX AVG, rosette diademed head right; Reverse: GLORIA EXERCITVS, Soldier standing left, head right, resting left hand on shield and holding inverted spear in right, G in left field, CONS in exergue; very rare (R3).
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403b, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D.Constantine the Great, early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D., Bronze AE 3, RIC 137, VF, Constantinople mint, 1.476g, 16.4mm, 180o, 336 - 337 A.D. Obverse: CONSTANTI-NVS MAX AVG, laurel and rosette-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right; Reverse: GLOR-IA EXERC-ITVS, two soldiers, each holding spear and shield on ground, flanking standard, CONS[ ] in exergue. Ex FORVM.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403c, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D.Bronze AE 3, RIC VII 35, choice aEF, Constantinople mint, 3.336g, 20.0mm, 180o, 328 A.D.; Obverse: CONSTANTI-NVS MAX AVG, laurel and rosette diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right; Reverse: CONSTANTINI-ANA DAFNE, Victory seated left on cippus, head right, palm frond in each hand, trophy and captive before, CONS in exergue, B left; scarce. Ex FORVM.
"The information about Constantine's campaign across [the Danube] is obscure and untrustworthy. The question, therefore, of what he achieved by this enterprise was, and is, subject to contradictory interpretations. On the one hand, the Panegyrists claimed that he had repeated the triumphs of Trajan. On the other, his own nephew, Julian the Apostate, spoke for many when he expressed the view that this second 'conquest' of Dacia was incomplete and extremely brief . . . monetary commemoration was accorded to the building, at about the same time [AD 328], of the river frontier fortress of Constantiniana Dafne (Spantov, near Oltenita) . . ." (Grant, Michael. The Emperor Constantine. London: Phoenix, 1998. 58-9).
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/Cleisthenes
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1403d, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Cyzicus)Constantine the Great, early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. Bronze AE 3, RIC 199, gVF, corrosion, Cyzicus, 1.402g, 16.2mm, 0o, 336 - 337 A.D. Obverse: CONSTANTI-NVS MAX AVG, laurel and rosette-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right; Reverse: GLOR-IA EXERC-ITVS•, two soldiers, each holding spear and shield on ground, flanking standard, SMKA in exergue.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403e, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Heraclea)Constantine the Great, Bronze AE 3, RIC 69, VF, Heraclea, 3.38g, 19.0mm, 180o, 325 - 326 A.D. Obverse: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG, laureate head right; Reverse: D N CONSTANTINI MAX AVG, VOT XXX in wreath, SMHD in exergue.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403f, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Heraclea)Bronze follis, RIC 5, F/aF, 3.513g, 20.4mm, 180o, Heraclea mint, 313 A.D.; obverse IMP C FL VAL CONSTANTINVS P F AVG, laureate head right; reverse IOVI CONSER-VATORI AVGG, Jupiter standing left holding Victory and scepter, eagle with wreath in beek at feet, B in right field, SMHT in exergue.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403g, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Nicomedia)Constantine the Great, early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. Bronze follis, RIC 12, aVF, Nicomedia mint, 2.760g, 22.0mm, 0o, 313 - 317 A.D. Obverse: IMP C FL VAL CONSTANTINVS P F AVG, laureate head right; Reverse: IOVI CONS-ERVATORI, Jupiter standing left holding Victory on globe and scepter, eagle with wreath in beak left, G right, SMN in exergue; scarce.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403h, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Siscia)Bronze follis, RIC 232b, gVF, Siscia, 3.87g, 23.8mm, 180o, early 313 A.D. Obverse: IMP CONSTANTINVS P F AVG, laureate head right; Reverse: IOVI CONSERVATORI AVGG NN, Jupiter standing left holding Victory on globe and scepter, eagle with wreath in beak left, E right, SIS in exergue.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403i, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Siscia)Silvered AE 3, RIC 214, VF, Siscia mint, 3.187g, 19.3mm, 0o, 328 - 329 A.D.
Obverse: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG, laureate head right; Reverse PROVIDEN-TIAE AVGG, campgate with two turrets, star above, ASIS and double crescent in exergue.
Flavius Valerius Constantinus, Constantine the Great, was the son of Helena and the First Tetrarchic ruler Constantius I. Constantine is most famous for his conversion to Christianity and the battle of the Milvian Bridge where he defeated emperor Maxentius. It is reputed that before the battle, he saw the words "In Hoc Signo Victor Eris" (By this sign you shall conquer) emblazoned on the sun around the Chi Rho, the symbol of Christianity. Other sources claim the vision came to Constantine I in a dream. The story continues that after placing this Christogram on the shields of his army, he defeated his opponent and thus ruled the empire through divine providence. Constantine I also shifted the capital of the empire to Constantinople, establishing the foundation for an Empire that would last another 1000 years. He died in 337 and his sons divided the Roman territories.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power, and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403j, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Thessalonica)Bronze AE 3, RIC 153, VF, Thessalonica mint, 2.955g, 19.7mm, 0o, 326 - 328 A.D. Obverse: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG, laureate head right; Reverse: PROVIDEN-TIAE AVGG, campgate with two turrets, star above, dot right, SMTSG in exergue.
Flavius Valerius Constantinus, Constantine the Great, was the son of Helena and the First Tetrarchic ruler Constantius I. Constantine is most famous for his conversion to Christianity and the battle of the Milvian Bridge where he defeated emperor Maxentius. It is reputed that before the battle, he saw the words "In Hoc Signo Victor Eris" (By this sign you shall conquer) emblazoned on the sun around the Chi Rho, the symbol of Christianity. Other sources claim the vision came to Constantine I in a dream. The story continues that after placing this Christogram on the shields of his army, he defeated his opponent and thus ruled the empire through divine providence. Constantine I also shifted the capital of the empire to Constantinople, establishing the foundation for an Empire that would last another 1000 years. He died in 337 and his sons divided the Roman territories.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power, and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/
Cleisthenes
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1409a, Julian II "the Philosopher," February 360 - 26 June 363 A.D.Julian II, A.D. 360-363; RIC 167; VF; 2.7g, 20mm; Constantinople mint; Obverse: DN FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG, helmeted & cuirassed bust right, holding spear & shield; Reverse: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath; CONSPB in exergue; Attractive green patina. Ex Nemesis.
De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors
Julian the Apostate (360-363 A.D.)
Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Michael DiMaio, Jr., Salve Regina University
Introduction
The emperor Flavius Claudius Julianus reigned from 360 to 26 June 363, when he was killed fighting against the Persians. Despite his short rule, his emperorship was pivotal in the development of the history of the later Roman empire. This essay is not meant to be a comprehensive look at the various issues central to the reign of Julian and the history of the later empire. Rather, this short work is meant to be a brief history and introduction for the general reader. Julian was the last direct descendent of the Constantinian line to ascend to the purple, and it is one of history's great ironies that he was the last non-Christian emperor. As such, he has been vilified by most Christian sources, beginning with John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzus in the later fourth century. This tradition was picked up by the fifth century Eusebian continuators Sozomen, Socrates Scholasticus, and Theodoret and passed on to scholars down through the 20th century. Most contemporary sources, however, paint a much more balanced picture of Julian and his reign. The adoption of Christianity by emperors and society, while still a vital concern, was but one of several issues that concerned Julian.
It is fortunate that extensive writings from Julian himself exist, which help interpret his reign in the light of contemporary evidence. Still extant are some letters, several panegyrics, and a few satires. Other contemporary sources include the soldier Ammianus Marcellinus' history, correspondence between Julian and Libanius of Antioch, several panegyrics, laws from the Theodosian Code, inscriptions, and coinage. These sources show Julian's emphasis on restoration. He saw himself as the restorer of the traditional values of Roman society. Of course much of this was rhetoric, meant to defend Julian against charges that he was a usurper. At the same time this theme of restoration was central to all emperors of the fourth century. Julian thought that he was the one emperor who could regain what was viewed as the lost glory of the Roman empire. To achieve this goal he courted select groups of social elites to get across his message of restoration. This was the way that emperors functioned in the fourth century. By choosing whom to include in the sharing of power, they sought to shape society.
Early Life
Julian was born at Constantinople in 331. His father was Julius Constantius, half-brother of the emperor Constantine through Constantius Chlorus, and his mother was Basilina, Julius' second wife. Julian had two half-brothers via Julius' first marriage. One of these was Gallus, who played a major role in Julian's life. Julian appeared destined for a bright future via his father's connection to the Constantinian house. After many years of tense relations with his three half-brothers, Constantine seemed to have welcomed them into the fold of the imperial family. From 333 to 335, Constantine conferred a series of honors upon his three half-siblings, including appointing Julius Constantius as one of the consuls for 335. Julian's mother was equally distinguished. Ammianus related that she was from a noble family. This is supported by Libanius, who claimed that she was the daughter of Julius Julianus, a Praetorian Prefect under Licinius, who was such a model of administrative virtue that he was pardoned and honored by Constantine.
Despite the fact that his mother died shortly after giving birth to him, Julian experienced an idyllic early childhood. This ended when Constantius II conducted a purge of many of his relatives shortly after Constantine's death in 337, particularly targeting the families of Constantine's half-brothers. ulian and Gallus were spared, probably due to their young age. Julian was put under the care of Mardonius, a Scythian eunuch who had tutored his mother, in 339, and was raised in the Greek philosophical tradition, and probably lived in Nicomedia. Ammianus also supplied the fact that while in Nicomedia, Julian was cared for by the local bishop Eusebius, of whom the future emperor was a distant relation. Julian was educated by some of the most famous names in grammar and rhetoric in the Greek world at that time, including Nicocles and Hecebolius. In 344 Constantius II sent Julian and Gallus to Macellum in Cappadocia, where they remained for six years. In 351, Gallus was made Caesar by Constantius II and Julian was allowed to return to Nicomedia, where he studied under Aedesius, Eusebius, and Chrysanthius, all famed philosophers, and was exposed to the Neo-Platonism that would become such a prominent part of his life. But Julian was most proud of the time he spent studying under Maximus of Ephesus, a noted Neo-Platonic philospher and theurgist. It was Maximus who completed Julian's full-scale conversion to Neo-Platonism. Later, when he was Caesar, Julian told of how he put letters from this philosopher under his pillows so that he would continue to absorb wisdom while he slept, and while campaigning on the Rhine, he sent his speeches to Maximus for approval before letting others hear them. When Gallus was executed in 354 for treason by Constantius II, Julian was summoned to Italy and essentially kept under house arrest at Comum, near Milan, for seven months before Constantius' wife Eusebia convinced the emperor that Julian posed no threat. This allowed Julian to return to Greece and continue his life as a scholar where he studied under the Neo-Platonist Priscus. Julian's life of scholarly pursuit, however, ended abruptly when he was summoned to the imperial court and made Caesar by Constantius II on 6 November 355.
Julian as Caesar
Constantius II realized an essential truth of the empire that had been evident since the time of the Tetrarchy--the empire was too big to be ruled effectively by one man. Julian was pressed into service as Caesar, or subordinate emperor, because an imperial presence was needed in the west, in particular in the Gallic provinces. Julian, due to the emperor's earlier purges, was the only viable candidate of the imperial family left who could act as Caesar. Constantius enjoined Julian with the task of restoring order along the Rhine frontier. A few days after he was made Caesar, Julian was married to Constantius' sister Helena in order to cement the alliance between the two men. On 1 December 355, Julian journeyed north, and in Augusta Taurinorum he learned that Alamannic raiders had destroyed Colonia Agrippina. He then proceeded to Vienne where he spent the winter. At Vienne, he learned that Augustudunum was also under siege, but was being held by a veteran garrison. He made this his first priority, and arrived there on 24 June 356. When he had assured himself that the city was in no immediate danger, he journeyed to Augusta Treverorum via Autessioduram, and from there to Durocortorum where he rendezvoused with his army. Julian had the army stage a series of punitive strikes around the Dieuse region, and then he moved them towards the Argentoratum/Mongontiacum region when word of barbarian incursions reached him.
From there, Julian moved on to Colonia Agrippina, and negotiated a peace with the local barbarian leaders who had assaulted the city. He then wintered at Senonae. He spent the early part of the campaigning season of 357 fighting off besiegers at Senonae, and then conducting operations around Lugdunum and Tres Tabernae. Later that summer, he encountered his watershed moment as a military general. Ammianus went into great detail about Julian's victory over seven rogue Alamannic chieftains near Argentoratum, and Julian himself bragged about it in his later writing. After this battle, the soldiers acclaimed Julian Augustus, but he rejected this title. After mounting a series of follow-up raids into Alamannic territory, he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia, and on the way defeated some Frankish raiders in the Mosa region. Julian considered this campaign one of the major events of his time as Caesar.
Julian began his 358 military campaigns early, hoping to catch the barbarians by surprise. His first target was the Franks in the northern Rhine region. He then proceeded to restore some forts in the Mosa region, but his soldiers threatened to mutiny because they were on short rations and had not been paid their donative since Julian had become Caesar. After he soothed his soldiers, Julian spent the rest of the summer negotiating a peace with various Alamannic leaders in the mid and lower Rhine areas, and retired to winter quarters at Lutetia. In 359, he prepared once again to carry out a series of punitive expeditions against the Alamanni in the Rhine region who were still hostile to the Roman presence. In preparation, the Caesar repopulated seven previously destroyed cities and set them up as supply bases and staging areas. This was done with the help of the people with whom Julian had negotiated a peace the year before. Julian then had a detachment of lightly armed soldiers cross the Rhine near Mogontiacum and conduct a guerilla strike against several chieftains. As a result of these campaigns, Julian was able to negotiate a peace with all but a handful of the Alamannic leaders, and he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia.
Of course, Julian did more than act as a general during his time as Caesar. According to Ammianus, Julian was an able administrator who took steps to correct the injustices of Constantius' appointees. Ammianus related the story of how Julian prevented Florentius, the Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, from raising taxes, and also how Julian actually took over as governor for the province of Belgica Secunda. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, supported Ammianus' basic assessment of Julian in this regard when he reported that Julian was an able representative of the emperor to the Gallic provincials. There is also epigraphic evidence to support Julian's popularity amongst the provincial elites. An inscription found near Beneventum in Apulia reads:
"To Flavius Claudius Julianus, most noble and sanctified Caesar, from the caring Tocius Maximus, vir clarissimus, for the care of the res publica from Beneventum".
Tocius Maximus, as a vir clarissimus, was at the highest point in the social spectrum and was a leader in his local community. This inscription shows that Julian was successful in establishing a positive image amongst provincial elites while he was Caesar.
Julian Augustus
In early 360, Constantius, driven by jealousy of Julian's success, stripped Julian of many troops and officers, ostensibly because the emperor needed them for his upcoming campaign against the Persians. One of the legions ordered east, the Petulantes, did not want to leave Gaul because the majority of the soldiers in the unit were from this region. As a result they mutinied and hailed Julian as Augustus at Lutetia. Julian refused this acclamation as he had done at Argentoratum earlier, but the soldiers would have none of his denial. They raised him on a shield and adorned him with a neck chain, which had formerly been the possession of the standard-bearer of the Petulantes and symbolized a royal diadem. Julian appeared reluctantly to acquiesce to their wishes, and promised a generous donative. The exact date of his acclamation is unknown, but most scholars put it in February or March. Julian himself supported Ammianus' picture of a jealous Constantius. In his Letter to the Athenians, a document constructed to answer charges that he was a usurper, Julian stated that from the start he, as Caesar, had been meant as a figurehead to the soldiers and provincials. The real power he claimed lay with the generals and officials already present in Gaul. In fact, according to Julian, the generals were charged with watching him as much as the enemy. His account of the actual acclamation closely followed what Ammianus told us, but he stressed even more his reluctance to take power. Julian claimed that he did so only after praying to Zeus for guidance.
Fearing the reaction of Constantius, Julian sent a letter to his fellow emperor justifying the events at Lutetia and trying to arrange a peaceful solution. This letter berated Constantius for forcing the troops in Gaul into an untenable situation. Ammianus stated that Julian's letter blamed Constantius' decision to transfer Gallic legions east as the reason for the soldiers' rebellion. Julian once again asserted that he was an unwilling participant who was only following the desire of the soldiers. In both of these basic accounts Ammianus and Julian are playing upon the theme of restoration. Implicit in their version of Julian's acclamation is the argument that Constantius was unfit to rule. The soldiers were the vehicle of the gods' will. The Letter to the Athenians is full of references to the fact that Julian was assuming the mantle of Augustus at the instigation of the gods. Ammianus summed up this position nicely when he related the story of how, when Julian was agonizing over whether to accept the soldiers' acclamation, he had a dream in which he was visited by the Genius (guardian spirit) of the Roman state. The Genius told Julian that it had often tried to bestow high honors upon Julian but had been rebuffed. Now, the Genius went on to say, was Julian's final chance to take the power that was rightfully his. If the Caesar refused this chance, the Genius would depart forever, and both Julian and the state would rue Julian's rejection. Julian himself wrote a letter to his friend Maximus of Ephesus in November of 361 detailing his thoughts on his proclamation. In this letter, Julian stated that the soldiers proclaimed him Augustus against his will. Julian, however, defended his accession, saying that the gods willed it and that he had treated his enemies with clemency and justice. He went on to say that he led the troops in propitiating the traditional deities, because the gods commanded him to return to the traditional rites, and would reward him if he fulfilled this duty.
During 360 an uneasy peace simmered between the two emperors. Julian spent the 360 campaigning season continuing his efforts to restore order along the Rhine, while Constantius continued operations against the Persians. Julian wintered in Vienne, and celebrated his Quinquennalia. It was at this time that his wife Helena died, and he sent her remains to Rome for a proper burial at his family villa on the Via Nomentana where the body of her sister was entombed. The uneasy peace held through the summer of 361, but Julian concentrated his military operations around harassing the Alamannic chieftain Vadomarius and his allies, who had concluded a peace treaty with Constantius some years earlier. By the end of the summer, Julian decided to put an end to the waiting and gathered his army to march east against Constantius. The empire teetered on the brink of another civil war. Constantius had spent the summer negotiating with the Persians and making preparations for possible military action against his cousin. When he was assured that the Persians would not attack, he summoned his army and sallied forth to meet Julian. As the armies drew inexorably closer to one another, the empire was saved from another bloody civil war when Constantius died unexpectedly of natural causes on 3 November near the town of Mopsucrenae in Cilicia, naming Julian -- the sources say-- as his legitimate successor.
Julian was in Dacia when he learned of his cousin's death. He made his way through Thrace and came to Constantinople on 11 December 361 where Julian honored the emperor with the funeral rites appropriate for a man of his station. Julian immediately set about putting his supporters in positions of power and trimming the imperial bureaucracy, which had become extremely overstaffed during Constantius' reign. Cooks and barbers had increased during the late emperor's reign and Julian expelled them from his court. Ammianus gave a mixed assessment of how the new emperor handled the followers of Constantius. Traditionally, emperors were supposed to show clemency to the supporters of a defeated enemy. Julian, however, gave some men over to death to appease the army. Ammianus used the case of Ursulus, Constantius' comes sacrum largitionum, to illustrate his point. Ursulus had actually tried to acquire money for the Gallic troops when Julian had first been appointed Caesar, but he had also made a disparaging remark about the ineffectiveness of the army after the battle of Amida. The soldiers remembered this, and when Julian became sole Augustus, they demanded Ursulus' head. Julian obliged, much to the disapproval of Ammianus. This seems to be a case of Julian courting the favor of the military leadership, and is indicative of a pattern in which Julian courted the goodwill of various societal elites to legitimize his position as emperor.
Another case in point is the officials who made up the imperial bureaucracy. Many of them were subjected to trial and punishment. To achieve this goal, during the last weeks of December 361 Julian assembled a military tribunal at Chalcedon, empanelling six judges to try the cases. The president of the tribunal was Salutius, just promoted to the rank of Praetorian Prefect; the five other members were Mamertinus, the orator, and four general officers: Jovinus, Agilo, Nevitta, and Arbetio. Relative to the proceedings of the tribunal, Ammianus noted that the judges, " . . . oversaw the cases more vehemently than was right or fair, with the exception of a few . . .." Ammianus' account of Julian's attempt at reform of the imperial bureaucracy is supported by legal evidence from the Theodosian Code. A series of laws sent to Mamertinus, Julian's appointee as Praetorian Prefect in Italy, Illyricum, and Africa, illustrate this point nicely. On 6 June 362, Mamertinus received a law that prohibited provincial governors from bypassing the Vicars when giving their reports to the Prefect. Traditionally, Vicars were given civil authority over a group of provinces, and were in theory meant to serve as a middle step between governors and Prefects. This law suggests that the Vicars were being left out, at least in Illyricum. Julian issued another edict to Mamertinus on 22 February 362 to stop abuse of the public post by governors. According to this law, only Mamertinus could issue post warrants, but the Vicars were given twelve blank warrants to be used as they saw fit, and each governor was given two. Continuing the trend of bureaucratic reform, Julian also imposed penalties on governors who purposefully delayed appeals in court cases they had heard. The emperor also established a new official to weigh solidi used in official government transactions to combat coin clipping.
For Julian, reigning in the abuses of imperial bureaucrats was one step in restoring the prestige of the office of emperor. Because he could not affect all elements of society personally, Julian, like other Neo-Flavian emperors, decided to concentrate on select groups of societal elites as intercessors between himself and the general populace. One of these groups was the imperial bureaucracy. Julian made it very clear that imperial officials were intercessors in a very real sense in a letter to Alypius, Vicar of Britain. In this letter, sent from Gaul sometime before 361, the emperor praises Alypius for his use of "mildness and moderation with courage and force" in his rule of the provincials. Such virtues were characteristic of the emperors, and it was good that Alypius is representing Julian in this way. Julian courted the army because it put him in power. Another group he sought to include in his rule was the traditional Senatorial aristocracy. One of his first appointments as consul was Claudius Mamertinus, a Gallic Senator and rhetorician. Mamertinus' speech in praise of Julian delivered at Constantinople in January of 362 is preserved. In this speech, Claudius presented his consular selection as inaugurating a new golden age and Julian as the restorer of the empire founded by Augustus. The image Mamertinus gave of his own consulate inaugurating a new golden age is not merely formulaic. The comparison of Julian to Augustus has very real, if implicit, relevance to Claudius' situation. Claudius emphasized the imperial period as the true age of renewal. Augustus ushered in a new era with his formation of a partnership between the emperor and the Senate based upon a series of honors and offices bestowed upon the Senate in return for their role as intercessor between emperor and populace. It was this system that Julian was restoring, and the consulate was one concrete example of this bond. To be chosen as a consul by the emperor, who himself had been divinely mandated, was a divine honor. In addition to being named consul, Mamertinus went on to hold several offices under Julian, including the Prefecture of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Similarly, inscriptional evidence illustrates a link between municipal elites and Julian during his time as Caesar, something which continued after he became emperor. One concrete example comes from the municipal senate of Aceruntia in Apulia, which established a monument on which Julian is styled as "Repairer of the World."
Julian seems to have given up actual Christian belief before his acclamation as emperor and was a practitioner of more traditional Greco-Roman religious beliefs, in particular, a follower of certain late antique Platonist philosophers who were especially adept at theurgy as was noted earlier. In fact Julian himself spoke of his conversion to Neo-Platonism in a letter to the Alexandrians written in 363. He stated that he had abandoned Christianity when he was twenty years old and been an adherent of the traditional Greco-Roman deities for the twelve years prior to writing this letter.
(For the complete text of this article see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/julian.htm)
Julian’s Persian Campaign
The exact goals Julian had for his ill-fated Persian campaign were never clear. The Sassanid Persians, and before them the Parthians, had been a traditional enemy from the time of the Late Republic, and indeed Constantius had been conducting a war against them before Julian's accession forced the former to forge an uneasy peace. Julian, however, had no concrete reason to reopen hostilities in the east. Socrates Scholasticus attributed Julian's motives to imitation of Alexander the Great, but perhaps the real reason lay in his need to gather the support of the army. Despite his acclamation by the Gallic legions, relations between Julian and the top military officers was uneasy at best. A war against the Persians would have brought prestige and power both to Julian and the army.
Julian set out on his fateful campaign on 5 March 363. Using his trademark strategy of striking quickly and where least expected, he moved his army through Heirapolis and from there speedily across the Euphrates and into the province of Mesopotamia, where he stopped at the town of Batnae. His plan was to eventually return through Armenia and winter in Tarsus. Once in Mesopotamia, Julian was faced with the decision of whether to travel south through the province of Babylonia or cross the Tigris into Assyria, and he eventually decided to move south through Babylonia and turn west into Assyria at a later date. By 27 March, he had the bulk of his army across the Euphrates, and had also arranged a flotilla to guard his supply line along the mighty river. He then left his generals Procopius and Sebastianus to help Arsacius, the king of Armenia and a Roman client, to guard the northern Tigris line. It was also during this time that he received the surrender of many prominent local leaders who had nominally supported the Persians. These men supplied Julian with money and troops for further military action against their former masters. Julian decided to turn south into Babylonia and proceeded along the Euphrates, coming to the fortress of Cercusium at the junction of the Abora and Euphrates Rivers around the first of April, and from there he took his army west to a region called Zaitha near the abandoned town of Dura where they visited the tomb of the emperor Gordian which was in the area. On April 7 he set out from there into the heart of Babylonia and towards Assyria.
Ammianus then stated that Julian and his army crossed into Assyria, which on the face of things appears very confusing. Julian still seems to be operating within the province of Babylonia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The confusion is alleviated when one realizes that,for Ammianus, the region of Assyria encompassed the provinces of Babylonia and Assyria. On their march, Julian's forces took the fortress of Anatha, received the surrender and support of several more local princes, and ravaged the countryside of Assyria between the rivers. As the army continued south, they came across the fortresses Thilutha and Achaiachala, but these places were too well defended and Julian decided to leave them alone. Further south were the cities Diacira and Ozogardana, which the Roman forces sacked and burned. Soon, Julian came to Pirisabora and a brief siege ensued, but the city fell and was also looted and destroyed. It was also at this time that the Roman army met its first systematic resistance from the Persians. As the Romans penetrated further south and west, the local inhabitants began to flood their route. Nevertheless, the Roman forces pressed on and came to Maiozamalcha, a sizable city not far from Ctesiphon. After a short siege, this city too fell to Julian. Inexorably, Julian's forces zeroed in on Ctesiphon, but as they drew closer, the Persian resistance grew fiercer, with guerilla raids whittling at Julian's men and supplies. A sizable force of the army was lost and the emperor himself was almost killed taking a fort a few miles from the target city.
Finally, the army approached Ctesiphon following a canal that linked the Tigris and Euphrates. It soon became apparent after a few preliminary skirmishes that a protracted siege would be necessary to take this important city. Many of his generals, however, thought that pursuing this course of action would be foolish. Julian reluctantly agreed, but became enraged by this failure and ordered his fleet to be burned as he decided to march through the province of Assyria. Julian had planned for his army to live off the land, but the Persians employed a scorched-earth policy. When it became apparent that his army would perish (because his supplies were beginning to dwindle) from starvation and the heat if he continued his campaign, and also in the face of superior numbers of the enemy, Julian ordered a retreat on 16 June. As the Roman army retreated, they were constantly harassed by guerilla strikes. It was during one of these raids that Julian got caught up in the fighting and took a spear to his abdomen. Mortally wounded he was carried to his tent, where, after conferring with some of his officers, he died. The date was 26 June 363.
Conclusion
Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.
Copyright (C) 2002, Walter E. Roberts and Michael DiMaio, Jr. Used by permission.
In reality, Julian worked to promote culture and philosophy in any manifestation. He tried to reduce taxes and the public debts of municipalities; he augmented administrative decentralisation; he promoted a campaign of austerity to reduce public expenditure (setting himself as the example). He reformed the postal service and eliminated the powerful secret police.
by Federico Morando; JULIAN II, The Apostate, See the Julian II Page on NumisWiki
Flavius Claudius Iulianus was born in 331 or maybe 332 A.D. in Constantinople. He ruled the Western Empire as Caesar from 355 to 360 and was hailed Augustus by his legions in Lutetia (Paris) in 360. Julian was a gifted administrator and military strategist. Famed as the last pagan emperor, his reinstatement of the pagan religion earned him the moniker "the Apostate." As evidenced by his brilliant writing, some of which has survived to the present day, the title "the Philosopher" may have been more appropriate. He died from wounds suffered during the Persian campaign of 363 A.D. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
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146 - Maximianus - RIC V pt II 460 Radiate, helmeted, cuirassed bust leftObv:– IMP C MAXIMIANVS P F AVG, Radiate, helmeted, cuirassed bust left
Rev:– VIRTVTI AVGG, Hercules, standing right, with club thrown behind him, being crowned by Victory flying right
Minted in Lugdunum (No marks). Emission 5. Officina 3. Autumn A.D. 287 – Autumn A.D. 289
Reference:– RIC V Pt. 2 Lugdunum 460. Bastien 231 (1 example cited)
Fully silvered with very little sign of wear. A very pleasing example in hand. If only I could improve my photography to show how nice the silvering is maridvnvm
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15 Antoninus Pius RIC 238Antoninus Pius 138-161 AD. AR Denarius. Rome Mint. 154 - 155 AD. (3.35g, 19.71mm) Obv: ANTONINVS AVG PIVS P P TR P XVIII, Laureate head right. Rev: COS IIII, Vesta standing left holding simpulum and palladium, altar at feet.
RIC 238; RSC 201
Ex: Romadrome
Difficult to photograph but with the slightest of angle the picture turned out OK.Paddy
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15 Marcus Aurelius for Divus Antoninus Pius RIC 436Antonius Pius. Ar Denarius. Marcus Aurelius for Divus Antoninus Pius. Rome mint. 161 AD. Obv: Obv.: DIVVS ANTONINVS, Bare head of Divus Antoninus Pius right. Rev: CONSECRATIO, Decorated funeral pyre (pyra) of four storeys, decorated with hangings and garlands, surmounted by quadriga.
C 164; RIC 436
Very diffcult coin to photograph, but it turned out decent enough.Paddy
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1701a, Saladin, 1169-1193AYYUBID: Saladin, 1169-1193, AR dirham (2.92g), Halab, AH580, A-788, lovely struck, well-centered & bold, Extremely Fine, Scarce.
His name in Arabic, in full, is SALAH AD-DIN YUSUF IBN AYYUB ("Righteousness of the Faith, Joseph, Son of Job"), also called AL-MALIK AN-NASIR SALAH AD-DIN YUSUF I (b. 1137/38, Tikrit, Mesopotamia--d. March 4, 1193, Damascus), Muslim sultan of Egypt, Syria, Yemen, and Palestine, founder of the Ayyubid dynasty, and the most famous of Muslim heroes.
In wars against the Christian crusaders, he achieved final success with the disciplined capture of Jerusalem (Oct. 2, 1187), ending its 88-year occupation by the Franks. The great Christian counterattack of the Third Crusade was then stalemated by Saladin's military genius.
Saladin was born into a prominent Kurdish family. On the night of his birth, his father, Najm ad-Din Ayyub, gathered his family and moved to Aleppo, there entering the service of 'Imad ad-Din Zangi ibn Aq Sonqur, the powerful Turkish governor in northern Syria. Growing up in Ba'lbek and Damascus, Saladin was apparently an undistinguished youth, with a greater taste for religious studies than military training.
His formal career began when he joined the staff of his uncle Asad ad-Din Shirkuh, an important military commander under the amir Nureddin, son and successor of Zangi. During three military expeditions led by Shirkuh into Egypt to prevent its falling to the Latin-Christian (Frankish) rulers of the states established by the First Crusade, a complex, three-way struggle developed between Amalric I, the Latin king of Jerusalem, Shawar, the powerful vizier of the Egyptian Fatimid caliph, and Shirkuh. After Shirkuh's death and after ordering Shawar's assassination, Saladin, in 1169 at the age of 31, was appointed both commander of the Syrian troops and vizier of Egypt.
His relatively quick rise to power must be attributed not only to the clannish nepotism of his Kurdish family but also to his own emerging talents. As vizier of Egypt, he received the title king (malik), although he was generally known as the sultan. Saladin's position was further enhanced when, in 1171, he abolished the Shi'i Fatimid caliphate, proclaimed a return to Sunnah in Egypt, and consequently became its sole ruler.
Although he remained for a time theoretically a vassal of Nureddin, that relationship ended with the Syrian emir's death in 1174. Using his rich agricultural possessions in Egypt as a financial base, Saladin soon moved into Syria with a small but strictly disciplined army to claim the regency on behalf of the young son of his former suzerain.
Soon, however, he abandoned this claim, and from 1174 until 1186 he zealously pursued a goal of uniting, under his own standard, all the Muslim territories of Syria, northern Mesopotamia, Palestine, and Egypt.
This he accomplished by skillful diplomacy backed when necessary by the swift and resolute use of military force. Gradually, his reputation grew as a generous and virtuous but firm ruler, devoid of pretense, licentiousness, and cruelty. In contrast to the bitter dissension and intense rivalry that had up to then hampered the Muslims in their resistance to the crusaders, Saladin's singleness of purpose induced them to rearm both physically and spiritually.
Saladin's every act was inspired by an intense and unwavering devotion to the idea of jihad ("holy war")-the Muslim equivalent of the Christian crusade. It was an essential part of his policy to encourage the growth and spread of Muslim religious institutions.
He courted its scholars and preachers, founded colleges and mosques for their use, and commissioned them to write edifying works especially on the jihad itself. Through moral regeneration, which was a genuine part of his own way of life, he tried to re-create in his own realm some of the same zeal and enthusiasm that had proved so valuable to the first generations of Muslims when, five centuries before, they had conquered half the known world.
Saladin also succeeded in turning the military balance of power in his favour-more by uniting and disciplining a great number of unruly forces than by employing new or improved military techniques. When at last, in 1187, he was able to throw his full strength into the struggle with the Latin crusader kingdoms, his armies were their equals. On July 4, 1187, aided by his own military good sense and by a phenomenal lack of it on the part of his enemy, Saladin trapped and destroyed in one blow an exhausted and thirst-crazed army of crusaders at Hattin, near Tiberias in northern Palestine.
So great were the losses in the ranks of the crusaders in this one battle that the Muslims were quickly able to overrun nearly the entire Kingdom of Jerusalem. Acre, Toron, Beirut, Sidon, Nazareth, Caesarea, Nabulus, Jaffa (Yafo), and Ascalon (Ashqelon) fell within three months.
But Saladin's crowning achievement and the most disastrous blow to the whole crusading movement came on Oct. 2, 1187, when Jerusalem, holy to both Muslim and Christian alike, surrendered to the Sultan's army after 88 years in the hands of the Franks. In stark contrast to the city's conquest by the Christians, when blood flowed freely during the barbaric slaughter of its inhabitants, the Muslim reconquest was marked by the civilized and courteous behaviour of Saladin and his troops. His sudden success, which in 1189 saw the crusaders reduced to the occupation of only three cities, was, however, marred by his failure to capture Tyre, an almost impregnable coastal fortress to which the scattered Christian survivors of the recent battles flocked. It was to be the rallying point of the Latin counterattack.
Most probably, Saladin did not anticipate the European reaction to his capture of Jerusalem, an event that deeply shocked the West and to which it responded with a new call for a crusade. In addition to many great nobles and famous knights, this crusade, the third, brought the kings of three countries into the struggle.
The magnitude of the Christian effort and the lasting impression it made on contemporaries gave the name of Saladin, as their gallant and chivalrous enemy, an added lustre that his military victories alone could never confer on him.
The Crusade itself was long and exhausting, and, despite the obvious, though at times impulsive, military genius of Richard I the Lion-Heart, it achieved almost nothing. Therein lies the greatest-but often unrecognized--achievement of Saladin. With tired and unwilling feudal levies, committed to fight only a limited season each year, his indomitable will enabled him to fight the greatest champions of Christendom to a draw. The crusaders retained little more than a precarious foothold on the Levantine coast, and when King Richard set sail from the Orient in October 1192, the battle was over.
Saladin withdrew to his capital at Damascus. Soon, the long campaigning seasons and the endless hours in the saddle caught up with him, and he died. While his relatives were already scrambling for pieces of the empire, his friends found that the most powerful and most generous ruler in the Muslim world had not left enough money to pay for his own grave.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
H.A.R. Gibb, "The Arabic Sources for the Life of Saladin," Speculum, 25:58-72 (1950). C.W. Wilson's English translation of one of the most important Arabic works, The Life of Saladin (1897), was reprinted in 1971. The best biography to date is Stanley Lane-Poole, Saladin and the Fall of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, new ed. (1926, reprinted 1964), although it does not take account of all the sources.Cleisthenes
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