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An 18 tray cabinet with brushed nickel finish hardware and locking doors. The collector specifically requested no felts in the trays, as he was going to look into a custom material for lining them.
CabinetsByCraig.netcmcdon0923
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41 - 54, Claudius I, AE Dupondius, Irregular (barbarous) issue struck after 43AD in BritanniaObverse: Blundered legend. Bare head of Claudius I facing left.
Reverse: Blundered legend. Ceres, veiled, seated facing left, holding grain ears and long torch.
Diameter: 26mm | Weight: 9.5gms | Die Axis: 11h
SPINK: 745
Green Patina. Scarce. Found near Sleaford, Lincolnshire, UK
These irregular coins are associated with the Claudian invasion of Britain in 43AD. It appears likely that the authorities allowed them to be struck to augment the scanty supply of bronze from the central mint of Rome and the evidence available from museums and recorded in numismatic literature would seem to bear this out.
Although it is difficult to work out the proportion that these copies bear to the official issues on a national scale, it is quite evident that it is of a considerable size, about 20% on an average over the whole area in which Claudian coins are found, and in some localities well over 50%. When you consider that the actual area over which these coins are found exactly covers the areas of the first conquests, and there are no credible reasons for supposing them to be Gallic importations, the likelihood is that they were struck in Britain itself. Those barbarous examples found beyond the Fosse Way bear witness to the spread of the new coinage, and also to its continuance during the subsequent years of conquest..
The actual types found are equally strong evidence for the connection of these copies with the Claudian legions. Copies of Sestertii are rare, Dupondii less so, but the majority, about 70% of the Claudian copies found in England, are Asses.
Irregular issues of all the foregoing types are found in varying stages of degradation, ranging from coins which show all the detail, and much of the excellence of the official prototypes, down to rough unskilful productions of crude and barbarous style.
The majority of copies, particularly the good ones, have been found in or near the towns which were either administrative and/or military centres, such as Lincoln and Gloucester. This seems to indicate that the coining of irregular issues were, if not official, an acceptable method of supplementing the military funds to pay the troops during the conquest. The first generation copies, since they were intended for paying the soldiers, were fairly accurate in style and weight. In time though, once they had circulated through the tribal centres and the lands that lay between and behind the chief Roman military posts and been absorbed into currency, the copies would themselves be copied. These second-degree copies became proportionately less faithful to the originals and are extremely numerous at such tribal centres as Cirencester, Silchester, Winchester and Dorchester, which were civil, but not military, towns.*Alex
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(501i) Roman Republic, D. Junius L.f. Silanus, 91 B.C.Silver denarius, Syd 646a, RSC Junia 16, S 225 var, Cr 337/3 var, VF, 3.718g, 18.6mm, 0o, Rome mint, 91 B.C.; obverse head of Roma right in winged helmet, X (control letter) behind; reverse Victory in a biga right holding reins in both hands, V (control numeral) above, D•SILANVS / ROMA in ex; mint luster in recesses. Ex FORVM.
Although the coin itself does not commemorate the event, the date this coin was struck is historically significant.
MARCUS Livius DRUSUS (his father was the colleague of Gaius Gracchus in the tribuneship, 122 B.C.), became tribune of the people in 91 B.C. He was a thoroughgoing conservative, wealthy and generous, and a man of high integrity. With some of the more intelligent members of his party (such as Marcus Scaurus and L. Licinius Crassus the orator) he recognized the need of reform. At that time an agitation was going on for the transfer of the judicial functions from the equites to the senate; Drusus proposed as a compromise a measure which restored to the senate the office of judices, while its numbers were doubled by the admission of 300 equites. Further, a special commission was to be appointed to try and sentence all judices guilty of taking bribes.
The senate was hesitant; and the equites, whose occupation was threatened, offered the most violent opposition. In order, therefore, to catch the popular votes, Drusus proposed the establishment of colonies in Italy and Sicily, and an increased distribution of corn at a reduced rate. By help of these riders the bill was carried.
Drusus now sought a closer alliance with the Italians, promising them the long coveted boon of the Roman franchise. The senate broke out into open opposition. His laws were abrogated as informal, and each party armed its adherents for the civil struggle which was now inevitable. Drusus was stabbed one evening as he was returning home. His assassin was never discovered (http://62.1911encyclopedia.org/D/DR/DRUSUS_MARCUS_LIVIUS.htm).
The ensuing "Social War" (91-88 B.C.) would set the stage for the "Civil Wars" (88-87 & 82-81 B.C.) featuring, notably, Marius & Sulla; two men who would make significant impressions on the mind of a young Julius Caesar. Caesar would cross the Rubicon not thirty years later.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.Cleisthenes
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0004 Sextus Pompey -- Pharos and ScyllaSextus Pompey, Imperator and Prefect of the Fleet
[Youngest Son of Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus (Pompey the Great)]
Obv: MAG⦁PIVS⦁IMP⦁ITER; Pharos of Messana, Neptune on top standing r. with r. hand on a trident and l. hand on a rudder, resting l. foot on prow. Galley sailing l., aquila atop a tripod placed in prow and a scepter tied with a fillet in stern. Border of dots.
Rev: PRAEF⦁ORAE⦁MARIT⦁ET⦁CLAS⦁S⦁C [AEs and MAR ligatured]; Scylla attacking l. wielding a rudder in both hands, the torso of a nude woman with two fishtails and the foreparts of three dogs as the lower body. Border of dots.
Denomination: silver denarius; Mint: Sicily, uncertain location1; Date: summer 42 - summer 39 BC2; Weight: 3.566g; Diameter: 19.8mm; Die axis: 225º; References, for example: BMCRR v. II Sicily 20 variant3, Sydenham 1349 variant3; Crawford RRC 511/4d; Sear CRI 335b.
Notes:
Obverse legend: MAG[NUS]⦁PIVS⦁IMP[ERATOR]⦁ITER[UM]
Reverse legend: PRAEF[ECTUS]⦁ORAE⦁MARIT[IMAE]⦁ET⦁CLAS[SIS]⦁S[ENATUS]⦁C[ONSULTO]
1Grueber BMCRR v. II Sicily, p.557 and Sear CRI, p. 203 suggest Messana as a possible mint location. DeRose Evans (1987), p. 124 hesitatingly suggests Mitylene (on the island of Lesbos).
2This is the date range suggested by Estiot 2006, p. 145, as she recommends going back to Crawford's proposal of 42 - 40 BC. Crawford RRC, p. 521 suggests the period in 42 BC after Sextus Pompey defeated Q. Salvidienus Rufus. Grueber BMCRR v. II Sicily, p.556 proposes 38 - 36 BC. Sydenham, p.211 follows Grueber. DeRose Evans (1987), p. 129 submits 35 BC.
3Grueber BMCRR v. II Sicily 20 and Sydenham 1349 list MAR (ligatured) I but the coin here is clearly MAR (ligatured) IT. Neither Grueber nor Sydenham record MAR (ligatured) IT as part of this reverse legend for this coin type. Crawford and Sear do.
Provenance: Ex Forum Ancient Coins 15 January 2019; Nomos Obolos 10, 30 June 2018 Lot 349.
Photo credits: Forum Ancient Coins
CLICK FOR SOURCESTracy Aiello
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005d. Agrippina IILYDIA, Hypaepa. Agrippina Jr., mother of Nero. Augusta, 50-59 AD. Æ 14mm (2.33 gm). Draped bust of Agrippina right / Cult statue of Artemis. RPC I 2541; SNG Copenhagen -.
Julia Vipsania Agrippina Minor or Agrippina Minor (Latin for "the younger") (November 7, AD 15 – March 59), often called "Agrippinilla" to distinguish her from her mother, was the daughter of Germanicus and Agrippina Major. She was sister of Caligula, granddaughter and great-niece to Tiberius, niece and wife of Claudius, and the mother of Nero. She was born at Oppidum Ubiorum on the Rhine, afterwards named in her honour Colonia Agrippinae (modern Cologne, Germany).
Agrippina was first married to (1st century AD) Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus. From this marriage she gave birth to Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, who would become Roman Emperor Nero. Her husband died in January, 40. While still married, Agrippina participated openly in her brother Caligula's decadent court, where, according to some sources, at his instigation she prostituted herself in a palace. While it was generally agreed that Agrippinilla, as well as her sisters, had ongoing sexual relationships with their brother Caligula, incest was an oft-used criminal accusation against the aristocracy, because it was impossible to refute successfully. As Agrippina and her sister became more problematic for their brother, Caligula sent them into exile for a time, where it is said she was forced to dive for sponges to make a living. In January, 41, Agrippina had a second marriage to the affluent Gaius Sallustius Crispus Passienus. He died between 44 and 47, leaving his estate to Agrippina.
As a widow, Agrippina was courted by the freedman Pallas as a possible marriage match to her own uncle, Emperor Claudius, and became his favourite councillor, even granted the honor of being called Augusta (a title which no other queen had ever received). They were married on New Year's Day of 49, after the death of Claudius's first wife Messalina. Agrippina then proceeded to persuade Claudius to adopt her son, thereby placing Nero in the line of succession to the Imperial throne over Claudius's own son, Brittanicus. A true Imperial politician, Agrippina did not reject murder as a way to win her battles. Many ancient sources credited her with poisoning Claudius in 54 with a plate of poisened mushrooms, hence enabling Nero to quickly take the throne as emperor.
For some time, Agrippina influenced Nero as he was relatively ill-equipped to rule on his own. But Nero eventually felt that she was taking on too much power relative to her position as a woman of Rome. He deprived her of her honours and exiled her from the palace, but that was not enough. Three times Nero tried to poison Agrippina, but she had been raised in the Imperial family and was accustomed to taking antidotes. Nero had a machine built and attached to the roof of her bedroom. The machine was designed to make the ceiling collapse — the plot failed with the machine. According to the historians Tacitus and Suetonius, Nero then plotted her death by sending for her in a boat constructed to collapse, intending to drown Agrippina. However, only some of the crew were in on the plot; their efforts were hampered by the rest of the crew trying to save the ship. As the ship sank, one of her handmaidens thought to save herself by crying that she was Agrippina, thinking they would take special care of her. Instead the maid was instantly beaten to death with oars and chains. The real Agrippina realised what was happening and in the confusion managed to swim away where a passing fisherman picked her up. Terrified that his cover had been blown, Nero instantly sent men to charge her with treason and summarily execute her. Legend states that when the Emperor's soldiers came to kill her, Agrippina pulled back her clothes and ordered them to stab her in the belly that had housed such a monstrous son.
ecoli
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0114 Lucius Appuleius Saturninus - AR denariusRome
²101 BC / ¹104 BC
helmeted head of Roma left
Saturn in quadriga right holding harpa and reins
·T·
L·SATVRN
¹Crawford 317/3a, SRCV I 193, Sydenham 578, RSC I Appuleia 1
²Mark Passehl - Roman moneyer & coin type chronology, 150 – 50 BC
3,5g 19mm
As quaestor Saturninus superintended the imports of grain at Ostia, but had been removed by the Roman Senate (an unusual proceeding), and replaced by Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, one of the chief members of the Optimates. Standard view is that injustice of his dismissal drove him into the arms of the Populares. In 103 BC he was elected tribune. Marius, on his return to Rome after his victory over the Cimbri, finding himself isolated in the senate, entered into a compact with Saturninus and his ally Gaius Servilius Glaucia, and the three formed a kind of triumvirate, supported by the veterans of Marius and many of the common people. By the aid of bribery and assassination Marius was elected (100 BC) consul for the sixth time, Glaucia praetor, and Saturninus tribune for the second time. Marius, finding himself overshadowed by his colleagues and compromised by their excesses, thought seriously of breaking with them, and Saturninus and Glaucia saw that their only hope of safety lay in their retention of office. Saturninus was elected tribune for the third time for the year beginning December 10, 100, and Glaucia, although at the time praetor and therefore not eligible until after the lapse of 2 years, was a candidate for the consulship. Marcus Antonius Orator was elected without opposition; the other Optimate candidate, Gaius Memmius, who seemed to have the better chance of success, was beaten to death by the hired agents of Saturninus and Glaucia, while the voting was actually going on. This produced a complete revulsion of public feeling. The Senate met on the following day, declared Saturninus and Glaucia public enemies, and called upon Marius to defend the State. Marius had no alternative but to obey. Saturninus, defeated in a pitched battle in the Roman Forum (December 10), took refuge with his followers in the Capitol, where, the water supply having been cut off, they were forced to capitulate. Marius, having assured them that their lives would be spared, removed them to the Curia Hostilia, intending to proceed against them according to law. But the more impetuous members of the aristocratic party climbed onto the roof, stripped off the tiles, and stoned Saturninus and many others to death. Glaucia, who had escaped into a house, was dragged out and killed. (wikipedia)J. B.
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02 Augustus RIC I 0037aAugustus 27 B.C.-14 A.D. AR Denarius. Spanish Mint c. 19-18 A.D. (3.43g, 19.7m, 6h). Obv: AVGVSTVS CAESAR, oak-wreathed head right. Rev: DIVVS IVLIVS, to l. and r. of eight-rayed comet with tail upwards. RIC I 37a. RSC 98.
The Caesaris Astrum, or Star of Caesar, appeared in 44 B.C., mere months after Caesar’s assassination during the Ludi Victoriae Caesaris. The appearance of the comet was taken as a dramatic sign of the deification of Caesar, and not lost on Augustus as an ongoing propaganda opportunity as this coin demonstrates. Lucas H
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026b. Julia DomnaWife of Septimius Severus; coins struck by him and her sons, Geta and Caracalla. She became known for going on the campaigns of her husband and sons, and she reportedly was active in administrative duties of the Empire. Domna committed suicide in 217 after learning of Caracalla's assassination.lawrence c
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08 01 Otho RIC I 4Otho. 15 Jan. to April 69 A.D. AR Denarius. Rome Mint. 69 A.D. (3.27g, 18.9mm, 6h). Obv: IMP M OTHO CAESAR AVG TR P, bare head right. Obv: PAX ORBIS TERRARVM, Pax, draped, standing left, right holding branch, and left caduceus. RIC I 4, RCV 2156, RSC 3. Ex Warren Esty Personal Collection.
At 3 months, Otho had the shortest reign in the Year of the Four Emperors. During much of Nero’s reign, Otho administered Lusitania, and followed Galba when he marched on Rome. Upon Galba’s naming another as his successor to the throne, with some of the rankers of the Praetorian Guard, Otho staged a coup, had Galba murdered, and was declared Emperor.
THis is an odd reverse message for an emperor complicit in the murder of his one-time allie and predecessor Galba, while the legeons of Vitellius were Marching on Rome. PAX ORBIS TERRARVM "Peace on the Earth" is ironic given the civil war going on in Rome at the time.Lucas H
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0aa Caius MariusC. Fundanius, moneyer
101-91 BC
Denarius
Helmeted head of Roma right, control-mark C behind
"Triumphator" (Marius) in quadriga right, holding laurel-branch and staff; a rider sits on near horse, holding laurel-branch, Q above, C FVNDAN in exergue
The reverse shows Marius as triumphator in the quadriga. He holds sceptre and laurel branch. On one of the horses rides his son. The children of the triumphator were - according to tradition - allowed to share the triumph of their father. The Q above refers to the office as quaestor the mintmaster held while minting these coins. FORVM Ancient Coins says of a similar piece, "The reverse refers to Marius triumph after victories over the Cimbri and Teutones. The rider on the near horse is Marius's son, at that time eight years old." Andrew McCabe comments, "The Triumphator on the Fundania denarius is usually taken to be Marius, with his young son on horseback. This would make it the first Roman coin to explicitly portray a living Roman politician. "
Seaby Fundania 1
Marius rose from common origins to become the First Man in Rome. Plutarch in his Life writes: There is a likeness of Marius in stone at Ravenna, in Gaul, which I myself saw quite corresponding with that roughness of character that is ascribed to him. Being naturally valiant and warlike, and more acquainted also with the discipline of the camp than of the city, he could not moderate his passion when in authority. . . . He was born of parents altogether obscure and indigent, who supported themselves by their daily labour; his father of the same name with himself, his mother called Fulcinia. He had spent a considerable part of his life before he saw and tasted the pleasures of the city; having passed previously in Cirrhaeaton, a village of the territory of Arpinum, a life, compared with city delicacies, rude and unrefined, yet temperate, and conformable to the ancient Roman severity. He first served as a soldier in the war against the Celtiberians, when Scipio Africanus besieged Numantia; where he signalized himself to his general by courage far above his comrades, and particularly by his cheerfully complying with Scipio's reformation of his army, being almost ruined by pleasures and luxury. It is stated, too, that he encountered and vanquished an enemy in single combat, in his general's sight. In consequence of all this he had several honours conferred upon him; and once when at an entertainment a question arose about commanders, and one of the company (whether really desirous to know, or only in complaisance) asked Scipio where the Romans, after him, should obtain such another general, Scipio, gently clapping Marius on the shoulder as he sat next him, replied, "Here, perhaps. . . ."
The consul Caecilius Metellus, being declared general in the war against Jugurtha in Africa took with him Marius for lieutenant; where, eager himself to do great deeds and services that would get him distinction, he did not, like others, consult Metellus's glory and the serving his interest, and attributing his honour of lieutenancy not to Metellus, but to fortune, which had presented him with a proper opportunity and theatre of great actions, he exerted his utmost courage. . . . Marius thus employed, and thus winning the affections of the soldiers, before long filled both Africa and Rome with his fame, and some, too, wrote home from the army that the war with Africa would never be brought to a conclusion unless they chose Caius Marius consul. . . .He was elected triumphantly, and at once proceeded to levy soldiers contrary both to law and custom, enlisting slaves and poor people; whereas former commanders never accepted of such, but bestowed arms, like other favours, as a matter of distinction, on persons who had the proper qualification, a man's property being thus a sort of security for his good behavior. . . .
[In Marius' fourth consulship,] The enemy dividing themselves into two parts, the Cimbri arranged to go against Catulus higher up through the country of the Norici, and to force that passage; the Teutones and Ambrones to march against Marius by the seaside through Liguria. . . . The Romans, pursuing them, slew and took prisoners above one hundred thousand, and possessing themselves of their spoil, tents, and carriages, voted all that was not purloined to Marius's share, which, though so magnificent a present, yet was generally thought less than his conduct deserved in so great a danger. . . . After the battle, Marius chose out from amongst the barbarians' spoils and arms those that were whole and handsome, and that would make the greatest show in his triumph; the rest he heaped upon a large pile, and offered a very splendid sacrifice. Whilst the army stood round about with their arms and garlands, himself attired (as the fashion is on such occasions) in the purple-bordered robe, and taking a lighted torch, and with both hands lifting it up towards heaven, he was then going to put it to the pile, when some friends were espied with all haste coming towards him on horseback. Upon which every one remained in silence and expectation. They, upon their coming up, leapt off and saluted Marius, bringing him the news of his fifth consulship, and delivered him letters to that effect. This gave the addition of no small joy to the solemnity; and while the soldiers clashed their arms and shouted, the officers again crowned Marius with a laurel wreath, and he thus set fire to the pile, and finished his sacrifice. Blindado
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0aa Defeat of Hannibal on Sicily, 222 BCCn. Lentulus, moneyer
90-85 BC
Quinarius
Laureled head of Jupiter, right
Victory crowning trophy, CN LENT in ex
Seaby, Cornelia 51
Possibly a reference to this event: [Q. Fabius Maximus, afterwards called Cunctator] broke up his camp at Suessula and decided to begin by an attack on Arpi. . . . Now at last the enemy was roused; there was a lull in the storm and daylight was approaching. Hannibal's garrison in the city amounted to about 5000 men, and the citizens themselves had raised a force of 3000. These the Carthaginians put in front to meet the enemy, that there might be no attempt at treachery in their rear. The fighting began in the dark in the narrow streets, the Romans having occupied not only the streets near the gate but the houses also, that they might not be assailed from the roofs. Gradually as it grew light some of the citizen troops and some of the Romans recognised one another, and entered into conversation. The Roman soldiers asked what it was that the Arpinians wanted, what wrong had Rome done them, what good service had Carthage rendered them that they, Italians-bred and born, should fight against their old friends the Romans on behalf of foreigners and barbarians, and wish to make Italy a tributary province of Africa. The people of Arpi urged in their excuse that they knew nothing of what was going on, they had in fact been sold by their leaders to the Carthaginians, they had been victimised and enslaved by a small oligarchy. When a beginning had been once made the conversations became more and more general; at last the praetor of Arpi was conducted by his friends to the consul, and after they had given each other mutual assurances, surrounded by the troops under their standards, the citizens suddenly turned against the Carthaginians and fought for the Romans. A body of Spaniards also, numbering something less than a thousand, transferred their services to the consul upon the sole condition that the Carthaginian garrison should be allowed to depart uninjured. The gates were opened for them and they were dismissed, according to the stipulation, in perfect safety, and went to Hannibal at Salapia. Thus Arpi was restored to the Romans without the loss of a single life, except in the case of one man who had long ago been a traitor and had recently deserted. The Spaniards were ordered to receive double rations, and the republic availed itself on very many occasions of their courage and fidelity.
Livy, History of Rome, 24.46-47Blindado
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107. PertinaxPertinax
Only a mediocre public speaker, Pertinax was first and foremost a gritty old soldier. He was heavily built, had a pot belly, although it was said, even by his critics, that he possessed the proud air of an emperor.
He possessed some charm, but was generally understood to be a rather sly character. He also acquired a reputation for being mean and greedy. He apparently even went as far as serving half portions of lettuce and artichoke before he became emperor. It was a characteristic which would not serve him well as an emperor.
When he took office, Pertinax quickly realized that the imperial treasury was in trouble. Commodus had wasted vast sums on games and luxuries. If the new emperor thought that changes would need to be made to bring the finances back in order he was no doubt right. But he sought to do too much too quickly. In the process he made himself enemies.
The gravest error, made at the very beginning of his reign, was to decide to cut some of the praetorian's privileges and that he was going to pay them only half the bonus he had promised.
Already on 3 January AD 193 the praetorians tried to set up another emperor who would pay up. But that senator, wise enough to stay out of trouble, merely reported the incident to Pertinax and then left Rome.
The ordinary citizens of Rome however also quickly had enough of their new emperor. Had Commodus spoilt them with lavish games and festivals, then now Pertinax gave them very little.
And a truly powerful enemy should be the praetorian prefect Laetus. The man who had after all put Pertinax on the throne, was to play an important role in the emperor's fate. It isn't absolutely clear if he sought to be an honest advisor of the emperor, but saw his advise ignored, or if he sought to manipulate Pertinax as his puppet emperor. In either case, he was disappointed.
And so as Pertinax grew ever more unpopular, the praetorians once more began to look for a new emperor. In early March, When Pertinax was away in Ostia overseeing the arrangements for the grain shipments to Rome, they struck again. This time they tried to set up one of the consuls, Quintus Sosius Falco.
When Pertinax returned to Rome he pardoned Falco who'd been condemned by the senate, but several praetorians were executed. A slave had given them away as being part of the conspiracy.
These executions were the final straw. On 28 March AD 193 the praetorians revolts.
300 hundred of them forced the gates to the palace. None of the guards sought to help their emperor.
Everyone, so it seemed, wanted rid of this emperor. So, too, Laetus would not listen as Pertinax ordered him to do something. The praetorian prefect simply went home, leaving the emperor to his fate.
Pertinax did not seek to flee. He stood his ground and waited, together with his chamberlain Eclectus. As the praetorians found him, they did not discover an emperor quivering with fear, but a man determined on convincing them to put down their weapons. Clearly the soldiers were over-awed by this brave man, for he spoke to them for some time. But eventually their leader found enough courage to step forwards and hurl his spear at the emperor. Pertinax fell with the spear in his chest. Eclectus fought bravely for his life, stabbing two, before he two was slain by the soldiers.
The soldiers then cut off Pertinax' head, stuck it on a spear and paraded through the streets of Rome.
Pertinax had ruled for only 87 days. He was later deified by Septimius Severus.
RI1. Pertinax. A.D. 193. AR denarius (18.0 mm, 2.74 g, 7 h). Rome mint. Rare. IMP CAES P HELV PERTIN AVG, laureate head right / OPI DIVIN TR P COS II, Ops seated left, holding two stalks of grain, resting hand on seat of throne. RIC 8a; RSC 33; BMCRE 19. aVF, flan crack.ecoli
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13. Severus Alexander year I.Denarius, 222 AD, Rome mint.
Obverse: IMP C M AVR SEV ALEXAND AVG / Laureate bust of Severus Alexander.
Reverse: P M TR P COS P P / Jupiter standing, holding thunderbolt and sceptre.
3.46 gm., 19 mm.
RIC #5; Sear #7891.
Both dies used to strike this coin were damaged due to "clashed dies" - the two dies were struck together without a flan in between them. There are marks behind Alexander's head -- quite possibly the legs of Jupiter; and then there is sort of an upside-down shadow of Alexander's head to the right of Jupiter. The mark going up from Jupiter's shoulder is the bottom of Alexander's chin.Callimachus
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13.5 mm at widest, 180 degree die axisToo light for the kitchen scale to weigh... of course. Roman of some sort, flan is off. Obverse bust right, pearl diademed. Reverse figure standing. This was one where if I cleaned it, I was pretty sure I was going to lose whatever detail there was on the obverse. This is also paper thin. Wow. It's a really small coin. EvaJupiterSkies
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1409a, Julian II "the Philosopher," February 360 - 26 June 363 A.D.Julian II, A.D. 360-363; RIC 167; VF; 2.7g, 20mm; Constantinople mint; Obverse: DN FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG, helmeted & cuirassed bust right, holding spear & shield; Reverse: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath; CONSPB in exergue; Attractive green patina. Ex Nemesis.
De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors
Julian the Apostate (360-363 A.D.)
Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Michael DiMaio, Jr., Salve Regina University
Introduction
The emperor Flavius Claudius Julianus reigned from 360 to 26 June 363, when he was killed fighting against the Persians. Despite his short rule, his emperorship was pivotal in the development of the history of the later Roman empire. This essay is not meant to be a comprehensive look at the various issues central to the reign of Julian and the history of the later empire. Rather, this short work is meant to be a brief history and introduction for the general reader. Julian was the last direct descendent of the Constantinian line to ascend to the purple, and it is one of history's great ironies that he was the last non-Christian emperor. As such, he has been vilified by most Christian sources, beginning with John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzus in the later fourth century. This tradition was picked up by the fifth century Eusebian continuators Sozomen, Socrates Scholasticus, and Theodoret and passed on to scholars down through the 20th century. Most contemporary sources, however, paint a much more balanced picture of Julian and his reign. The adoption of Christianity by emperors and society, while still a vital concern, was but one of several issues that concerned Julian.
It is fortunate that extensive writings from Julian himself exist, which help interpret his reign in the light of contemporary evidence. Still extant are some letters, several panegyrics, and a few satires. Other contemporary sources include the soldier Ammianus Marcellinus' history, correspondence between Julian and Libanius of Antioch, several panegyrics, laws from the Theodosian Code, inscriptions, and coinage. These sources show Julian's emphasis on restoration. He saw himself as the restorer of the traditional values of Roman society. Of course much of this was rhetoric, meant to defend Julian against charges that he was a usurper. At the same time this theme of restoration was central to all emperors of the fourth century. Julian thought that he was the one emperor who could regain what was viewed as the lost glory of the Roman empire. To achieve this goal he courted select groups of social elites to get across his message of restoration. This was the way that emperors functioned in the fourth century. By choosing whom to include in the sharing of power, they sought to shape society.
Early Life
Julian was born at Constantinople in 331. His father was Julius Constantius, half-brother of the emperor Constantine through Constantius Chlorus, and his mother was Basilina, Julius' second wife. Julian had two half-brothers via Julius' first marriage. One of these was Gallus, who played a major role in Julian's life. Julian appeared destined for a bright future via his father's connection to the Constantinian house. After many years of tense relations with his three half-brothers, Constantine seemed to have welcomed them into the fold of the imperial family. From 333 to 335, Constantine conferred a series of honors upon his three half-siblings, including appointing Julius Constantius as one of the consuls for 335. Julian's mother was equally distinguished. Ammianus related that she was from a noble family. This is supported by Libanius, who claimed that she was the daughter of Julius Julianus, a Praetorian Prefect under Licinius, who was such a model of administrative virtue that he was pardoned and honored by Constantine.
Despite the fact that his mother died shortly after giving birth to him, Julian experienced an idyllic early childhood. This ended when Constantius II conducted a purge of many of his relatives shortly after Constantine's death in 337, particularly targeting the families of Constantine's half-brothers. ulian and Gallus were spared, probably due to their young age. Julian was put under the care of Mardonius, a Scythian eunuch who had tutored his mother, in 339, and was raised in the Greek philosophical tradition, and probably lived in Nicomedia. Ammianus also supplied the fact that while in Nicomedia, Julian was cared for by the local bishop Eusebius, of whom the future emperor was a distant relation. Julian was educated by some of the most famous names in grammar and rhetoric in the Greek world at that time, including Nicocles and Hecebolius. In 344 Constantius II sent Julian and Gallus to Macellum in Cappadocia, where they remained for six years. In 351, Gallus was made Caesar by Constantius II and Julian was allowed to return to Nicomedia, where he studied under Aedesius, Eusebius, and Chrysanthius, all famed philosophers, and was exposed to the Neo-Platonism that would become such a prominent part of his life. But Julian was most proud of the time he spent studying under Maximus of Ephesus, a noted Neo-Platonic philospher and theurgist. It was Maximus who completed Julian's full-scale conversion to Neo-Platonism. Later, when he was Caesar, Julian told of how he put letters from this philosopher under his pillows so that he would continue to absorb wisdom while he slept, and while campaigning on the Rhine, he sent his speeches to Maximus for approval before letting others hear them. When Gallus was executed in 354 for treason by Constantius II, Julian was summoned to Italy and essentially kept under house arrest at Comum, near Milan, for seven months before Constantius' wife Eusebia convinced the emperor that Julian posed no threat. This allowed Julian to return to Greece and continue his life as a scholar where he studied under the Neo-Platonist Priscus. Julian's life of scholarly pursuit, however, ended abruptly when he was summoned to the imperial court and made Caesar by Constantius II on 6 November 355.
Julian as Caesar
Constantius II realized an essential truth of the empire that had been evident since the time of the Tetrarchy--the empire was too big to be ruled effectively by one man. Julian was pressed into service as Caesar, or subordinate emperor, because an imperial presence was needed in the west, in particular in the Gallic provinces. Julian, due to the emperor's earlier purges, was the only viable candidate of the imperial family left who could act as Caesar. Constantius enjoined Julian with the task of restoring order along the Rhine frontier. A few days after he was made Caesar, Julian was married to Constantius' sister Helena in order to cement the alliance between the two men. On 1 December 355, Julian journeyed north, and in Augusta Taurinorum he learned that Alamannic raiders had destroyed Colonia Agrippina. He then proceeded to Vienne where he spent the winter. At Vienne, he learned that Augustudunum was also under siege, but was being held by a veteran garrison. He made this his first priority, and arrived there on 24 June 356. When he had assured himself that the city was in no immediate danger, he journeyed to Augusta Treverorum via Autessioduram, and from there to Durocortorum where he rendezvoused with his army. Julian had the army stage a series of punitive strikes around the Dieuse region, and then he moved them towards the Argentoratum/Mongontiacum region when word of barbarian incursions reached him.
From there, Julian moved on to Colonia Agrippina, and negotiated a peace with the local barbarian leaders who had assaulted the city. He then wintered at Senonae. He spent the early part of the campaigning season of 357 fighting off besiegers at Senonae, and then conducting operations around Lugdunum and Tres Tabernae. Later that summer, he encountered his watershed moment as a military general. Ammianus went into great detail about Julian's victory over seven rogue Alamannic chieftains near Argentoratum, and Julian himself bragged about it in his later writing. After this battle, the soldiers acclaimed Julian Augustus, but he rejected this title. After mounting a series of follow-up raids into Alamannic territory, he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia, and on the way defeated some Frankish raiders in the Mosa region. Julian considered this campaign one of the major events of his time as Caesar.
Julian began his 358 military campaigns early, hoping to catch the barbarians by surprise. His first target was the Franks in the northern Rhine region. He then proceeded to restore some forts in the Mosa region, but his soldiers threatened to mutiny because they were on short rations and had not been paid their donative since Julian had become Caesar. After he soothed his soldiers, Julian spent the rest of the summer negotiating a peace with various Alamannic leaders in the mid and lower Rhine areas, and retired to winter quarters at Lutetia. In 359, he prepared once again to carry out a series of punitive expeditions against the Alamanni in the Rhine region who were still hostile to the Roman presence. In preparation, the Caesar repopulated seven previously destroyed cities and set them up as supply bases and staging areas. This was done with the help of the people with whom Julian had negotiated a peace the year before. Julian then had a detachment of lightly armed soldiers cross the Rhine near Mogontiacum and conduct a guerilla strike against several chieftains. As a result of these campaigns, Julian was able to negotiate a peace with all but a handful of the Alamannic leaders, and he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia.
Of course, Julian did more than act as a general during his time as Caesar. According to Ammianus, Julian was an able administrator who took steps to correct the injustices of Constantius' appointees. Ammianus related the story of how Julian prevented Florentius, the Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, from raising taxes, and also how Julian actually took over as governor for the province of Belgica Secunda. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, supported Ammianus' basic assessment of Julian in this regard when he reported that Julian was an able representative of the emperor to the Gallic provincials. There is also epigraphic evidence to support Julian's popularity amongst the provincial elites. An inscription found near Beneventum in Apulia reads:
"To Flavius Claudius Julianus, most noble and sanctified Caesar, from the caring Tocius Maximus, vir clarissimus, for the care of the res publica from Beneventum".
Tocius Maximus, as a vir clarissimus, was at the highest point in the social spectrum and was a leader in his local community. This inscription shows that Julian was successful in establishing a positive image amongst provincial elites while he was Caesar.
Julian Augustus
In early 360, Constantius, driven by jealousy of Julian's success, stripped Julian of many troops and officers, ostensibly because the emperor needed them for his upcoming campaign against the Persians. One of the legions ordered east, the Petulantes, did not want to leave Gaul because the majority of the soldiers in the unit were from this region. As a result they mutinied and hailed Julian as Augustus at Lutetia. Julian refused this acclamation as he had done at Argentoratum earlier, but the soldiers would have none of his denial. They raised him on a shield and adorned him with a neck chain, which had formerly been the possession of the standard-bearer of the Petulantes and symbolized a royal diadem. Julian appeared reluctantly to acquiesce to their wishes, and promised a generous donative. The exact date of his acclamation is unknown, but most scholars put it in February or March. Julian himself supported Ammianus' picture of a jealous Constantius. In his Letter to the Athenians, a document constructed to answer charges that he was a usurper, Julian stated that from the start he, as Caesar, had been meant as a figurehead to the soldiers and provincials. The real power he claimed lay with the generals and officials already present in Gaul. In fact, according to Julian, the generals were charged with watching him as much as the enemy. His account of the actual acclamation closely followed what Ammianus told us, but he stressed even more his reluctance to take power. Julian claimed that he did so only after praying to Zeus for guidance.
Fearing the reaction of Constantius, Julian sent a letter to his fellow emperor justifying the events at Lutetia and trying to arrange a peaceful solution. This letter berated Constantius for forcing the troops in Gaul into an untenable situation. Ammianus stated that Julian's letter blamed Constantius' decision to transfer Gallic legions east as the reason for the soldiers' rebellion. Julian once again asserted that he was an unwilling participant who was only following the desire of the soldiers. In both of these basic accounts Ammianus and Julian are playing upon the theme of restoration. Implicit in their version of Julian's acclamation is the argument that Constantius was unfit to rule. The soldiers were the vehicle of the gods' will. The Letter to the Athenians is full of references to the fact that Julian was assuming the mantle of Augustus at the instigation of the gods. Ammianus summed up this position nicely when he related the story of how, when Julian was agonizing over whether to accept the soldiers' acclamation, he had a dream in which he was visited by the Genius (guardian spirit) of the Roman state. The Genius told Julian that it had often tried to bestow high honors upon Julian but had been rebuffed. Now, the Genius went on to say, was Julian's final chance to take the power that was rightfully his. If the Caesar refused this chance, the Genius would depart forever, and both Julian and the state would rue Julian's rejection. Julian himself wrote a letter to his friend Maximus of Ephesus in November of 361 detailing his thoughts on his proclamation. In this letter, Julian stated that the soldiers proclaimed him Augustus against his will. Julian, however, defended his accession, saying that the gods willed it and that he had treated his enemies with clemency and justice. He went on to say that he led the troops in propitiating the traditional deities, because the gods commanded him to return to the traditional rites, and would reward him if he fulfilled this duty.
During 360 an uneasy peace simmered between the two emperors. Julian spent the 360 campaigning season continuing his efforts to restore order along the Rhine, while Constantius continued operations against the Persians. Julian wintered in Vienne, and celebrated his Quinquennalia. It was at this time that his wife Helena died, and he sent her remains to Rome for a proper burial at his family villa on the Via Nomentana where the body of her sister was entombed. The uneasy peace held through the summer of 361, but Julian concentrated his military operations around harassing the Alamannic chieftain Vadomarius and his allies, who had concluded a peace treaty with Constantius some years earlier. By the end of the summer, Julian decided to put an end to the waiting and gathered his army to march east against Constantius. The empire teetered on the brink of another civil war. Constantius had spent the summer negotiating with the Persians and making preparations for possible military action against his cousin. When he was assured that the Persians would not attack, he summoned his army and sallied forth to meet Julian. As the armies drew inexorably closer to one another, the empire was saved from another bloody civil war when Constantius died unexpectedly of natural causes on 3 November near the town of Mopsucrenae in Cilicia, naming Julian -- the sources say-- as his legitimate successor.
Julian was in Dacia when he learned of his cousin's death. He made his way through Thrace and came to Constantinople on 11 December 361 where Julian honored the emperor with the funeral rites appropriate for a man of his station. Julian immediately set about putting his supporters in positions of power and trimming the imperial bureaucracy, which had become extremely overstaffed during Constantius' reign. Cooks and barbers had increased during the late emperor's reign and Julian expelled them from his court. Ammianus gave a mixed assessment of how the new emperor handled the followers of Constantius. Traditionally, emperors were supposed to show clemency to the supporters of a defeated enemy. Julian, however, gave some men over to death to appease the army. Ammianus used the case of Ursulus, Constantius' comes sacrum largitionum, to illustrate his point. Ursulus had actually tried to acquire money for the Gallic troops when Julian had first been appointed Caesar, but he had also made a disparaging remark about the ineffectiveness of the army after the battle of Amida. The soldiers remembered this, and when Julian became sole Augustus, they demanded Ursulus' head. Julian obliged, much to the disapproval of Ammianus. This seems to be a case of Julian courting the favor of the military leadership, and is indicative of a pattern in which Julian courted the goodwill of various societal elites to legitimize his position as emperor.
Another case in point is the officials who made up the imperial bureaucracy. Many of them were subjected to trial and punishment. To achieve this goal, during the last weeks of December 361 Julian assembled a military tribunal at Chalcedon, empanelling six judges to try the cases. The president of the tribunal was Salutius, just promoted to the rank of Praetorian Prefect; the five other members were Mamertinus, the orator, and four general officers: Jovinus, Agilo, Nevitta, and Arbetio. Relative to the proceedings of the tribunal, Ammianus noted that the judges, " . . . oversaw the cases more vehemently than was right or fair, with the exception of a few . . .." Ammianus' account of Julian's attempt at reform of the imperial bureaucracy is supported by legal evidence from the Theodosian Code. A series of laws sent to Mamertinus, Julian's appointee as Praetorian Prefect in Italy, Illyricum, and Africa, illustrate this point nicely. On 6 June 362, Mamertinus received a law that prohibited provincial governors from bypassing the Vicars when giving their reports to the Prefect. Traditionally, Vicars were given civil authority over a group of provinces, and were in theory meant to serve as a middle step between governors and Prefects. This law suggests that the Vicars were being left out, at least in Illyricum. Julian issued another edict to Mamertinus on 22 February 362 to stop abuse of the public post by governors. According to this law, only Mamertinus could issue post warrants, but the Vicars were given twelve blank warrants to be used as they saw fit, and each governor was given two. Continuing the trend of bureaucratic reform, Julian also imposed penalties on governors who purposefully delayed appeals in court cases they had heard. The emperor also established a new official to weigh solidi used in official government transactions to combat coin clipping.
For Julian, reigning in the abuses of imperial bureaucrats was one step in restoring the prestige of the office of emperor. Because he could not affect all elements of society personally, Julian, like other Neo-Flavian emperors, decided to concentrate on select groups of societal elites as intercessors between himself and the general populace. One of these groups was the imperial bureaucracy. Julian made it very clear that imperial officials were intercessors in a very real sense in a letter to Alypius, Vicar of Britain. In this letter, sent from Gaul sometime before 361, the emperor praises Alypius for his use of "mildness and moderation with courage and force" in his rule of the provincials. Such virtues were characteristic of the emperors, and it was good that Alypius is representing Julian in this way. Julian courted the army because it put him in power. Another group he sought to include in his rule was the traditional Senatorial aristocracy. One of his first appointments as consul was Claudius Mamertinus, a Gallic Senator and rhetorician. Mamertinus' speech in praise of Julian delivered at Constantinople in January of 362 is preserved. In this speech, Claudius presented his consular selection as inaugurating a new golden age and Julian as the restorer of the empire founded by Augustus. The image Mamertinus gave of his own consulate inaugurating a new golden age is not merely formulaic. The comparison of Julian to Augustus has very real, if implicit, relevance to Claudius' situation. Claudius emphasized the imperial period as the true age of renewal. Augustus ushered in a new era with his formation of a partnership between the emperor and the Senate based upon a series of honors and offices bestowed upon the Senate in return for their role as intercessor between emperor and populace. It was this system that Julian was restoring, and the consulate was one concrete example of this bond. To be chosen as a consul by the emperor, who himself had been divinely mandated, was a divine honor. In addition to being named consul, Mamertinus went on to hold several offices under Julian, including the Prefecture of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Similarly, inscriptional evidence illustrates a link between municipal elites and Julian during his time as Caesar, something which continued after he became emperor. One concrete example comes from the municipal senate of Aceruntia in Apulia, which established a monument on which Julian is styled as "Repairer of the World."
Julian seems to have given up actual Christian belief before his acclamation as emperor and was a practitioner of more traditional Greco-Roman religious beliefs, in particular, a follower of certain late antique Platonist philosophers who were especially adept at theurgy as was noted earlier. In fact Julian himself spoke of his conversion to Neo-Platonism in a letter to the Alexandrians written in 363. He stated that he had abandoned Christianity when he was twenty years old and been an adherent of the traditional Greco-Roman deities for the twelve years prior to writing this letter.
(For the complete text of this article see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/julian.htm)
Julian’s Persian Campaign
The exact goals Julian had for his ill-fated Persian campaign were never clear. The Sassanid Persians, and before them the Parthians, had been a traditional enemy from the time of the Late Republic, and indeed Constantius had been conducting a war against them before Julian's accession forced the former to forge an uneasy peace. Julian, however, had no concrete reason to reopen hostilities in the east. Socrates Scholasticus attributed Julian's motives to imitation of Alexander the Great, but perhaps the real reason lay in his need to gather the support of the army. Despite his acclamation by the Gallic legions, relations between Julian and the top military officers was uneasy at best. A war against the Persians would have brought prestige and power both to Julian and the army.
Julian set out on his fateful campaign on 5 March 363. Using his trademark strategy of striking quickly and where least expected, he moved his army through Heirapolis and from there speedily across the Euphrates and into the province of Mesopotamia, where he stopped at the town of Batnae. His plan was to eventually return through Armenia and winter in Tarsus. Once in Mesopotamia, Julian was faced with the decision of whether to travel south through the province of Babylonia or cross the Tigris into Assyria, and he eventually decided to move south through Babylonia and turn west into Assyria at a later date. By 27 March, he had the bulk of his army across the Euphrates, and had also arranged a flotilla to guard his supply line along the mighty river. He then left his generals Procopius and Sebastianus to help Arsacius, the king of Armenia and a Roman client, to guard the northern Tigris line. It was also during this time that he received the surrender of many prominent local leaders who had nominally supported the Persians. These men supplied Julian with money and troops for further military action against their former masters. Julian decided to turn south into Babylonia and proceeded along the Euphrates, coming to the fortress of Cercusium at the junction of the Abora and Euphrates Rivers around the first of April, and from there he took his army west to a region called Zaitha near the abandoned town of Dura where they visited the tomb of the emperor Gordian which was in the area. On April 7 he set out from there into the heart of Babylonia and towards Assyria.
Ammianus then stated that Julian and his army crossed into Assyria, which on the face of things appears very confusing. Julian still seems to be operating within the province of Babylonia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The confusion is alleviated when one realizes that,for Ammianus, the region of Assyria encompassed the provinces of Babylonia and Assyria. On their march, Julian's forces took the fortress of Anatha, received the surrender and support of several more local princes, and ravaged the countryside of Assyria between the rivers. As the army continued south, they came across the fortresses Thilutha and Achaiachala, but these places were too well defended and Julian decided to leave them alone. Further south were the cities Diacira and Ozogardana, which the Roman forces sacked and burned. Soon, Julian came to Pirisabora and a brief siege ensued, but the city fell and was also looted and destroyed. It was also at this time that the Roman army met its first systematic resistance from the Persians. As the Romans penetrated further south and west, the local inhabitants began to flood their route. Nevertheless, the Roman forces pressed on and came to Maiozamalcha, a sizable city not far from Ctesiphon. After a short siege, this city too fell to Julian. Inexorably, Julian's forces zeroed in on Ctesiphon, but as they drew closer, the Persian resistance grew fiercer, with guerilla raids whittling at Julian's men and supplies. A sizable force of the army was lost and the emperor himself was almost killed taking a fort a few miles from the target city.
Finally, the army approached Ctesiphon following a canal that linked the Tigris and Euphrates. It soon became apparent after a few preliminary skirmishes that a protracted siege would be necessary to take this important city. Many of his generals, however, thought that pursuing this course of action would be foolish. Julian reluctantly agreed, but became enraged by this failure and ordered his fleet to be burned as he decided to march through the province of Assyria. Julian had planned for his army to live off the land, but the Persians employed a scorched-earth policy. When it became apparent that his army would perish (because his supplies were beginning to dwindle) from starvation and the heat if he continued his campaign, and also in the face of superior numbers of the enemy, Julian ordered a retreat on 16 June. As the Roman army retreated, they were constantly harassed by guerilla strikes. It was during one of these raids that Julian got caught up in the fighting and took a spear to his abdomen. Mortally wounded he was carried to his tent, where, after conferring with some of his officers, he died. The date was 26 June 363.
Conclusion
Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.
Copyright (C) 2002, Walter E. Roberts and Michael DiMaio, Jr. Used by permission.
In reality, Julian worked to promote culture and philosophy in any manifestation. He tried to reduce taxes and the public debts of municipalities; he augmented administrative decentralisation; he promoted a campaign of austerity to reduce public expenditure (setting himself as the example). He reformed the postal service and eliminated the powerful secret police.
by Federico Morando; JULIAN II, The Apostate, See the Julian II Page on NumisWiki
Flavius Claudius Iulianus was born in 331 or maybe 332 A.D. in Constantinople. He ruled the Western Empire as Caesar from 355 to 360 and was hailed Augustus by his legions in Lutetia (Paris) in 360. Julian was a gifted administrator and military strategist. Famed as the last pagan emperor, his reinstatement of the pagan religion earned him the moniker "the Apostate." As evidenced by his brilliant writing, some of which has survived to the present day, the title "the Philosopher" may have been more appropriate. He died from wounds suffered during the Persian campaign of 363 A.D. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
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1413 - 1422, Henry V, AR Penny struck at York, EnglandObverse: + HENRICVS REX ANGLIE. Crowned facing bust of Henry V, mullet (left) and trefoil (right) at each side of crown, all within circle of pellets. Pierced cross in legend.
Reverse: CIVITAS ‡ EBORACI. Long cross pattée dividing legend around inner circle of pellets into quarters, trefoil in each quarter of circle, incuse quatrefoil in centre of cross.
York, Class F (Local dies)
Diameter: 18mm | Weight: 0.8gms | Die Axis: 10h
SPINK: 1788
HENRY V
Henry V was King of England from 1413 until his sudden death on 31st August 1422. He is thought to have died from dysentery contracted during the siege of Meaux in France. He was 36 years old and had reigned for nine years. He was the second English monarch of the House of Lancaster.
During the reign of his father, King Henry IV, Henry had acquired an increasing share in England's government due to his father's declining health. After his father's death in 1413, Henry assumed control of the country and asserted the pending English claim to the French throne.
In 1415, Henry embarked on war with France in the ongoing Hundred Years' War between the two countries. Despite his relatively short reign, Henry's outstanding military successes, most notably in his famous victory at the Battle of Agincourt in 1415, made England one of the strongest military powers in Europe.
In 1420, after months of negotiation with Charles VI of France, the Treaty of Troyes was signed recognising Henry V as regent and heir apparent to the French throne. To seal the pact Henry married Charles' daughter, Catherine of Valois. Henry's sudden death however, prevented the prospect of the English King taking the French throne from ever taking place.
Immortalised in the plays of Shakespeare, Henry V is known and celebrated as one of the great warrior kings of medieval England.
CLICK ON IMAGE BELOW TO ENLARGE IT
 *Alex
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1727. Leopold I: Reconstruction Of The Bridge In The Forest Of Haye. Obv: Leopold to right, in peruke, wearing armor and the Order of the Golden Fleece LEOPOLDVS. I. D.G. DVX. LOT. BAR. REX. IER
Rev: A traveling horseman going over bridge toward Abundance in countryside. In background landscape a herm of Mercury PROVIDENTIA. PRINCIPIS
Exergue: VIAE. MVNITAE MDCCXXVII Signed: SV.
AE64mm. Ref: Forrer V, p. 309, #6; Slg. Florange 171; Molinari 40/120; Europese Penningen # 1739
Leopold Joseph Charles (Leopold I) (1679-1729), Duke of Lorraine and Bar (1697), was the son of Charles V, Duke of Lorraine and Bar. This medal commemorates further the many reconstruction projects that Leopold I, Duke of Lorraine and Bar, fostered during his reign, in this case, the reconstruction of the bridge in the forest of Haye. The reverse alludes to the fact that the bridge increased commerce (Mercury) in Lorraine and led to more abundance for its inhabitants.
A herm, referred to in this medal, is a statue consisting of the head of the Greek god Hermes mounded on a square stone post. Hermes is the god of commerce, invention, cunning and theft, who also serves as messenger and herald for the other gods.
LordBest
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1789/90-1865 AD - Johann Jacob Lauer - Rechenpfenning (Jeton)Maker: Johann Jacob Lauer (1789/90-1865 AD)
Date: Early-Mid 1800's AD
Condition: Very Fine
Type: Rechenpfenning (Jeton)
Obverse: PLUS ULTRA (Going Further)
Ship with four masts.
Reverse: IOH : LAUER * RECN * PF
Johann Lauer Rechenpfenning
Five stars with a crescent moon above.
Struck in Neurenberg
Note: Slight possibility this was struck by grandson of same name later in the century.
0.47g; 13.5mm; 90°Pep
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1af Lepidus_2Quinarius
M LEP IMP, simpulum, aspergillum, axe (surmounted by wolf's head) & ape
M ANT IMP, lituus, capis (jug) and raven
Military mint with Marcus Aemilius Lepidus & Antony in Transalpine Gaul, 44-42 BC
Cr489/3, Syd 1158a
Lepidus was a member of the Second Triumvirate.
According to Plutarch's Life of Pompey: Sulla, however, was annoyed at seeing to what a height of reputation and power Pompey was advancing, but being ashamed to obstruct his career, he kept quiet. Only, when in spite of him and against his wishes Pompey made Lepidus consul, by canvassing for him and making the people zealously support him through their goodwill towards himself, seeing Pompey going off through the forum with a throng, Sulla said: "I see, young man, that you rejoice in your victory; and surely it was a generous and noble thing for Lepidus, the worst of men, to be proclaimed consul by a larger vote than Catulus, the best of men, because you influenced the people to take this course. Now, however, it is time for you to be wide awake and watchful of your interests; you have made your adversary stronger than yourself." But Sulla showed most clearly that he was not well-disposed to Pompey by the will which he wrote. For whereas he bequeathed gifts to other friends, and made some of them guardians of his son, he omitted all mention of Pompey. And yet Pompey bore this with great composure, and loyally, insomuch that when Lepidus and sundry others tried to prevent the body of Sulla from being buried in the Campus Martius, or even from receiving public burial honours, he came to the rescue, and gave to the interment alike honour and security.
Soon after the death of Sulla, his prophecies were fulfilled, and Lepidus tried to assume Sulla's powers. He took no circuitous route and used no pretence, but appeared at once in arms, stirring up anew and gathering about himself the remnants of faction, long enfeebled, which had escaped the hand of Sulla. His colleague, Catulus, to whom the incorrupt and sounder element in the senate and people attached themselves, was the great Roman of the time in the estimate set upon his wisdom and justice, but was thought better adapted for political than military leadership. The situation itself, therefore, demanded Pompey, who was not long in deciding what course to take. He took the side of the nobility, and was appointed commander of an army against Lepidus, who had already stirred up a large part of Italy and was employing Brutus to hold Cisalpine Gaul with an army.
Other opponents against whom Pompey came were easily mastered by him, but at Mutina, in Gaul, he lay a long while besieging Brutus. Meanwhile, Lepidus had made a hasty rush upon Rome, and sitting down before it, was demanding a second consulship, and terrifying the citizens with a vast throng of followers. But their fear was dissipated by a letter brought from Pompey, announcing that he had brought the war to a close without a battle. For Brutus, whether he himself betrayed his army, or whether his army changed sides and betrayed him, put himself in the hands of Pompey, and receiving an escort of horsemen, retired to a little town upon the Po. Here, after a single day had passed, he was slain by Geminius, who was sent by Pompey to do the deed. And Pompey was much blamed for this. For as soon as the army of Brutus changed sides, he wrote to the senate that Brutus had surrendered to him of his own accord; then he sent another letter denouncing the man after he had been put to death. The Brutus who, with Cassius, killed Caesar, was a son of this Brutus, a man who was like his father neither in his wars nor in his death, as is written in his Life. As for Lepidus, moreover, as soon as he was expelled from Italy, he made his way over to Sardinia. There he fell sick and died of despondency, which was due, as we are told, not to the loss of his cause, but to his coming accidentally upon a writing from which he discovered that his wife was an adulteress.Blindado
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1at Galba68-69
Denarius
Laureate head, right, SER GALBA IMP CAESAR AVG P M TR P
Victory standing on globe, VICTORIA PR
RIC 111
Suetonius recorded: Servius Galba, the future emperor was born on the 24th of December, 3BC, in the consulship of Marcus Valerius Messala and Gnaeus Lentulus, at a hillside mansion near Terracina, on the left of the road to Fundi (Fondi). He was formally adopted by his stepmother Livia Ocellina, and took the name Livius and the surname Ocella, also changing his forename to Lucius, until he became Emperor.
It is common knowledge that when calling on Augustus to pay his respects, with other boys of his age, the Emperor pinched his cheek, and said in Greek: ‘You too will have a taste of power, my child.’ And when Tiberius heard the prophecy that Galba would be emperor in old age, he commented: ‘Well let him be, it’s no concern of mine.’
Galba achieved office before the usual age and as praetor (in 20AD), controlling the games at the Floralia, he was the first to introduce a display of tightrope-walking elephants. He next governed Aquitania, for almost a year, and not long afterwards held the consulship for six months (in 33AD). When Caligula was assassinated (in 41AD), Galba chose neutrality though many urged him to seize the opportunity for power. Claudius expressed his gratitude by including him among his intimate friends, and Galba was shown such consideration that the expedition to Britain was delayed to allow him to recover from a sudden but minor indisposition. Later he was proconsul in Africa for two years (44/45AD), being singled out, and so avoiding the usual lottery, to restore order in the province, which was riven by internecine rivalry and an indigenous revolt. He re-established peace, by the exercise of ruthless discipline, and the display of justice even in the most trifling matters. . . .
But when word from the City arrived that Nero was dead and that the people had sworn allegiance to him, he set aside the title of governor and assumed that of Caesar. He then began his march to Rome in a general’s cloak, with a dagger, hanging from his neck, at his chest, and did not resume the toga until his main rivals had been eliminated, namely the commander of the Praetorian Guard in Rome, Nymphidius Sabinus, and the commanders in Germany and Africa, Fonteius Capito and Clodius Macer. . . . His prestige and popularity were greater while winning power than wielding it, though he showed evidence of being a more than capable ruler, loved less, unfortunately, for his good qualities than he was hated for his bad ones.
He was even warned of the danger of imminent assassination, the day before his death, by a soothsayer, as he offered the morning sacrifice. Shortly afterwards he learnt that Otho had secured the Guards camp, and when his staff advised him to carry the day by his presence and prestige, by going there immediately, he opted instead to stay put, but gather a strong bodyguard of legionaries from their billets around the City. He did however don a linen corselet, though saying that frankly it would serve little against so many weapons. False reports, put about by the conspirators to lure him into appearing in public, deceived a few of his close supporters, who rashly told him the rebellion was over, the plotters overthrown, and that the rest of the troops were on their way to congratulate him and carry out his orders. So he went to meet them, with such confidence, that when a soldier boasted of killing Otho, he snapped out: ‘On whose authority?’ before hastening on to the Forum. The cavalrymen who had been ordered to find and kill him, who were spurring through the streets scattering the crowds of civilians, now caught sight of him in the distance and halted an instant before galloping towards him and cutting him down, while his staff ran for their lives.Blindado
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1ba Caesar's Siege of MassiliaL Hostilivs Saserna, moneyer
49-44 BC
Denarius, 48 BC
Head of Gallia, right, Gaulish trumpet behind
HOSTILIVS SASTERNA, Diana of Ephesus with stag
Seaby, Hostilia 4
This piece appears to refer to Julius Caesar's siege of Massilia (Marseille) during the civil war in 49 BC.
In The Civil Wars, Julius Caesar recorded: While this treaty was going forward, Domitius arrived at Massilia with his fleet, and was received into the city, and made governor of it. The chief management of the war was intrusted to him. At his command they send the fleet to all parts; they seize all the merchantmen they could meet with, and carry them into the harbor; they apply the nails, timber, and rigging, with which they were furnished to rig and refit their other vessels. They lay up in the public stores, all the corn that was found in the ships, and reserve the rest of their lading and convoy for the siege of the town, should such an event take place. Provoked at such ill treatment, Caesar led three legions against Massilia, and resolved to provide turrets, and vineae to assault the town, and to build twelve ships at Arelas, which being completed and rigged in thirty days (from the time the timber was cut down), and being brought to Massilia, he put under the command of Decimus Brutus; and left Caius Trebonius his lieutenant, to invest the city. Blindado
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1bc Trajan98-117
Sestertius
Laureate head, right, IMP CAES NERVAE TRAIANO AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS V PP
Roma and kneeling Dacian, SPQR OPTIMO PRINCIPI SC
RIC 485
Eutropius enthused: To [Nerva] succeeded ULPIUS CRINITUS TRAJANUS, born at Italica in Spain, of a family rather ancient than eminent for his father was the first consul in it. He was chosen emperor at Agrippina, a city of Gaul. He exercised the government in such a manner, that he is deservedly preferred to all the other emperors. He was a man of extraordinary skill in managing affairs of state, and of remarkable courage. The limits of the Roman empire, which, since the reign of Augustus, had been rather defended than honourably enlarged, he extended far and wide. He rebuilt some cities in Germany; he subdued Dacia by the overthrow of Decebalus, and formed a province beyond the Danube, in that territory which the Thaiphali, Victoali, and Theruingi now occupy. This province was a thousand miles in circumference.
He recovered Armenia, which the Parthians had seized, putting to death Parthamasires who held the government of it. He gave a king to the Albani. He received into alliance the king of the Iberians, Sarmatians, Bosporani, Arabians, Osdroeni, and Colchians. He obtained the mastery over the Cordueni and Marcomedi, as well as over Anthemusia, an extensive region of Persia. He conquered and kept possession of Seleucia, Ctesiphon, Babylon, and the country of the Messenii. He advanced as far as the boundaries of India, and the Red Sea, where he formed three provinces, Armenia, Assyria, and Mesopotamia, including the tribes which border on Madena. He afterwards, too, reduced Arabia into the form of a province. He also fitted out a fleet for the Red Sea, that he might use it to lay waste the coasts of India.
Yet he went beyond his glory in war, in ability and judgment as a ruler, conducting himself as an equal towards all, going often to his friends as a visitor, either when they were ill, or when they were celebrating feast days, and entertaining them in his turn at banquets where there was no distinction of rank, and sitting frequently with them in their chariots; doing nothing unjust towards any of the senators, nor being guilty of any dishonesty to fill his treasury; exercising liberality to all, enriching with offices of trust, publicly and privately, every body whom he had known even with the least familiarity; building towns throughout the world, granting many immunities to states, and doing every thing with gentleness and kindness; so that during his whole reign, there was but one senator condemned, and he was sentenced by the senate without Trajan's knowledge. Hence, being regarded throughout the world as next to a god, he deservedly obtained the highest veneration both living and dead. . . .
After having gained the greatest glory both in the field and at home, he was cut off, as he was returning from Persia, by a diarrhoea, at Seleucia in Isauria. He died in the sixty-third year, ninth month, and fourth day of his age, and in the nineteenth year, sixth month, and fifteenth day of his reign. He was enrolled among the gods, and was the only one of all the emperors that was buried within the city. His bones, contained in a golden urn, lie in the forum which he himself built, under a pillar whose height is a hundred and forty-four feet. So much respect has been paid to his memory, that, even to our own times, they shout in acclamations to the emperors, "More fortunate than Augustus, better than Trajan!" Blindado
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1cu Trebonianus Gallus251-253
AE Viminacium
Laureate, draped bust, right, IMP C GALLVS P FELIX AVG
Moesia standing facing, head left, hands outstretched over a bull and a lion at her sides, PMS COL VIM
Moushmov 56
For Gallus' perfidy against Decius, see the Decius entry. Zosimus reports regarding Gallus' reign: Gallus, who declared his son Volusianus his associate in the empire, published an open declaration, that Decius and his army had perished by his contrivance. The Barbarians now became more prosperous than before. For Callus not only permitted them to return home with the plunder, but promised to pay them annually a sum of money, and allowed them to carry off all the noblest captives; most of whom had been taken at Philippopolis in Thrace.
Gallus, having made these regulations, came to Rome, priding himself on the peace he had made with the Barbarians. And though he at first spoke with approbation of Decius's mode of government, and adopted one of his sons, yet, after some time was elapsed, fearing that some of them who were fond of new projects might recur to a recapitulation of the princely virtues of Decius, and therefore might at some opportunity give the empire to his son, he concerted the young man's destruction, without regard either to his own adoption of him, or to common honour and justice.
Gallus was so supine in the administration of the empire, that the Scythians in the first place terrified all the neighbouring nations, and then laid waste all the countries as far by degrees as the sea coast; not leaving one nation subject to the Romans unpillaged, and taking almost all the unfortified towns, and many that were fortified. Besides the war on every side, which was insupportably burdensome to them, the cities and villages were infested with a pestilence, which swept away the remainder of mankind in those regions; nor was so great a mortality ever known in any former period.
At this crisis, observing that the emperors were unable to defend the state, but neglected all without the walls of Rome, the Goths, the Borani, the Urugundi, and the Carpi once more plundered the cities of Europe of all that had been left in them; while in another quarter, the Persians invaded Asia, in which they acquired possession of Mesopotamia, and proceeded even as far as Antioch in Syria, took that city, which is the metropolis of all the east, destroyed many of the inhabitants, and carried the remainder into captivity, returning home with immense plunder, after they had destroyed all the buildings in the city, both public and private, without meeting with the least resistance. And indeed the Persians had a fair opportunity to have made themselves masters of all Asia, had they not been so overjoyed at their excessive spoils, as to be contented with keeping and carrying home what they had acquired.
Meantime the Scythians of Europe were in perfect security and went over into Asia, spoiling all the country as far as Cappodocia, Pesinus, and Ephesus, until Aemilianus, commander of the Pannonian legions, endeavouring as much as possible to encourage his troops, whom the prosperity of the Barbarians had so disheartened that they durst not face them, and reminding them of the renown of Roman courage, surprised the Barbarians that were in that neighbourhood. Having destroyed great numbers of them, and led his forces into their country, removing every obstruction to his progress, and at length freeing the subjects of the Roman empire from their ferocity, he was appointed emperor by his army. On this he collected all the forces of that country, who were become more bold since his successes against the Barbarians, and directed his march towards Italy, with the design of fighting Gallus, who was as yet. unprepared to contend with him. For Gallus had never heard of what had occurred in the east, and therefore made only what accidental preparations were in his reach, while Valerianus went to bring the Celtic and German legions. But Aemilianus advanced with great speed into Italy, and the armies were very near to each other, when the soldiers of Gallus, reflecting that his force was much inferior to the enemy both in number and strength, and likewise that he was a negligent indolent man, put him and his son to death, and going over to the party of Aemilianus, appeared to establish his authority.Blindado
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1cw Aemilian253
AE 26
Laureate, draped & cuirassed bust, right, IMP C M AEMIL AEMILIANVS AVG
PROVIN-CIA DACIA, Dacia standing facing, holding short sceptre in left arm, over which is a wreath, and holding up a bundle of rice in right hand, eagle and lion at feet, VIII in exergue.
Moushmov 20
Zosimus records: Aemilianus advanced with great speed into Italy, and the armies were very near to each other, when the soldiers of Gallus, reflecting that his force was much inferior to the enemy both in number and strength, and likewise that he was a negligent indolent man, put him and his son to death, and going over to the party of Aemilianus, appeared to establish his authority. But Valerianus brought into Italy from beyond the Alps a vast army, with which he deemed himself secure of conquering Aemilianus. The soldiers of Aemilianus, who saw that his conduct was more like that of a private sentinel than of an emperor, now put him to death as a person unfit for so weighty a charge.
Eutropius' curt review: AEMILIANUS was little distinguished by birth, and less distinguished by his reign, in the third month of which he was cut off.Blindado
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1cx Valerian253-260
Antoninianus
Radiate draped and cuirassed bust, right, IMP C P LIC VALERIANVS AVG
Victory standing left, holding wreath and palm, VICTORIA AVGG
RIC 125
Persians surrounded Valerian's army in the East in 260 and took the emperor prisoner. He died on an unknown date in captivity.
Zosimus noted: The nations subject to the Romans being unable to endure [Maximinus'] monstrous cruelty, and greatly distressed by the ravages he committed, the Africans proclaimed Gordianus and his son, of the same name, emperors, and sent ambassadors to Rome, one of whom was Valerianus, a man of consular rank, who afterwards himself became emperor. . . .
Aemilianus advanced with great speed into Italy, and the armies were very near to each other, when the soldiers of Gallus, reflecting that his force was much inferior to the enemy both in number and strength, and likewise that he was a negligent indolent man, put him and his son to death, and going over to the party of Aemilianus, appeared to establish his authority. But Valerianus brought into Italy from beyond the Alps a vast army, with which he deemed himself secure of conquering Aemilianus. The soldiers of Aemilianus, who saw that his conduct was more like that of a private sentinel than of an emperor, now put him to death as a person unfit for so weighty a charge.
By these means Valerianus became emperor with universal consent, and employed himself in the regulation of affairs. But the excursions of the Scythians, and of the Marcomanni, who made an inroad into all the countries adjacent to the empire, reduced Thessalonica to extreme danger; and though they were with muct difficulty compelled to raise the siege by the brave defence of those within, yet all Greece was in alarm. The Athenians repaired their walls, which they had never thought worth their care since Sylla threw them down. The Peloponnesians likewise fortified the Isthmus, and all Greece put itself upon its guard for the general security.
Valerianus, perceiving the empire in danger on every side, associated his son Gallienus with himself in the government! and went himself into the east to oppose the Persians. He entrusted to his son the care of the forces in Europe, thus leaving him to resist the Barbarians who poured in upon him in every direction. . . .
Valerianus had by this time heard of the disturbances in Bithynia, but his district would not allow him to confide the defence of it to any of his generals. He therefore sent Felix to Byzantium, and went in person from Antioch into Cappadocia, and after he had done some injury to every city by which he passed, he returned homeward. But the plague then attacked his troops, and destroyed most of them, at the time when Sapor made an attempt upon the east, and reduced most of it into subjection. In the mean time, Valerianus became so effeminate and indolent, that he dispaired of ever recovering from the present ill state of affairs, and would have concluded the war by a present of money; had not Sapor sent back the ambasadors who were sent to him with that proposal, without their errand, desiring the emperor to come and speak with him in person concerning the affairs he wished to adjust; To which he most imprudently consented, and going without consideration to Sapor with a small retinue, to treat for a peace, was presently laid hold of by the enemy, and so ended his days in the capacity of a slave among the Persians, to the disgrace of the Roman name in all future times.Blindado
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1dm Tacitus275-276
AE antoninianus
Radiate, draped and cuirassed bust, right, IMP C M CL TACITVS AVG
Mars stg, MARTI PACIF
RIC 145
A rare emperor nominated by the Senate after the death of the widely revered Aurelianus.
Zonaras recorded: Tacitus, an elderly man, succeeded him. For it is written that he was seventy-five years old when he was chosen for monarchy. The army recognized him, though he was absent, for he was then residing in Campania. When he received the decision there, he entered Rome in private dress and, with the consent of the Senate and the People, donned the imperial garb.
The Scythians, having crossed Lake Maeotis and the Phasis River, attacked Pontus, Cappadocia, Galatia, and Cilicia. Tacitus, who had joined battle with them, and Florianus, who was prefect, slew many, and the remainder sought safety in flight. Tacitus appointed Maximinus, one of his kinsmen, as governor of Syria. But, when he behaved badly in his office, he was killed by his soldiers. Those who had killed him, frightened that the emperor would not leave them unpunished, set out after him too and killed him, not yet seven months after he had assumed sovereignty, but according to some not quite two years.
Zosimus, however, recorded, "Upon [Aurelianus'] death the empire fell into the hands of Tacitus, in whose time the Scythians crossed the Palus Maeotis, and made incursions through Pontus even into Cilicia, until he opposed them. Partly in person, and partly by Florianus, prefect of the court, whom he left in commission for that purpose, this emperor completely routed and destroyed them. He himself was going into Europe, but was thus circumvented and killed. He had committed the government of Syria to his cousin Maximinus, who treated the nobility of that country with such austerity, that he caused them both to hate and fear him. Their hatred became so excessive, that at length conspiring with the murderers of Aurelianus, they assaulted Maximinus, and having killed him, fell on and slew Tacitus also as he was upon his departure."Blindado
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1do Probus276-282
AE antoninianus
Radiate, cuirassed bust, right, holding spear and shield, IMP PROBVS P F AVG
Concordia and Probus, CONCORDIA MILIT
RIC 332
Zosimus observed: Probus, having thus gained the empire, marched forward, and performed a very commendable action for the public good, as a prelude to what he should afterwards do. For he resolved to punish those who had murdered Aurelianus, and conspired against Tacitus ; though for fear of an insurrection he did not openly execute his design, but planted a company of men, in whom he had confidence, at a convenient post, near to which he invited the murderers to a feast. [Probus] gave a signal to his men to perform. As soon as they had received it, they fell on the murderers in their defenceless state. . . .
Probus obtained several victories over the Barbarians in two different wars; in one of which he himself commanded, but left the other to the conduct of his lieutenant. Perceiving that it was necessary to assist the cities of Germany which lay upon the Rhine, and were harrassed by the Barbarians, he marched with his army towards that river. . . . The emperor terminated several other wars, with scarcely any trouble ; and fought some fierce battles, first against the Logiones, a German nation, whom he conquered, [and] against the Franks, whom he subdued through the good conduct of his commanders. He made war on the Burgundi and the Vandili.
The Historia Augusta adds: After this he set out for Illyricum, but before going thither he left Raetia in so peaceful a state that there remained therein not even any suspicion of fear. In Illyricum l he so crushed the Sarmatians and other tribes that almost without any war at all he got back all they had ravaged. He then directed his march through Thrace, and received in either surrender or friendship all the tribes of the Getae, frightened by the repute of his deeds and brought to submission by the power of his ancient fame. This done, he set out for the East. . . . Having made peace, then, with the Persians, he returned to Thrace, and here he settled one hundred thousand Bastarnae on Roman soil, all of whom remained loyal. . . .
He celebrated a triumph over the Germans and the Blemmyae, and. . . gave in the Circus a most magnificent wild-beast hunt. . . . These spectacles finished, he made ready for war with Persia, but while on the march through Iliyricum he was treacherously killed by his soldiers. The causes of his murder were these : first of all, he never permitted a soldier to be idle, for he built many works by means of their labor, saying that a soldier should eat no bread that was not earned. To this he added another remark, hard for them, should it ever come true, but beneficial to the commonwealth, namely, that soon there would be no need of soldiers.
Zonaras described Probus' death differently: There was another rebellion against him. For Carus, who was in command of portions of Europe, recognized that the soldiers under him wished to proclaim him emperor and revealed this to Probus, begging that he be recalled from there. But Probus was not willing to remove him from office. Then the soldiers surrounded Carus, compelled him reluctantly to receive the empire of the Romans, and immediately hastened with him against Italy. Probus, when he had learned of this, sent an army with a commander to oppose him. As soon as those dispatched had drawn near Carus, they arrested their commander and surrendered him and themselves to Carus. Probus was killed by his own guardsmen, who had learned of the desertion of the soldiers to Carus. The duration of Probus’ sole rule had been not quite six yearsBlindado
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1dv Galerius305-311
Quarter Follis
Laureate head, right, MAXIMIANVS AVG
Genius standing left, modius on head, holding cornucopia & patera, SIS in ex., GENIO POPVLI ROMANI
RIC 169b
Eutropius tells us: Diocletian promoted MAXIMIAN HERCULIUS from the dignity of Caesar to that of emperor, and created Constantius and Maximian Galerius Caesars, of whom Constantius is said to have been the grand-nephew of Claudius by a daughter, and Maximian Galerius to have been born in Dacia not far from Sardica. . . . Galerius married Valeria, the daughter of Diocletian. . . .
Galerius Maximian, in acting against Narseus, fought, on the first occasion, a battle far from successful, meeting him between Callinicus and Carrae, and engaging in the combat rather with rashness than want of courage; for he contended with a small army against a very numerous enemy. Being in consequence defeated, and going to join Diocletian, he was received by him, when he met him on the road, with such extreme haughtiness, that he is said to have run by his chariot for several miles in his scarlet robes.
But having soon after collected forces in Illyricum and Moesia, he fought a second time with Narseus (the grandfather of Hormisdas and Sapor), in Greater Armenia, with extraordinary success, and with no less caution and spirit, for he undertook, with one or two of the cavalry, the office of a speculator. After putting Narseus to flight, he captured his wives, sisters, and children, with a vast number of the Persian nobility besides, and a great quantity of treasure; the king himself he forced to take refuge in the remotest deserts in his dominions. Returning therefore in triumph to Diocletian, who was then encamped with some troops in Mesopotamia, he was welcomed by him with great honour. Subsequently, they conducted several wars both in conjunction and separately, subduing the Carpi and Bastarnae, and defeating the Sarmatians, from which nations he settled a great number of captives in the Roman territories. . . .
Galerius, a man of excellent moral character, and skilful in military affairs, finding that Italy, by Constantius's permission, was put under his government, created two Caesars, MAXIMIN, whom he appointed over the east, and SEVERUS, to whom he committed Italy. He himself resided in Illyricum. Blindado
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314. Claudius IIMarcus Aurelius Claudius Gothicus (May 10, 213/214 - January, 270), more often referred to as Claudius II, ruled the Roman Empire for less than two years (268 - 270), but during that brief time, he was so successful and beloved by the people of Rome that he attained divine status.
His origin is uncertain. Claudius was either from Syrmia (Sirmium; in Pannonia Inferior) or from Dardania (in Moesia Superior). Claudius was the commander of the Roman army that defeated decisively the Goths at the battle of Naissus, in September 268; in the same month, he attained the throne, amid charges, never proven, that he murdered his predecessor Gallienus. However, he soon proved to be less than bloodthirsty, as he asked the Roman Senate to spare the lives of Gallienus' family and supporters. He was less magnanimous toward Rome's enemies, however, and it was to this that he owed his popularity.
Claudius, like Maximinus Thrax before him, was of barbarian birth. After an interlude of failed aristocratic Roman emperors since Maximinus's death, Claudius was the first in a series of tough soldier-emperors who would eventually restore the Empire from the Crisis of the third century.
At the time of his accession, the Roman Empire was in serious danger from several incursions, both within and outside its borders. The most pressing of these was an invasion of Illyricum and Pannonia by the Goths. Not long after being named emperor (or just prior to Gallienus' death, depending on the source), he won his greatest victory, and one of the greatest in the history of Roman arms.
At the Battle of Naissus, Claudius and his legions routed a huge Gothic army. Together with his cavalry commander, the future Emperor Aurelian, the Romans took thousands of prisoners, destroyed the Gothic cavalry as a force and stormed their chariot laager (a circular alignment of battle-wagons long favored by the Goths). The victory earned Claudius his surname of "Gothicus" (conqueror of the Goths), and that is how he is known to this day. More importantly, the Goths were soon driven back across the Danube River, and a century passed before they again posed a serious threat to the empire.
While this was going on, the Germanic tribe known as the Alamanni had crossed the Alps and attacked the empire. Claudius responded quickly and swiftly, routing the Alamanni at the Battle of Lake Benacus in the late fall of 268, a few months after the battle of Naissus. He then turned on the "Gallic Empire", ruled by a pretender for the past 15 years and encompassing Britain, Gaul and Spain. He won several victories and soon regained control of Spain and the Rhone river valley of Gaul. This set the stage for the ultimate destruction of the Gallic Empire under Aurelian.
However, Claudius did not live long enough to fulfill his goal of reuniting all the lost territories of the empire. Late in 269 he was preparing to go to war against the Vandals, who were raiding in Pannonia. However, he fell victim to an epidemic of plague and died early in January of 270. Before his death, he is thought to have named Aurelian as his successor, although Claudius' brother Quintillus briefly seized power.
The Senate immediately deified Claudius as "Divus Claudius Gothicus", making him one of the few Roman emperors of the period to be so honored.
Historia Augusta reports Claudius and Quintillus having another brother named Crispus and through him a niece. Said niece Claudia reportedly married Eutropius and was mother to Constantius Chlorus. Historians however suspect this account to be a genealogical fabrication by Constantine the Great.
Claudius II Gothicus AE Antoninianus. Cyzicus mint. IMP CLAVDIVS P F AVG, radiate, draped bust right / FORTUNA REDUX, Fortuna standing left with rudder & cornucopiae. RIC 234, Cohen 88.ecoli
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37. Harthacnut.Penny, 1035-1042; Lund, Denmark (now Sweden) mint.
Obverse: +HARÐECNVT / Crowned and cuirassed bust of Harthacnut.
Reverse: +TOCI ON LVDI / Cross, with a crescent in the second and fourth quarters.
Moneyer: Toci.
1.02 gm., 17 mm.
Seaby #1170.
This coin has a provenance going back to 1897. It was part of the Hyman Montagu (1844-95) Collection. Sold by Sotheby's, 16 November, 1897; Part V, lot 49. Illustrated on plate 1. The sale catalogue -- which is online -- has the buyer (Lincoln) and the selling price (8 shillings) written in. The buyer was W.S. Lincoln & Son, a coin dealer in London during the latter part of the 19th century.
Link to sale catalogue: https://archive.org/details/montagucollectio00soth_6/page/n9/mode/2upCallimachus
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5 grams, 20mmIf there's one thing I dislike intensely at the moment, it's that my iPhone cannot take better pictures, and that I don't possess an actual camera. Humor me and Rorschach this one while you read this. I see a radiate bust facing right on the obverse. I jumped to Tyche in my mind, because that's the first thing that popped up, but if I can get more detail gleaned out of here, I might have to reevaluate. I know some later emperors were radiate also...
The lack of reverse detail means I can't make heads or tails of it (Anyone else laughing at my usage of that? Just me? Okay...). Something is there, and I think it's a someone, but I can't tell what's up or down, or anything, so I don't have a die axis. Boo. I really do love this, I promise it looks better in hand than in this frankly bad photograph, but I've got a feeling it's going to be tricky to pin down with certainty. -sigh-EvaJupiterSkies
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501b. Crispus Ticinum VOTATicinum
Ticinum (the modern Pavia) was an ancient city of Gallia Transpadana, founded on the banks of the river of the same name (now the Ticino river) a little way above its confluence with the Padus (Po).
It is said by Pliny to have been founded by the Laevi and Marici, two Ligurian tribes, while Ptolemy attributes it to the Insubres.
Its importance in Roman times was due to the extension of the Via Aemilia from Ariminum (Rimini) to the Padus (187 BC), which it crossed at Placentia (Piacenza) and there forked, one branch going to Mediolanum (Milan) and the other to Ticinum, and thence to Laumellum where it divided once more, one branch going to Vercellae - and thence to Eporedia and Augusta Praetoria - and the other to Valentia - and thence to Augusta Taurinorum (Turin) or to Pollentia.
The branch to Eporedia must have been constructed before 100 BC. Ticinum is not infrequently mentioned by classical writers. It was a municipium, and from an inscription we know that a triumphal arch was erected in honor of Augustus and his family, but we learn little of it except that in the 4th century AD there was a manufacture of bows there.
It was pillaged by Attila in AD 452 and by Odoacer in 476, but rose to importance as a military centre in the Gothic period. At Dertona and here the grain stores of Liguria were placed, and Theodoric the Great constructed a palace, baths and amphitheatre and new town walls; while an inscription of Athalaric relating to repairs of seats in the amphitheatre is preserved (AD 528‑529). From this point, too, navigation on the Padus seems to have begun. Narses recovered it for the Eastern Empire, but after a long siege, the garrison had to surrender to the Lombards in 572.
001b. Crispus Ticinum
RIC VII Ticinum 153 R3
ecoli
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508. Julian IIJulian II, the Apostate. 361-363 AD.
...Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.
28mm (8.57 gm). Siscia mint. Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right / Bull standing right, two stars above; ASISC. RIC VIII 419; LRBC--. VF. Ex-CNGecoli
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706a, Nero, 13 October 54 - 9 June 68 A.D.6, Nero, 13 October 54 - 9 June 68 A.D. AE setertius, Date: 66 AD; RIC I 516, 36.71 mm; 25.5 grams; aVF. Obverse: IMP NERO CAESAR AVG PONT MAX TR POT PP, Laureate bust right; Reverse: S C, ROMA, Roma seated left, exceptional portrait and full obverse legends. Ex Ancient Imports.
NERO (54-68 A.D.)
It is difficult for the modern student of history to realize just how popular Nero actually was, at least at the beginning of his reign. Rome looked upon her new Emperor with hope. He was the student of Seneca, and he had a sensitive nature. He loved art, music, literature, and theatre. He was also devoted to horses and horse racing—a devotion shared by many of his subjects. The plebs loved their new Emperor. As Professor of Classics Judith P. Hallett (University of Maryland, College Park) says, “It is not clear to me that Nero ever changed or that Nero ever grew-up, and that was both his strength and his weakness. Nero was an extraordinarily popular Emperor: he was like Elvis” (The Roman Empire in the First Century, III. Dir. Margaret Koval and Lyn Goldfarb. 2001. DVD. PBS/Warner Bros. 2003).
De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families
Herbert W. Benario
Emory University
Introduction and Sources
The five Julio-Claudian emperors are very different one from the other. Augustus dominates in prestige and achievement from the enormous impact he had upon the Roman state and his long service to Rome, during which he attained unrivaled auctoritas. Tiberius was clearly the only possible successor when Augustus died in AD 14, but, upon his death twenty-three years later, the next three were a peculiar mix of viciousness, arrogance, and inexperience. Gaius, better known as Caligula, is generally styled a monster, whose brief tenure did Rome no service. His successor Claudius, his uncle, was a capable man who served Rome well, but was condemned for being subject to his wives and freedmen. The last of the dynasty, Nero, reigned more than three times as long as Gaius, and the damage for which he was responsible to the state was correspondingly greater. An emperor who is well described by statements such as these, "But above all he was carried away by a craze for popularity and he was jealous of all who in any way stirred the feeling of the mob." and "What an artist the world is losing!" and who is above all remembered for crimes against his mother and the Christians was indeed a sad falling-off from the levels of Augustus and Tiberius. Few will argue that Nero does not rank as one of the worst emperors of all.
The prime sources for Nero's life and reign are Tacitus' Annales 12-16, Suetonius' Life of Nero, and Dio Cassius' Roman History 61-63, written in the early third century. Additional valuable material comes from inscriptions, coinage, papyri, and archaeology.
Early Life
He was born on December 15, 37, at Antium, the son of Cnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbusand Agrippina. Domitius was a member of an ancient noble family, consul in 32; Agrippina was the daughter of the popular Germanicus, who had died in 19, and Agrippina, daughter of Agrippa, Augustus' closest associate, and Julia, the emperor's daughter, and thus in direct descent from the first princeps. When the child was born, his uncle Gaius had only recently become emperor. The relationship between mother and uncle was difficult, and Agrippina suffered occasional humiliation. But the family survived the short reign of the "crazy" emperor, and when he was assassinated, it chanced that Agrippina's uncle, Claudius, was the chosen of the praetorian guard, although there may have been a conspiracy to accomplish this.
Ahenobarbus had died in 40, so the son was now the responsibility of Agrippina alone. She lived as a private citizen for much of the decade, until the death of Messalina, the emperor's wife, in 48 made competition among several likely candidates to become the new empress inevitable. Although Roman law forbade marriage between uncle and niece, an eloquent speech in the senate by Lucius Vitellius, Claudius' closest advisor in the senatorial order, persuaded his audience that the public good required their union. The marriage took place in 49, and soon thereafter the philosopher Seneca [[PIR2 A617]] was recalled from exile to become the young Domitius' tutor, a relationship which endured for some dozen years.
His advance was thereafter rapid. He was adopted by Claudius the following year and took the name Tiberius Claudius Nero Caesar or Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus, was preferred to Claudius' natural son, Britannicus, who was about three years younger, was betrothed to the emperor's daughter Octavia, and was, in the eyes of the people, the clear successor to the emperor. In 54, Claudius died, having eaten some poisoned mushrooms, responsibility for which was believed to be Agrippina's, and the young Nero, not yet seventeen years old, was hailed on October 13 as emperor by the praetorian guard.
The First Years of Rule
The first five years of Nero's rule are customarily called the quinquennium, a period of good government under the influence, not always coinciding, of three people, his mother, Seneca, and Sextus Afranius Burrus, the praetorian prefect. The latter two were allies in their "education" of the emperor. Seneca continued his philosophical and rhetorical training, Burrus was more involved in advising on the actualities of government. They often combined their influence against Agrippina, who, having made her son emperor, never let him forget the debt he owed his mother, until finally, and fatally, he moved against her.
Nero's betrothal to Octavia was a significant step in his ultimate accession to the throne, as it were, but she was too quiet, too shy, too modest for his taste. He was early attracted to Poppaea Sabina, the wife of Otho, and she continually goaded him to break from Octavia and to show himself an adult by opposing his mother. In his private life, Nero honed the musical and artistic tastes which were his chief interest, but, at this stage, they were kept private, at the instigation of Seneca and Burrus.
As the year 59 began, Nero had just celebrated his twenty-first birthday and now felt the need to employ the powers which he possessed as emperor as he wished, without the limits imposed by others. Poppaea's urgings had their effect, first of all, at the very onset of the year, with Nero's murder of his mother in the Bay of Naples.
Agrippina had tried desperately to retain her influence with her son, going so far as to have intercourse with him. But the break between them proved irrevocable, and Nero undertook various devices to eliminate his mother without the appearance of guilt on his part. The choice was a splendid vessel which would collapse while she was on board. As this happened, she swam ashore and, when her attendant, having cried out that she was Agrippina, was clubbed to death, Agrippina knew what was going on. She sent Nero a message that she was well; his response was to send a detachment of sailors to finish the job. When she was struck across the head, she bared her womb and said, "Strike here, Anicetus, strike here, for this bore Nero," and she was brutally murdered.
Nero was petrified with fear when he learned that the deed had been done, yet his popularity with the plebs of Rome was not impaired. This matricide, however, proved a turning point in his life and principate. It appeared that all shackles were now removed. The influence of Seneca and Burrus began to wane, and when Burrus died in 62, Seneca realized that his powers of persuasion were at an end and soon went into retirement. Britannicus had died as early as 55; now Octavia was to follow, and Nero became free to marry Poppaea. It may be that it had been Burrus rather than Agrippina who had continually urged that Nero's position depended in large part upon his marriage to Octavia. Burrus' successor as commander of the praetorian guard, although now with a colleague, was Ofonius Tigellinus, quite the opposite of Burrus in character and outlook. Tigellinus became Nero's "evil twin," urging and assisting in the performance of crimes and the satisfaction of lusts.
Administrative and Foreign Policy
With Seneca and Burrus in charge of administration at home, the first half-dozen years of Nero's principate ran smoothly. He himself devoted his attention to his artistic, literary, and physical bents, with music, poetry, and chariot racing to the fore. But his advisors were able to keep these performances and displays private, with small, select audiences on hand. Yet there was a gradual trend toward public performance, with the establishment of games. Further, he spent many nights roaming the city in disguise, with numerous companions, who terrorized the streets and attacked individuals. Those who dared to defend themselves often faced death afterward, because they had shown disrespect for the emperor. The die was being cast for the last phases of Nero's reign.
The Great Fire at Rome and The Punishment
of the Christians
The year 64 was the most significant of Nero's principate up to this point. His mother and wife were dead, as was Burrus, and Seneca, unable to maintain his influence over Nero without his colleague's support, had withdrawn into private life. The abysmal Tigellinus was now the foremost advisor of the still young emperor, a man whose origin was from the lowest levels of society and who can accurately be described as criminal in outlook and action. Yet Nero must have considered that he was happier than he had ever been in his life. Those who had constrained his enjoyment of his (seemingly) limitless power were gone, he was married to Poppaea, a woman with all advantages save for a bad character the empire was essentially at peace, and the people of Rome enjoyed a full measure of panem et circenses. But then occurred one of the greatest disasters that the city of Rome, in its long history, had ever endured.
The fire began in the southeastern angle of the Circus Maximus, spreading through the shops which clustered there, and raged for the better part of a week. There was brief success in controlling the blaze, but then it burst forth once more, so that many people claimed that the fires were deliberately set. After about a fortnight, the fire burned itself out, having consumed ten of the fourteen Augustan regions into which the city had been divided.
Nero was in Antium through much of the disaster, but his efforts at relief were substantial. Yet many believed that he had been responsible, so that he could perform his own work comparing the current fate of Rome to the downfall of Troy. All his efforts to assist the stricken city could not remove the suspicion that "the emperor had fiddled while Rome burned." He lost favor even among the plebs who had been enthusiastic supporters, particularly when his plans for the rebuilding of the city revealed that a very large part of the center was to become his new home.
As his popularity waned, Nero and Tigellinus realized that individuals were needed who could be charged with the disaster. It so happened that there was such a group ready at hand, Christians, who had made themselves unpopular because of their refusal to worship the emperor, their way of life, and their secret meetings. Further, at this time two of their most significant "teachers" were in Rome, Peter and Paul. They were ideal scapegoats, individuals whom most Romans loathed, and who had continually sung of the forthcoming end of the world.
Their destruction was planned with the utmost precision and cruelty, for the entertainment of the populace. The venue was Nero's circus near the Mons Vaticanus. Christians were exposed to wild animals and were set ablaze, smeared with pitch, to illuminate the night. The executions were so grisly that even the populace displayed sympathy for the victims. Separately, Peter was crucified upside down on the Vatican hill and Paul was beheaded along the Via Ostiensis. But Nero's attempt, and hope, to shift all suspicion of arson to others failed. His popularity even among the lower classes was irrevocably impaired.
[For a detailed and interesting discussion of Nero’s reign please see http://www.roman-emperors.org/nero.htm]
The End - Nero's Death and its Aftermath
Nero's and Tigellinus' response to the conspiracy was immediate and long-lasting. The senatorial order was decimated, as one leading member after another was put to death or compelled to commit suicide. The year 66 saw the suicides of perhaps the most distinguished victims of the "reign of terror," Caius Petronius and Thrasea Paetus. Petronius, long a favorite of Nero because of his aesthetic taste, had been an able public servant before he turned to a life of ease and indolence. He was recognized as the arbiter elegantiae of Nero's circle, and may be the author of the Satyricon. At his death, he left for Nero a document which itemized many of the latter's crimes. Thrasea, a staunch Stoic who had been for some years an outspoken opponent of Nero's policies, committed suicide in the Socratic manner. This scene is the last episode in the surviving books of Tacitus' Annals.
In the year 68, revolt began in the provinces. . . the end of Nero's reign became inevitable. Galba claimed the throne and began his march from Spain. Nero panicked and was rapidly abandoned by his supporters. He finally committed suicide with assistance, on June 9, 68, and his body was tended and buried by three women who had been close to him in his younger days, chief of whom was Acte. His death scene is marked above all by the statement, "Qualis artifex pereo," (What an artist dies in me.) Even at the end he was more concerned with his private life than with the affairs of state.
The aftermath of Nero's death was cataclysmic. Galba was the first of four emperors who revealed the new secret of empire, that an emperor could be made elsewhere than in Rome. Civil war ensued, which was only ended by the victory of the fourth claimant, Vespasian, who established the brief dynasty of the Flavians. The dynasty of the Julio-Claudians was at an end.
Nero's popularity among the lower classes remained even after his death.
. . . .
It is not excessive to say that he was one of the worst of Rome's emperors in the first two centuries and more of the empire. Whatever talents he had, whatever good he may have done, all is overwhelmed by three events, the murder of his mother, the fire at Rome, and his savage treatment of the Christians.
Precisely these qualities are the reasons that he has remained so well known and has been the subject of many writers and opera composers in modern times. These works of fiction particularly merit mention: Henryk Sienkiewicz's Quo Vadis, one of the finest works of the 1907 Nobel Laureate in Literature, and John Hersey's The Conspiracy. Nero unquestionably will always be with us.
Copyright (C) 2006, Herbert W. Benario.
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
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96. Justinian I.Follis (40 nummia), 541, Constantinople mint.
Obverse: DN IVSTINIANVS P P AVG / Helmeted and cuirassed bust, facing; holding globe and cruciger. Cross at right.
Reverse: Large M, cross above, ANNO XIIII at sides, Γ between legs of M.
Mint mark: CON
22.82 gm., 38 mm.
Sear #163.
The large M is the Greek numeral 40 -- i.e. 40 nummia is the coin's denomination. The smaller Γ is the Greek numeral 3 -- i.e. the 3'rd officina of the mint at Constantinople. ANNO XIIII is Latin for Year 14 -- the 14'th year of Justinian's reign (541 AD).
In 541, things were going bad for the Empire -- trouble with the Goths in Italy, the Bulgars ravaging the Balkans, and the Persians invading from the east. Bubonic plague swept across the eastern Mediterranean in 541, reaching Constantinople in May 542, before going on to Italy and Gaul.
Callimachus
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Achaemenid Empire siglosSilver siglos (Carradice type IIIb A/B, Near Very Fine, 16.7mm, 5.54 g), Xerxes I - Darius II, 480–420 BCE
The word siglos is Greek for "shekel" (sigle in Persian/Babylonian), that is, this coin is an Achaemenid Empire (Persian) shekel. Its weight is approximately half of the shekel that was used during the first Bet HaMikdash (~11.3 g).
Therefore, Haman concluded: “If it please the king, let it be written that they be destroyed, and I will weigh out ten thousand talents of silver into the hands of those who have the charge of the business, to bring it into the king’s treasuries” (Esther 3:9). Reish Lakish said: It is revealed and known in advance to the One Who spoke and the world came into being, that in the future Haman was going to weigh out shekels against the Jewish people; therefore, He arranged that the Jewish people’s shekels that were given to the Temple preceded Haman’s shekels.
(Tractate Megillah, 13b)
Yoel S
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AlexandriaAlexandria was one of the most famous cities in the world. It was founded around a small pharaonic town c. 331 BC by Alexander the Great. It remained Egypt's capital for nearly a thousand years, until the Muslim conquest of Egypt in AD 641, when a new capital was founded at Fustat (Fustat was later absorbed into Cairo). Alexandria was known because of its Lighthouse of Alexandria (Pharos), one of the Seven Wonders of the Ancient World; its library (the largest library in the ancient world); and the Catacombs of Kom el Shoqafa, one of the Seven Wonders of the Middle Ages. Ongoing maritime archaeology in the harbor of Alexandria, which began in 1994, is revealing details of Alexandria both before the arrival of Alexander, when a city named Rhacotis existed there, and during the Ptolemaic dynasty.ancientone
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Antoninus Pius ZeugmaAntoninus Pius, 138 - 161 AD
AE Diassarion, Commagene, Zeugma Mint, 23mm, 10.26 grams
Obverse: Laureate head of Antoninus right.
Reverse: Tetrastyle temple on hill with structures at base and up either side and a path going up, A in right field.
RPC Online 5752
Butcher 12.Ancient Aussie
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Aphrodite and Ares on Cilician AR Stater of Satrap PharnabazosCirca 380-374/3 B.C.(21mm, 10.39g, 11h). Struck circa 380-379 B.C. Casabonne series 3; Moysey Issue 3, 3-5 var. (dolphin on obv.); SNG France 246 var. (rev. legend). Obverse Head of nymph facing three-quarters left. Reverse Helmeted head of Ares left, Aramaic PRNBZW to left. Near EF, toned, struck from a slightly worn obverse die.
Ex CNG.
There is still an ongoing debate whether who represent the obverse and reverse of this coin type of Pharnabazos. The obverse obviously was inspired by the renowned Syracusan tetradrachm of Kimon, whose three-quarter facing head of the nymph Arethusa was widely copied throughout the ancient world. A handful of ancient poleis adopted this style to represent their local nymph or goddess on their coins. A perfect example is the numerous coins of Larissa in Thessaly representing the local nymph of the same name. It is possible to assume then that the obverse of our coin might be another female deity other than Arethusa. A current opinion holds that the obverse represents Aphrodite, the goddess of love; and the reverse depicts Ares, the god of war. The two were known in ancient mythology as lovers, and commonly paired together on ancient coins. Of special note on this coin is the reverse: while most coins of this type display static male heads with little originality, the reverse die is probably from a special issue marked by superior style and executed with extreme delicacy. It has been suggested (Leu Auction 81, lot 317) that the head of Ares may be a disguised portrait of Pharnabazos himself.
Jason T
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Arles 100 PAE 22.5mm 5.18g
D N CONSTA-NS P F AVG Pearl-diademed, draped, cuirassed bust right
FEL TEMP–REPARATIO // PARL Emperor in military dress stg. L. on galley going l., holding phoenix on globe and standard with Chi-Rho on banner; in the stern sits Victory, steering the sagord
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Arles 99 PAE 23.5mm 4.17g
D N CONSTAN-TIVS P F AVG Pearl-diademed, draped, cuirassed bust right
FEL TEMP–REPARATIO // PARL Emperor in military dress stg. L. on galley going l., holding phoenix on globe and standard with Chi-Rho on banner; in the stern sits Victory, steering the ship.agord
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Attica, Athens. (Circa 454-449 BC)AR Tetradrachm
25 mm, 17.20 g
This is a transitional Owl tetradrachm that bridges the early classical owls (minted from 478-454) with the subsequent mass classical (standardized) coinage, which really got going in the early 440s BC to finance Pericles' building projects like the Parthenon and then later the Peloponnesian War (431-404 BC) vs. Sparta. The 454 date is critical in that it was the year that Athens moved the treasury of the Delian league (confederation of Greek states led by Athens to defend against the Persian threat) from Delos to Athens.
This coin shares many attributes of Starr V early classical coinage (465-454 BC). On the obverse, the olive leaves on Athena's helmet connect to her diadem with small stems (which disappear in the mass coinage). In addition, the palmette leaves on Athena's helmet are smaller, less decorative, and more realistic. Finally, Athena is smiling (she starts to frown as the war with Sparta goes badly) and is more beautifully depicted than in the more hastily produced mass coinage.
On the reverse, like with the Starr V coins, the incuse is quite noticeable and the AOE (short for AOENAION, or "Of the Athenians") is written in smaller letters (they are much bigger in the mass coinage). Also, the owl is stouter, has smaller eyes, and his head is at an angle rather than parallel to the ground like all later issues.
The only difference between the Starr V owls and this example is in the owl's tail - in Starr V it ends with three small feathers. On this coin and all subsequent coinage the owl's tail ends in a single prong. Given all the other similarities to Starr V it is likely this coin was minted soon after the Treasury's move from Delos to Athens - perhaps 454/453.Nathan P
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Barbaric imitation of Tetricus I / II . AE15mmObv. Radiate, draped bust right . Blundered legend.
Rev. Figure standing right holding spear. Blundered legend, perhaps in a dotted border
( there is a lot going on here for such a little coin, and does the portrait not look wonderfully stearn!!!Lee S
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BCC GR5 Demetrias by the SeaDemetrias by the Sea
1st Century BCE
Obv:Turreted, veiled bust of Tyche rt.
Rev:LA / (Δ)Η Aphlaston
Dia. 17.5 x 16mm. Thickness: 2.5mm.
Weight: 3.45gm. Axis:0
Reference: Kushnir-Stein 1995 no. 6 and
Farhi-Bessarabov INR 14, 2019, no. 3
Extremely rare. Additional Caesarea Papers
by Lampinen and Stieglitz also discuss these
coins. The original article, calling attention to a
Seleucid coastal town named Demetrias was
published by H. Seyrig in 1950. The possible
locations of this city in Southern Phoenicia are
controversial. One suggestion has been Strato's
Tower, predecessor to Caesarea Maritima. Research
into the origin of these coins is on-going, and any
ideas are welcome.
Surface find, Caesarea Maritima, 1972.v-drome
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Best of a Bad LotI did something that I keep telling myself not to do and that is buy bulk lots of fleabay.
Anyhow out of the 100 I bought only 10% were any good and I use that term loosely
Still lots of cleaning to go, but some of these can not be saved, they are as good as they are going to getJames b4
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Bonaparte I° Consul - 20 francs or An 12 AAtelier de Paris (A)
BONAPARTE PREMIER CONSUL, tête nue a gauche
REPUBLIQUE FRANCAISE, couronne de lauriers entourant 20 FRANCS en deux lignes. A l'exergue . coq . AN 12. . A .
Tranche inscrite DIEU PROTEGE LA FRANCE
6.44 gr
Ref : Le Franc VIII # 510/2
The revolution has ended, Bonaparte is soon becoming Napoleon I Empereur, as Octavian became Augustus (note the similarities on this portrait with those of Augustus on the "bull butting" denarii), but still unsure of what is going on. We see many contradictory messages for a laïque republic : a consul on obverse, a republic on reverse, a revolutionary calendar (An 12) and ... God save France on the edge...
Now you know why you find french people so romantic...
11-249Potator II
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Bruttium, AE26 Brettian league, c. 215-205 BC
Head of Ares left
BPETTIWN, Hera Hoplosmia going right, holding spear and shield, cow's head ? under shield
14.44 gr, 26 mm
Ref : Sear #702vPotator II
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C. Antestius - Antestia-1aRoman Republic, AR Denarius (3.26 gm), C.ANTESTI, 146 BC, Rome Mint, Obverse: Helmeted head of Roma looking to the right, before X, C.AESTI behind, border of dots. Reverse: Dioscuri going right, puppy below looking upwards with one forefoot raised, ROMA in exergue. Crawford 219/1D, Sydenham 411, Antestia-1a, RCV 95/1Bud Stewart
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Chinese Charm with coin inscription from Later Zhou Dynasty 951 - 960 A.D.Cast Bronze Chinese Charm, Weight 8.8g, Max diameter 26.8mm, Obv. 周 元通宝 zhou yuan tong bao "Zhou First Currency", Rev. Dragon on left, Warrior with sword on right (depicting "Zhou Chu killing the dragon"), Rich brown patina.
Background info courtsey Primaltrek.com
In addition to official coinage, China also has a long history of producing "coin-like" charms, amulets and talismans.
Coins, as a form of money, represent power. Coin-shaped charms are, therefore, a very compact form of power. They are filled with symbolism and are believed by the multitude of Chinese to have vast powers.
Cast throughout the centuries, these ancient charms, informally referred to by the Chinese as "ya sheng coins" (压胜钱), "flower coins" (huaqian 花钱) or "play coins" (wanqian 玩钱), were not used as money but rather to suppress evil spirits, bring "good luck", "good fortune" and to avert misfortune.
For the most part, all these old charms,...were privately cast and their quantities and dates are almost impossible to determine. Nevertheless, they serve as important cultural artifacts from the life of the common Chinese throughout the centuries.
Emperor Shizong did cast coins in earnest beginning in 955 AD, the second year of his Xiande (显德) reign, with the inscription zhou yuan tong bao (周 元通宝). To obtain the copper to make the coins, Emperor Shizong ordered the confiscation of bronze statues from 3,336 Buddhist temples. He also mandated that citizens turn in to the government all bronze utensils with the exception of bronze mirrors.
Zhou yuan tong bao coins are very well made and still exist in large quantities. Because the coins were made from Buddhist statues, they are considered to have special powers. For example, it was believed that the zhou yuan tong bao coin could cure malaria and help women going through a difficult labor.
Because of the common belief that the coin has special powers, the zhou yuan tong bao became very popular as the basis for charms and amulets. There are many charms with the inscription zhou yuan tong bao on the obverse and a dragon and phoenix on the reverse. Images of the Buddha, zodiac animals, and other auspicious objects can also be found on the reverse sides of zhou yuan tong bao charms.
The theme of this charm is "Zhou Chu killing the dragon".
A folk story about Zhou Chu appeared in the 430AD book "A New Account of the Tales of the World" and proved to be very popular. The story claims that Zhou Chu was such a hot-headed bully in his younger days that he was called one of the "Three Scourges" by the villagers in his hometown (in today's Yixing), along with a dragon and a tiger. Upon hearing the term, Zhou Chu went on to kill the tiger and the dragon. After he and the dragon disappeared for 3 days fighting in Lake Tai, the villagers celebrated wildly, just when Zhou Chu returned with the dragon's head. That was when he realized that he was the last scourge that the villagers feared. Determined to mend his old ways, he sought out Eastern Wu generals Lu Ji and Lu Yun, and received encouragement. Eventually he became an accomplished general beloved by his people~WikipediaSteve E
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Cilicia, Tarsos. Satrap Pharnabazos II. AR Stater.Circa 380-374/3 B.C.(21mm, 10.39g, 11h). Struck circa 380-379 B.C. Casabonne series 3; Moysey Issue 3, 3-5 var. (dolphin on obv.); SNG France 246 var. (rev. legend). Obverse Head of nymph facing three-quarters left. Reverse Helmeted head of Ares left, Aramaic PRNBZW to left. Near EF, toned, struck from a slightly worn obverse die.
Ex CNG.
There is still an ongoing debate whether who represent the obverse and reverse of this coin type of Pharnabazos. The obverse obviously was inspired by the renowned Syracusan tetradrachm of Kimon, whose three-quarter facing head of the nymph Arethusa was widely copied throughout the ancient world. A handful of ancient poleis adopted this style to represent their local nymph or goddess on their coins. A perfect example is the numerous coins of Larissa in Thessaly representing the local nymph of the same name. It is possible to assume then that the obverse of our coin might be another female deity other than Arethusa. A current opinion holds that the obverse represents Aphrodite, the goddess of love; and the reverse depicts Ares, the god of war. The two were known in ancient mythology as lovers, and commonly paired together on ancient coins. Of special note on this coin is the reverse: while most coins of this type display static male heads with little originality, the reverse die is probably from a special issue marked by superior style and executed with extreme delicacy. It has been suggested (Leu Auction 81, lot 317) that the head of Ares may be a disguised portrait of Pharnabazos himself.
Jason T
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Claudius (Tiberius Claudius Drusus Germanicus) (41-54 A.D.)RIC I (Claudius) 94
AE dupondius (27-28 mm). Rome mint, struck ca. 41-50 A.D.
Obv: TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG P M TR P IMP, bare head, left.
Rev: CERES AVGVSTA, SC in exergue, Ceres veiled and draped, seated left on ornamental throne, holding two grain ears and a long torch.
Note: Issued in response to bread riots in Rome, as part of an ongoing publicity campaign to reassure Romans of the adequacy and stability of the grain supply from North Africa. Ceres (=Demeter) was the goddess of grain, and was primarily worshipped by plebeians, and in rural areas.
RIC rarity C
From an uncleaned coin lot.Stkp
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Constantine I RIC VII Cyzicus 51AE 17.76mm, 3.2g, 327-328 AD
OBV :: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG, laureate head right
REV :: PROVIDEN-TIAE AVGG. Campgate with 7 rows, 2 turrets, no door and star above. Dot in left field
EX :: SMKdelta
REF :: RIC VII Cyzicus 51; Sear 16264
from uncleaned lot 11/2019
engraving error on coin appears as line going from top left corner of structure to the letter O in Providen-tiae ..possibly re-used die ?
Johnny
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Constantine the Great Barbarous Imitativeearly 307 - 22 May 337 A.D
obv. IMP CONSTANTINVS P F AVG (blundered), laureate, helmeted and cuirassed bust right
rev. VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP (blundered), two Victories holding shield inscribed VOT PR over altar
this one came in a very mixed lot of very low quality left overs. so not to make it worse I'm not going to clean it. The actualy inscription seems to be all "I"s :)Randygeki(h2)
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Constantius II, Cyzicus RIC VIII-067(Δ)AE2 Maiorina
Cyzicus mint, 348-350 A.D.
25mm, 4.50
RIC VIII-67
Obverse:
D N CONSTANTIVS P F AVG
Pearl-diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust right.
Reverse:
FEL TEMP REPARATIO
* in right field
SMKΔ
Emperor in military dress standing left on galley going left, holding phoenix on globe and standard; in the stern sits Victory steering the ship.Will J
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Crawford 340/2, ROMAN REPUBLIC, L. Piso Frugi, AR Quinarius - Knife SymbolRome, The Republic.
L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, 90 BCE.
AR Quinarius (2.06g; 15mm).
Rome Mint.
Obverse: Laureate head of Apollo, facing right; knife symbol behind.
Reverse: Victory standing toward right, holding wreath and palm; L·PI - SO in fields; FRVGI in exergue.
References: Crawford 340/2e; Sydenham 672; Calpurnia 13b.
Like the denarii of L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, the quinarii have a series of symbols, numbers and letters marking either or both dies. Each symbol appears on only one die. The quinarii are remarkably scarcer than the denarii, with Crawford counting about one-tenth the number of obverse and reverse quinarius dies versus denarius dies. Victory on the reverse, like the Victory appearing on the reverse of the Asses of this series, likely refers to the ongoing Social War.
Carausius
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Crawford 340/2, ROMAN REPUBLIC, L. Piso Frugi, AR Quinarius - Owl SymbolRome, The Republic.
L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, 90 BCE.
AR Quinarius (1.84g; 13mm).
Rome Mint.
Obverse: Laureate head of Apollo, facing right; owl symbol behind.
Reverse: Victory standing toward right, holding wreath and palm; L·PI - SO in fields; FRVGI in exergue.
References: Crawford 340/2e; Sydenham 672; Calpurnia 13b.
Provenance: Ex Naville Numismatics 56 (22 Mar 2020) Lot 417.
Like the denarii of L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, the quinarii have a series of symbols, numbers and letters marking either or both dies. Each symbol appears on only one die. The quinarii are remarkably scarcer than the denarii, with Crawford counting about one-tenth the number of obverse and reverse quinarius dies versus denarius dies. Victory on the reverse, like the Victory appearing on the reverse of the Asses of this series, likely refers to the ongoing Social War.
Carausius
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Crawford 348/4, ROMAN REPUBLIC, L. Rubrius Dossenus, AR QuinariusRome, The Republic.
L. Rubrius Dossenus. 87 BCE.
AR Quinarius (1.82g; 15mm; 7h).
Rome Mint, 87 BCE.
Obverse: DOSSEN; Laureate head of Neptune facing right, trident over shoulder.
Reverse: L•RVBRI; Victory holding wreath and palm, standing to right before garlanded alter with snake coiled around top.
References: Crawford 348/4; Sydenham 708; BMCRR 2459-60; Rubria 4.
Provenance: Ex Artemide Auction 57 (30 Apr 2022) Lot 337; Aes Rude Titano Auction 3 (23 Jun 1979) Lot 117.
L. Rubrius Dossenus is not known except for his coins. The snake-coiled alter on the reverse may allude to prayers to Aesculapius, the Roman god of medicine and healing, as a plague had broken out among the troops fighting Marius at the time. A similar snake-coiled alter is seen on the obverse (and on certain rare reverses) of AE Asses produced by the same moneyer. A snake is an attribute of Aesculapius. During an ongoing plague, a Roman temple to Aesculapius was built from 293-290 BCE, on an island in the Tiber where a sacred snake, brought from the god’s sanctuary in Greece, had slithered after arrival in Rome. Babelon and Grueber suggest that Neptune on the obverse may refer to that maritime trip to the Aesculapian sanctuary in 293 BCE, though Crawford thinks the type generally seeks favor for naval victories (and good health) in the ongoing Marian conflict.
This quinarius type is not rare, although it rarely comes as complete as this example. Carausius
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Crawford 397/1, ROMAN REPUBLIC, Spinther AR DenariusRome, The Republic.
Pub. Lentulus P.f.L.n. Spinther, 71 BCE.
AR Denarius (3.85g; 18mm).
Rome Mint
Obv: Q●S●C; Hercules head right.
Rev: P●LENT●P●F / [L]●N; Genius Romani seated facing on chair, holding coruncopia and scepter, being crowned by Victory.
References: Crawford 397/1; Sydenham 791(R6); BMCRR 3329.
Provenance: ex Collection of a Director [Triton XX (10 Jan 2017) Lot 525; ex Eton College Collection [Sotheby's (1 Dec 1976) Lot 219).
In my humble opinion, this is one of the more artistic reverse types of the Roman Republic denarius series – almost Greek in execution. It depicts Genius of the Roman People exerting dominance over the world with one foot on the globe while being crowned victorious. The message may be related to the ongoing wars with Sertorius in Spain, Mithridates in the East and possibly the servile revolt led by Spartacus in Italy (if the 71BC date proposed by Hersh and Walker is accepted, see below). Other members of the Cornelia gens also depicted Genius of the Roman People on their coinages, so the cult of Genius may have been important to the family, or it may be coincidental that the Corneliae happened to strike these coins during strife when the message of the Genius of the Roman People would have been appropriate. Crawford agrees with the latter explanation. SC [Senatus consulto] in the obverse legend suggests it was struck by special decree of the Roman Senate.
The coin is scarce and missing from many major hoards, making it difficult to precisely date. In fact, it’s listed in only four hoards on Table XIII in Crawford’s Roman Republican Coin Hoards. Of those four hoards: in two hoards (Cosa and Palestrina), it’s deemed the final issue (terminus ante quem), lacking the context of later coins; in the third hoard (Tolfa), it’s the next to last issue with the last being a serrate denarius of Q. Creperei Rocus, which Crawford dates to 72BC; and in the fourth hoard (San Gregorio), it appears in the middle context in which Rocus is again the next latest coin. Crawford’s Roman Republican Coinage dates the coin 74BC, concurring with Grueber’s dating in the British Museum Catalogue. David Sear stuck with Crawford’s dating of 74BC in the Millennium Edition of Roman Coins and Their Values. However, in their 1984 analysis of the Mesagne Hoard (which contained no examples of this coin), Hersh and Walker revised the dating to 71BC, which lumps the Spinther issue with several other, non-serrate, “SC” issues of the late 70s. Hersh and Walker re-date the serrate Rocus issue to 69BC, where it is lumped with other serrate issues. In my collection catalogue, I’ve chosen to use the 71BC date proposed by Hersh and Walker, because it fits neatly with the fabric and special circumstances of the coinage and is consistent with the cursus honorum dates discussed in the following paragraph.
The moneyer was the Quaestor, P. Cornelius Lentulus, whose nickname was Spinther (reportedly because he resembled an actor by that name). It was a nickname that he clearly liked as both he and his son later used it on coins. Spinther, an aristocrat of the Cornelia gens, was liked by Julius Caesar and rose through the cursus honorum, beginning with his Quaestorship when this coin was struck. He was elected Aedile in 63BC and worked with Cicero in suppressing the Cataline conspiracy. The date of his Aedileship is important in that 6-8 years was the required waiting period between Quaestor and Aedile in the cursus honorum, the career path for a Roman politician, which is consistent with Hersh and Walker’s proposed dating of this coin issue to 71BC; Crawford’s dating of 74BC implied that Spinther failed to reach the Aedileship for several years after he qualified for the position (being elected in the first qualification year was an important distinction to the Romans, though certainly an accomplishment that many Roman aristocrats failed to attain). He was later governor of part of Spain. With Caesar’s help, he was elected consul in 57BC, when he recalled Cicero from exile. Thereafter he governed Cilicia, at which time Cicero wrote him a still-surviving letter. As relations deteriorated between Caesar and Pompey, Spinther sided with Pompey. Despite initial offers of amnesty by Caesar, Spinther would not remain neutral and was eventually killed or committed suicide during the civil wars. His son later allied with Caesar’s assassins and struck the well-known LENTVLVS SPINT coins for both Brutus and Cassius.
This example comes from the Eton College Collection, which was auctioned by Sotheby’s in 1976. Eton College initiated its ancient coin collection by acquiring a large group of British Museum duplicates in the 1870s, and Eton added to this collection in the ensuing years. By the mid-1970s, the ancient coin market was white-hot, and Eton decided to cash-out the lion’s share of its collection, keeping a representative core for study purposes. I’ve contacted the British Museum’s Department of Coins and Medals to link this coin to the original tranche of BM duplicates purchased by Eton. Unfortunately, before adoption of modern curatorial standards, the BM did not accession duplicates into the BM collection; rather, they simply put duplicates into the “duplicates cabinet” without cataloging them. These uncatalogued duplicates would be sold or traded from time to time to acquire needed specimens for the BM collection. There might be record of the transaction somewhere at the BM, but there would be no description of the duplicates sold. By 1980 or so, the BM began cataloguing all coins, even duplicates. There is an 1880s book published about Eton's Roman coin collection, but it describes only a representative sample of the collection and this coin is not included.
Carausius
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Crawford 474/1, ROMAN IMPERATORIAL, L. Valerius Acisculus, AR Denarius - SEAR PLATE COIN!Rome, Moneyer Issues of the Imperatorial Period.
L. Valerius Acisculus, 45 BCE.
AR Denarius (4.17g; 21mm).
Rome Mint.
Obverse: Filleted head of Apollo facing right; star above; pick-axe and ACISCVLVS behind; all within a wreath border.
Reverse: Europa riding bull to right with billowing veil; L VALERIVS in exergue.
References: Crawford 474/1b; HCRI 90a; Sydenham 998a; BMCRR 4102; Sear RCV I 469/2 (this coin illustrated); Banti 35/2 (this coin illustrated); Valeria 16.
Provenance: Ex Student and his Mentor Collection [NAC 83 (2015) Lot 442]; Credit de la Bourse (1995) Lot 1146; Munzen und Medaillen Liste 412 (1979), Lot 43; E.J. Haeberlin Collection [Cahn-Hess (17 Jul 1933) Lot 2800].
L. Valerius Acisculus issued an interesting series of types in 45 BCE. Not much is known about the moneyer except that he was also a Tribune of the Plebs. The pick-axe on obverse of these types is a punning allusion to the moneyer’s name, as the Latin word for pick-axe is “acisculus”. Scholars have long debated the meanings of the other devices, some going to great lengths to argue connections to the moneyer’s family. However, more recently, Crawford and Sear both concluded that the types, including the laurel wreath border on the obverse of this coin, likely allude to Julius Caesar’s military successes against Pompey and in the East.
Carausius
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Crawford 474/5, ROMAN IMPERATORIAL, L. Valerius Acisculus, AR DenariusRome, The Republic.
L. Valerius Acisculus, 45 BCE.
AR Denarius (4.17g; 22mm).
Rome Mint.
Obverse: Radiate, draped head of Sol facing right; pick-axe and ACISCVLVS behind
Reverse: Luna in biga galloping right; L. VALERIVS in exergue.
References: Crawford 474/5; HCRI 94; Sydenham 1002; BMCRR 4110; FFC 1171 (this coin illustrated); Valeria 20.
Provenance: Ex Jose Fernandez Molina Collection [Aureo & Calico Alba Longa Auction (7 Nov 2018) Lot 716]; NAC 18 (29 Mar 2000) Lot 337.
L. Valerius Acisculus issued an interesting series of types in 45 BCE. Not much is known about the moneyer except that he was also a Tribune of the Plebs. The pick-axe on obverse of these types is a punning allusion to the moneyer’s name, as the Latin word for pick-axe is “acisculus”. Scholars have long debated the meanings of the other devices, some going to great lengths to argue connections to the moneyer’s family. However, more recently, Crawford and Sear both concluded that the types likely allude to Julius Caesar’s military successes against Pompey and in the East. The obverse of this coin, in particular, is likely a nod to Caesar's eastern victories, with Sol's cult having a strong eastern following.
Carausius
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Domitian, Fouree gamesDomitian 81-96 A.D. Unknown, unofficial mint. (1.62g, 6h). Obv: [I]MP CAES DOMIT [], laureate head right. Rev: , COS XIIII across field; column inscribed LVD SAEC FEC; all within laurel wreath. Copying RIC II 604.
I’ve seen a number of Domitian fouree denarii, but the issue this one attempts to copy is what interested me. The original was minted to celebrate the Secular Games, and only issued for a brief time. If you were going to copy something, it would see the ubiquitous Minerva reverses would be more likely to avoid close scrutiny. Lucas H
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Domitius Domitianus, Octadrachm, Emmet plate coin - *Alexandria mint, AD 296-297
ΔOMITI-ANOC CEB, Radiate bust of Domitius right
No legend, Serapis going right, LB in field (regnal year 2)
12.79 gr
Ref : Emmett, Alexandrian coins #4241/2, this example illustrated, Dattari # 10830, RCV # 12982 (2000), Sear # 4801 var (It's actually an hexadrachm in Sear)
Domitius Domitianus, stationed in Egypt, rebelled against Diocletianus in july 296 AD and was proclaimed emperor. He was defeated during spring 297 AD. Diocletian decided to close the alexandrian mint, so the coins of Domitianus are the last provincial coins from Alexandria. Also, Domitianus was the only ruler to strike octadrachms (in parallel with didrachms, tetradrachms and hexadrachms)
For more information, see, in english : http://www.forumancientcoins.com/numiswiki/view.asp?key=Domitius%20Domitianus or "en français" http://www.forumancientcoins.com/board/index.php?topic=54339.0
Also, the following comment, about another specimen sold at CNG (Triton XI, Lot # 539) "For the most part, scholars agree that the larger coins featuring the radiate bust must be a double, and thereby call it an octodrachm. At half the weight, then, the smallest coins with the Nike on the reverse must be tetradrachms, though these coins have erroneously been called heretofore didrachms. The weights of these tetradrachms appear consistent with the final issues of pre-reform tetradrachms of the Tetrarchs. The middle denomination poses the largest challenge to this arrangement. By weight, it should be a hexadrachm. However, no such denomination was known to have been struck in Egypt, though tetradrachms earlier in the third century achieved this weight. The obvious problem here would be the confusion caused in circulating the same denomination in two different weights. As this type is the rarest of the group, it is possible that it was meant for a special occasion, or more remotely, a stalled attempt to reinstitute the pre-reform coinage on an earlier weight standard. Further investigation may shed more light on this subject. Potator II
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Durotrigan Bi "Durotrigan E" or "Cranbourne Chase" type stater, region: South Britain (Dorset), c. 58 BC - 43 ADFlan roughly circular, obverse convex, reverse concave.
18.5mm, 1.5+mm thick, 2.82g
Die axis: ~3h (Greek), assuming traditional diagonal wreath position with "eyes" right
Material: billon of unknown silver and other metal content.
Obverse: devolved head of a god (Celtic "Apollo") right , reverse: disjointed horse / chariot left with 12 pellets above and 1 below (possibly indicating 12+1 lunar months in a solar year)
The design is loosely based on golden staters of Philip II of Macedon with laureate head of Apollo on obverse and a charioteer driving a biga (Mediterranean two-horse chariot) on reverse.
References: Durotrigan E, Cranbourne Chase type, BMC 2525-2731, Mack 317-318, Sp 367, RDVA 1235-1237 etc.
Peculiarities in this case: small flan, so most of design does not fit onto it, probably indicating very late production, no usual correspondence between the "crook" crossing the "wreath" and the "left eye", pellets large and flat, obverse significantly off center, ornaments left to "cheek" clearly visible.
The Durotriges were one of the Celtic (possibly even pre-Celtic) tribes living in Britain prior to the Roman invasion. The tribe lived in modern Dorset, south Wiltshire, south Somerset and Devon east of the River Axe and the discovery of an Iron Age hoard in 2009 at Shalfleet, Isle of Wight gives evidence that they lived in the western half of the island. After the Roman conquest, their main civitates, or settlement-centred administrative units, were Durnovaria (modern Dorchester, "the probable original capital") and Lindinis (modern Ilchester, "whose former, unknown status was thereby enhanced"). Their territory was bordered to the west by the Dumnonii; and to the east by the Belgae.
Durotriges were more a tribal confederation than a tribe. They were one of the groups that issued coinage before the Roman conquest, part of the cultural "periphery" round the "core group" of Britons in the south. These coins were rather simple and had no inscriptions. The Durotriges presented a settled society, based in the farming of lands surrounded and controlled by strong hill forts that were still in use in 43 AD. Maiden Castle is a preserved example of one of these hill forts.
The area of the Durotriges is identified in part by coin finds: few Durotrigan coins are found in the "core" area, where they were apparently unacceptable and were reminted. To their north and east were the Belgae, beyond the Avon and its tributary Wylye: "the ancient division is today reflected in the county division between Wiltshire and Somerset." Their main outlet for the trade across the Channel, strong in the first half of the 1st century BC, when the potter's wheel was introduced, then drying up in the decades before the advent of the Romans, was at Hengistbury Head. Numismatic evidence shows progressive debasing of the coinage, suggesting economic retrenchment accompanying the increased cultural isolation. Analysis of the body of Durotrigan ceramics suggests that the production was increasingly centralised, at Poole Harbour. Burial of Durotriges was by inhumation, with a last ritual meal provided even under exiguous circumstances, as in the eight burials at Maiden Castle, carried out immediately after the Roman attack.
Not surprisingly, the Durotriges resisted Roman invasion in AD 43, and the historian Suetonius records some fights between the tribe and the second legion Augusta, then commanded by Vespasian. By 70 AD, the tribe was already Romanised and securely included in the Roman province of Britannia. In the tribe’s area, the Romans explored some quarries and supported a local pottery industry.
The Durotriges, and their relationship with the Roman Empire, form the basis for an ongoing archaeological research project (https://research.bournemouth.ac.uk/project/the-durotriges-project/) directed by Paul Cheetham, Ellen Hambleton and Miles Russell of Bournemouth University. The Durotriges Project has, since 2009, been reconsidering the Iron Age to Roman transition through a detailed programme of field survey, geophysical investigation and targeted excavation. Yurii P
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Elagabal RIC IV, 188Elagabal AD 218-222
AR - Denarius, 3.26gm, 19mm
struck 218-219 AD at Antioch mint
obv. ANTONINVS PIVS FEL AVG
bust, draped and cuirassed, seen from behind, laureate, r.
rev. FELICIT - AS / TEMP (in ex.)
Galley, mast and sail in the midth, with eight oarsmen, going r.(!). Seven oars
to see, and rudder at stern; waves below. On stern boatswain beside the ship's
cabin. Stern decorated with standard and acrostolium. On prow oblique mast.
RIC IV/2, 188; C. 27; BMC 277 var.
Scarce, EF, well struck on an ample flan, attractive portrait for this type.
The reverse type portrays the galley bearing Elagabalus and the sacred Stone of Emesa on the emperor's slow journey from Elagabalus' home in Emesa to Rome, undertaken 218-219 AD after the Syrian legions and Macrinus' deserting forces won the military victory that assured Elagabalus' place as Augustus.
On the ship the Holy Stone is not to see !(Curtis Clay)Jochen
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Enemies, Punished: Killing of Tarpeia, Another Founding Myth, on Titurius Sabinus DenariusRoman Republican. L. Titurius L.f. Sabinus AR Denarius (3.5g, 20.5mm, 3h), Rome 89 BCE.
Obv: SABIN. Bearded bare head of the Sabine king, Tatius right; palm frond right below chin.
Rev: L•TITVRI. Tarpeia, hair dishevelled, facing forward, buried to her waist in shields, hands raised fending off two soldiers about to throw their shields on her; star in crescent above.
Ref: Tituria 4 (Babelon or RSC); Crawford 344/2a.
Prov: Ex Numismática Lucernae/Antonio Hinosa Pareja (Alcala La Real, 8 Jul 2015).
Notes: This reverse was copied by a second classic denarius, struck ~80 years later by Augustus (RIC 299). It was also a pun on the moneyer’s name: Titurius Sabinus & Tarpeia the Sabine partisan.
A classic scene invoking the contemporary relevance of Rome’s mythical founding to the ongoing “Social War” (91 – 87 BCE). The Republic was at war with its own allies & Italic neighbors, largely over the matter of (not) bestowing Roman citizenship. (Citizenship was worth fighting over; it was highly consequential for safety & well-being, and political & military decision-making). Though Rome "won," it granted citizenship anyway, eventuating in “the Romanization of Italy.”
The coin's reverse depicts Tarpeia, the Vestal Virgin who betrayed Rome to the Sabines during a siege. Her punishment was to be crushed to death under Sabine shields & hurled from a cliff (the "Tarpeian Rock").
In 70 CE, the Flavians gave a traditional traitor's execution to Simon bar Giora (famous rebel leader in the First Jewish–Roman War, 66-70 CE, defender against Titus in the Siege of Jerusalem): he was paraded through Rome in Vespasian's great Triumph, scourged and publicly hurled from the Tarpeian Rock.Curtis JJ
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Faustus Cornelius SullaAR denarius. 56 BC. 4.05 g, 9h. Head of young Hercules right, wearing lion's skin headdress, paws knotted below his chin; SC above FAVSTVS monogram behind. / Globe surrounded by four wreaths, the larger jewelled and tied with fillet; aplustre and stalk of grain below. Crawford 426/4a. RSC Cornelia 61 .
This coin is one of ten million denarii that the Senate of Rome commissioned for the purchase of wheat in the year 56 BC. All those extra denarii, struck alongside the normal coin issues, bear the letters S.C for "Senatus Consulto" (by decree of the Senate) on their obverse, behind the head of Hercules. The ligated letters FAVS refer to the moneyer, Faustus Cornelius Sulla.
The ear of grain on the reverse illustrates that this denarius was indeed minted in connection with the purchase of wheat. Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, who transacted the business, was the father in law of the moneyer Sulla, and effectually used his son in law's position to advertise himself. Three of the wreaths on the reverse commemorate the three triumphs of Pompey: He was the first Roman to celebrate a triumph on each of the three then-known continents. With this Pompey had made Rome a world power, which is symbolized by the globe in the middle. The fourth wreath, larger than the others, stands for the extraordinary honor that Pompey was bestowed with in 63 BC, when he was allowed to wear a golden headdress when going to the circus or the theater.benito
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France, Ambrussum, Gallia Narbonensis - via Domitia.Via Domitia going downhill towards the bridge
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GallienusIt might look a bit featureless on the back in the FORUM picture, but this coin definitely has more detail in hand. Haven't gotten it narrowed down yet, but here's what I know, and where I think I'm going.
Very similar to GALLIENVS AVG, radiate, cuirassed bust right / PROVID AVG, Providentia standing left, holding baton and cornucopiae, globe at foot. X in right field. RIC V-1 Rome 267.
2.747g, 20.3mm, 180 degree die axis.EvaJupiterSkies
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Germanicus, AE Dupondius, RIC I 57Germanicus
Caesar, 4 – 19 A.D.
Coin: AE Dupondius, commemorating the recovery, by Germanicus, of the Legionary Eagles (Aquilae) lost in the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest in 9 A.D.
Obverse: GERMANICVS CAESAR, Germanicus, in Triumph, in a Quadriga, going to the right, holding the reigns with his left hand and a Sceptre with his right.
Reverse: SIGNIS RECEP DEVICTIS GERM, Germanicus, cuirassed, advancing to the left, saluting with his right hand and holding an Aquila with his left. S-C across the fields.
Weight: 13.06 g, Diameter: 28.5 x 29 x 2 mm, Die axis: 200°, Mint: Rome, issued in the reign of his son, Gaius "Caligula", between 37 - 40 A.D. References: RIC I 57, BMC 94, Note: A metal detecting find at about 3 miles from Chinon, France, by Mr. Murray Jemison in 2010 at what was said to have been a Roman garrison site.Constantine IV
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Germany, Trier - Imperial bathsGoing to the baths was an important part of Roman life: Over 1600 years ago, the Romans built one of the grandest and most impressive baths in the world: the Imperial Baths.
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Greece, Amphipolis: The Lion of AmphipolisThe first pieces of this rather grand monument were discovered near the banks of the River Strymon in 1912 by Greek soldiers during the Second Balkan War. Further finds were made in 1916 and in 1930-32 during the creation of Lake Kerkini. The Lion was restored (and partly reconstructed) in 1937.
The sculpted Lion itself is 5.3m tall, on its base it stands over 8m high. It is plausibly dated to the late 4th century BCE. Recent work on the Kasta Tomb, which is about 4km distant, has revealed further fragments also apparently belonging to the Lion and it may be the case that the Lion originally surmounted that tomb and was only later moved to its present location.
Nobody knows what or who the monument commemorates; perhaps ongoing work on the Kasta Tomb will illuminate matters. A quite similar, somewhat smaller, statue, the “The Lion of Chaeronea”, honours the Sacred Band of Thebes, which was wiped out at the battle of Chaeronea in 338 BCE. But while several ancient sources (including Pausanias and Strabo) mention the Chaeronea lion and the circumstances of its construction, there is no ancient record of the Amphipolis lion.
Abu Galyon
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HARBOUR, NERO, AE Sestertius (Portus Claudii)Æ sestertius (22.54g, maximum Ø34.24mm, 6h), Lugdunum mint, struck AD 66.
Obv.: IMP NERO CAESAR AVG P MAX TR P P P, laureate head of Nero right, globe below tip of bust.
Rev.: PORT AVG (below) S C (above), aerial view of the harbour of Ostia, showing pier, breakwaters, lighthouse surmounted by the statue of Neptune, seven ships, and the figure of Tiber reclining left in foreground, holding rudder and dolphin.
Mac Dowall (The western Coinages of Nero, ANS SSN 161) 476; RIC 586 (R2); BMCRE 323 var. (different obv. legend); Cohen 253 var. (emperor's head to left); CBN 74 var. (different obv. legend); Sear (RCV) 1953var.
Rome's original harbour was Ostia, situated at the mouth of the Tiber. It could not easily handle large sea-going vessels such as those of the grain fleet. Therefore, Claudius initiated the construction of a new all-weather harboru at Portus, about 4 km north of Ostia. The project was completed under Nero who renamed the harbour "Portus Augusti".
It was a huge project enclosing an area of 69 hectares, with two long curving moles projecting into the sea, and an artificial island, bearing a lighthouse, in the centre of the space between the moles. The foundation of this lighthouse was provided by filling with concrete and sinking one of the massive ships that Caligula had used to transport an obelisk from Egypt for the Circus Maximus. These giant ships had a length of around 100m and displaced a minimum of 7400 tons. The harbour opened directly to the sea on the northwest and communicated with the Tiber by a channel on the southeast. However, it was very exposed to the weather and under Trajan was superseded by a new land-locked inner basin linked to the Tiber by a canal.Charles S
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Holey Coin Vest II, ca. 2004This picture was taken outside the ruins of the slave hospital at Retreat Plantation, St. Simons Island, Georgia. The front side of the vest was pre-1900 US and world coins, while the back side was a nearly-complete date set of US large cents. I've since sold off the large cents and was going to replace them with a date set of Seated Liberty dime love tokens, but that collection soon took on a life of its own and expanded beyond mere holey coins, so they ended up in an album rather than the back of the vest. (You can see that collection in a separate album.) In 2011 I disassembled the vest in order to have the coins photographed, but editing all the photos has been a very laborious project. It will eventually be reassembled and the front will likely be taken over by all world and ancient coins, while the reverse will be a 19th century US type set. The last time I attended a show and wore all my regalia was at Charlotte ANA in 2007.lordmarcovan
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Isinda; Zeus/ IΣIN, god on horseback r. AE 19Pisidia, Isinda. 1st century B.C. AE 19mm (3.82g). Obv.: head of Zeus r. Rev.: IΣIN, god on horseback going r. SNG BN Paris 1571. Ex Tom VossenPodiceps
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Isinda; Zeus/ IΣIN, god on horseback r., snake below; AE 18Pisidia, Isinda. 1st century B.C. AE 18mm (4.91g). Obv.: head of Zeus r. Rev.: IΣIN, god on horseback going r. snake curling below, before palm branch; behind, IЄ. Hans von Aulock, Pisidien 645. Ex Tom VossenPodiceps
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Italy, Venezia, Marc’Antonio, Memmo doge,XCI, (1612–1615 A.D.), AR-Soldino, s. Paol. 1., Winged lion going to,Italy, Venezia, Marc’Antonio, Memmo doge,XCI, (1612–1615 A.D.), AR-Soldino, s. Paol. 1., Winged lion going to,
avers: *M•ANTON•MEMO•DVX, Cross formed by thistle leaves.
revers:*SANCT•MARCVS•VEN, Winged lion going to.
diameter: 15,0mm, weight: 0,60g, axis:4h,
mint: Venezia, , mint mark: ,
date: 1612–1615 A.D., ref: s. Paol. 1.,
Q-001quadrans
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Italy- Rome- Forum Romanum Cloaca MaximaDoor leading to the Cloaca Maxima, situated in the eastern stairs of the Basilica Julia at the Roman Forum. Here, you can sometimes hear (and smell) the sewer.
The outlet of the Cloaca maxima ("greatest sewer"). This drain was built as a canal through the Forum Romanum in the sixth century and its construction is generally attributed to king Tarquinius Priscus. In the second century BCE, the canal was covered.
The Cloaca Maxima was one of the world's earliest sewage systems. Constructed in ancient Rome in order to drain local marshes and remove the waste of one of the world's most populous cities, it carried effluent to the River Tiber, which ran beside the city.
The name literally means Great Sewer. According to tradition it may have been initially constructed around 600 BC under the orders of the king of Rome, Lucius Tarquinius Priscus.
This public work was largely achieved through the use of Etruscan engineers and large amounts of semi-forced labour from the poorer classes of Roman citizens.
Although Livy describes it as being tunnelled out beneath Rome, he was writing a great deal after the event. From other writings and from the path that it takes, it seems more likely that it was originally an open drain, formed from streams from three of the neighbouring hills, that were channeled through the main Forum and then on to the Tiber. This open drain would then have been gradually built over, as building space within the city became more valuable. It is possible that both theories are correct, and certainly some of the lower parts of the system suggest that they would have been below ground level even at the time of the supposed construction.
There were many branches off from the main sewer, but all seem to be 'official' drains that would have served public toilets, bath-houses and other public buildings. Private residences in Rome, even of the rich, would have relied on some sort of cess-pit arrangement for sewage.
The Cloaca Maxima was well maintained throughout the life of the Roman Empire and there is evidence to suggest it was still working long after the traditional fall of the Western Empire. In 33 BC it is known to have received an inspection and overhaul from Agrippa, and archaeology reveals several building styles and material from various ages, suggesting that the systems received regular attention. In more recent times, the remaining passages have been connected to the modern-day sewage system, mainly to cope with problems of backwash from the river.
The Cloaca Maxima was thought to be presided over by the goddess Cloacina.
The Romans are recorded — the veracity of the accounts depending on the case — to have dragged the bodies of a number of people to the sewers rather than give them proper burial, among them the emperor Elagabalus and Saint Sebastian: the latter scene is the subject of a well-known artwork by Lodovico Carracci.
The outfall of the Cloaca Maxima into the river Tiber is still visible today near the bridge Ponte Rotto, and near Ponte Palatino. There is a stairway going down to it visible next to the Basilica Julia at the Forum.
It is often said that it is still in use; this is not untrue, but the whole truth is that only a trickle of water flows through the age-old sewer. The exit shown on this picture is just south of the ancient Roman bridge now known as Ponte Rotto.
Peter Wissing
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Jeton, Louis XIV, Feuardent 434Louis XIV (1638-1715), the Sun King
AE 24 (Brass), 4.44g, 24.46mm, 180°
obv. LOVIS.XIV.ROY. - DE.FR.ET.DE.N.
Bust with Allonge wig, draped, r.
rev. AVDAX.IRE.VIAS.
in ex. ORDINAIRES.DES / GUERRES
Landscape, above sun with band with the codiacal signs Cancer, Lion and Scorpio
ref. Feuardent 434
VF
Legend: AUDAX IRE VIAS = Boldly going one's way
Note: France at that time had distinguished between Ordinaire des guerres (= usual wars) and Extraordinaire des guerres (special campaigns).
Jochen
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Kamnaskires VCirca 54/3-33/2 BC
AR Drachm, 16mm, 3.46 grams, 180 degrees
Seleukeia on the Hedyphon mint. Uncertain SE date.
O: Diademed and draped bust left; [to right, star above anchor]
R: Diademed head left; [date in exergue].
Ref: van't Haaff Type 9.1.2-6A; Alram 464; Sunrise 483.
Notes: Toned, porosity. Near VF. Regarding the van't Haaff attribution, I believe it is certainly Type 9.1.2, I am not so sure it is 6A because the beard is not as long on my coin. Plus, the mintmark is off flan or obscured. For now, I am going with CNG's attribution for lack of a better one from my perusal of van't Haaff.
Ex-CNG eAuction 528, Lot 222Virgil H
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Kamnaskires-OrodesEarly-mid 2nd Century AD
AE Drachm, 15 mm, 3.29 grams
O: Diademed bust forward, hair tuft on top and large curly upward tufts on each side. One crossbar on anchor, pellet within crescent, pellet between anchor and bust.
R: Dashes without regular pattern, no border.
Ref: van't Haaff Type 12.3.1-2A2 (attributed incorrectly as GIC 5910)
Notes: Seller attributed as GIC 5910, which I disagree with. GIC has two bars at top of anchor, this one has one. This is again a case of me going with van't Haalf versus Sear or others for the king. I think my attribution is more accurate, but I am certainly open to being wrong.
ex-Frank S. Robinson Auction 118Virgil H
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King Eanred, NorthumbriaThis coin is likely a counterfeit/reproduction of a genuine Eanred Base-Styca of c. 810AD. It is currently undergoing XRF analysis to determine this. The weight is suspicious at 1.85g though the coin itself, if fake, is dangerously good.
Given that Tony Abramson, an acknowledged specialist has given his initial opinion that it might be genuine from the photo, I sent it to him for a look in the hand.
Discussion with Tony here:
'Dear Alex,
The weight is a real concern but it's difficult to tell just from the photograph - there may be some casting bubbles on the surface. I attach the Museum Reproduction Limited's no. 382 which differs from your coin. Also your's doesn't appear to be dished, so isn't a new Ashmore. I would recommend that you have the coin analysed by XRF or similar to detemine the amount of silver and confirm the presence of trace elements - tin and zinc. This could be done as Sheffield Assay office or at most universities. The leading authority is Peter Northover at Oxford. I can put you in touch.
Regards,
Tony Abramson'
So off it went to Oxford. After XRF analysis at Oxford by Peter Northover, he stated the following, almost as a footnote having discussed at length two doubtful 'Vanimundas Thrymsa':
'The Eanred coin has a composition that matches other early 9th century silver coins in England and is probably OK, although it is a very crisp example.
Regards,
Peter
--
Dr Peter Northover,
BegbrokeNano - OMCS
Tel: +44 1865 283721; Fax +44 1865 848790
Mob: +44 7785 501745
e-mail; peter.northover@materials.ox.ac.uk'
Further notes added from research email to Tony Abramson:
Just done some basic research on my coin via the EMC. There are 600+ coins of Eanred on there so this really was a quick scan through. Results:
These coins are quite heavy, certainly over the 1.35g you'd 'expect'. In one case, a coin is 2.25g!:
1001.0270
1001.0295
1024.0250
1036.0035
1042.2430
These coins are the same style as mine but no weight recorded:
2001.0274
2001.0270
2001.0600
2001.0601
These are the same as Pirie 2000, P.66 no.146 and 147 in 2 of the cases. Find spots include Sherburn, Wharrem-Le-Street, Staxton, all in Yorkshire on A64, the old Roman road from York to Scarborough. The legend for EANRED is however retrograde on all these coins, but not on mine.
Stewart Lyon and Tony correspondance:
On 08/01/2012 23:56:
Dear Tony,
I just don't believe that a coin weighing 1.8g and having a diameter of close to 15 mm can be a genuine styca of Eanred's reign. It cannot have been difficult to forge styca dies in the 18th or 19th century (though who would want to do it today?) since the designs are simple and the lettering often straightforward, as on Hwaetred's coins. If Peter Northover finds that the trace elements in the silver are consistent with 9th century silver we may have to wonder how this came about, but it would take a lot of persuasion to make me change my opinion that it is false.
Kind regards,
Stewart
Biarnred May 2017 - Updating thoughts - no new news here but to summarise, I am happy to sit this one out. On the one hand I may have identified a fake/reproduction on the market, and this serves as a warning to others. On the otherhand, with its composition and accurate style, just maybe this coin is genuine and represents a coinage now long forgotten, at a higher weight. I suspect that this coin is of relatively modern construction - perhaps some old Stycas (they are common) have been melted down and new dies used to produce this. Further the patination looks false to me, which would back up the age claim. Why? Well you can pick up Stycas virtually for free, and if you have the ability it would be an easy way to make some cash. Saying that, why aren't there more of these? Maybe a short-term venture.AlexB
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Kings of Macedonia, Alexander III The Great, 336-323 BC, AR Tetradrachm - Tyre 332/1 BC Head of young Herakles right in lion-skin headdress, paws tied at neck.
ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡOΥ Zeus Aëtophoros seated left, M under throne.
Price 3240 (b) (Ake) same dies; Newell Ake Series I, 3 (plate V, 13 same dies IV/δ).
An early emission of Alexander’s coinage from the mint of Tyre 332-330 BC. For the reattribution of the Alexander series of Ake to the mint of Tyre, see A. Lemaire, “Le monnayage de Tyr et celui dit d’Akko dans la deuxième moitié du IV siècle avant J.-C.,” RN 1976, and G. Le Rider, Alexander the Great: Coinage, Finances, and Policy (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 2007), pp. 125-34. Tyre mint 332/1 BC.
(23 mm, 17.15 g, 6h).
Harlan J Berk Buy or Bid Sale 175, May 2011, Lot 114 (incorrectly attributed to Babylon).
This is amongst the first coins issued from Tyre after the siege. It was probably struck in the months immediately following the fall of the city to Alexander. The people who handled it were probably participants in the bloody, protracted siege of Tyre and may then have accompanied Alexander on his expedition to Egypt before going on to fight at Gaugamela. Few Alexander tetradrachms can be so closely associated with the location and movements of the man.n.igma
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L SEPT SEV PERT AVG IMP [VIIII?] / P M TR P V COS II P P / Septimius Severus Fortuna denarius (197 AD) L SEPT SEV PERT AVG IMP [VIIII?], laureate head right / P M TR P V COS II P P, Fortuna standing left, holding rudder on globe in right hand, cornucopiae in left.
AR (post 196 mint, so probably 54% purity), 17 mm, 3.48g, die axis 12h.
Both small flan and image style (bust, wreath, shape of the rudder etc.) point towards the mint of Rome rather than the Eastern one. A bit heavier than expected (the standard supposed to be 3.41g), but WildWinds reports a 3.63g denarius of this type. Unfortunately it is impossible to read the number after IMP (it can be either VIIII or X for TR P V), but based on the spacing and, perhaps, a hint of V I think it is VIIII. So this must be RIC IV 104, BMCRE 229, RSC 442 type. Two other, less probable ID possibilities: RIC 115A (Rome, IMP X) and RIC 493 (Eastern mint, Laodicea ad Mare(?) IMP VIIII).
Lucius SEPTimius SEVeverus PERTinax AVGustus IMPerator (in this case not just an imperial title, but a military one, "invested with the Nth imperial acclaim", a victorious general, the number refers to important victories when the title was renewed); Pontifex Maximus (the high priest, starting with Augustus the emperor was always the head of state religion) TRibunitia Potestas (Tribunal power, the function of the tribune of the people, originally an important republican official, was "hijacked" by Augustus when he was building the imperial structure of power and subsequently became another emperor's title, renewed every year and thus very useful for dating coins) V (5th year means 193+4=197, give or take the actual date of renewing the title), COnSul (under the Empire, the office of Consul remained of some importance and was held by the Emperor with some frequency) II (during or after the consulship of 194 and before next one in 202), Pater Patriae (Father of his Country, the title was held by most Augusti but was usually not assumed at the very beginning of the reign). Denarius was the staple of Roman monetary system from 211 BC to mid 3d century AD.
SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, *11 Apr 145 in Leptis Magna (Khoms, Libya) † 4 Feb 211 (aged 65) Eboracum (York, England) ‡ 14 April 193 – 4 February 211
Septimius Severus was born in the Roman province of Africa. He came from a wealthy and distinguished family of equestrian rank, had Roman ancestry on his mother's side (gens Fulvia was one of the most famous plebeian clans in Rome) and descended from Punic, and perhaps also Libyan, forebears on his father's side. Several members of his family held important imperial offices (although, strangely, not his father who seemed to have no career to speak about). He was trilingual, speaking Punic, Latin and Greek, and got some classical education, but probably less than he wanted to. At 17 he was helped by his influential relatives to relocate to Rome, to be presented to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, and start his political career. With some difficulty he started to advance through the cursus honorum, holding a variety of offices. His career was helped by the Antonine Plague of 166, Septimius avoided it by returning to Leptis Magna for a while, and when he was back in Rome he found his competition conveniently thinned out. Despite him going through an impressive number of offices in a very short time there is very little record of his actual accomplishments in 170s and 180s.
In 191 Severus was appointed governor of Pannonia Superior (one of the provinces on Danube frontier) by Emperor Commodus (on advice from one of Septimius' friends). When the hell was unleashed by the assassination of Commodus on 31 December 192 and 193, , the infamous Year of the Five Emperors started, as a general in charge of significant army Severus was able to fight for the highest office. While he moved on Rome, Pertinax, the first Emperor of 193, was killed by the Praetorian Guard, and the next one, Didius Julianus, who famously bought the emperorship at an auction, was condemned by the Senate and executed, so Septimius entered Rome virtually unopposed. He then wisely appeased the powerful governor of Britannia, Clodius Albinus, who was also proclaimed the Emperor, by offering him the title of Caesar, which implied some degree of co-ruling and a chance to succession (Albinus did not give up that easy, reasserting his claim in three years, but then he was easily dealt with at the Battle of Lugdunum in Gaul). Afterwards he had to fight off the final pretender, Pescennius Niger, the former governor of Syria, who was proclaimed the Emperor by the eastern legions. Losing no time, Severus sent a considerable vanguard force to the East and, later, joined in with additional armies. In a series of battles in 193-195 Niger and his supporters were defeated. The last to surrender was Byzantium, which held even after the head of Niger was sent there. It is interesting to note that during this campaign Septimius visited the tomb of his famous fellow countryman, Hannibal Barca in Libyssa (Gebze, Turkey) and ordered to cover it with fine marble. Severus also took an opportunity to wage a short punitive campaign beyond the eastern frontier, annexing the Kingdom of Osroene as a new province.
After consolidating his rule over the western provinces, Severus waged another brief, more successful war in the east against the Parthian Empire, sacking their capital Ctesiphon in 197 and expanding the eastern frontier to the Tigris. He then enlarged and fortified the Limes Arabicus in Arabia Petraea. In 202 he campaigned in Africa and Mauretania against the Garamantes; capturing their capital Garama and expanding the Limes Tripolitanus along the southern desert frontier of the empire. In 208 he travelled to Britain, strengthening Hadrian's Wall and reoccupying the Antonine Wall. In the same year he invaded Caledonia (modern Scotland), but his ambitions were cut short when he fell fatally ill in late 210, dying in early 211 at Eboracum (York, England), and was succeeded by his sons Caracalla and Geta, thus founding the Severan dynasty. It was the last dynasty of the Roman empire before the Crisis of the Third Century.
In the context of this coin it is interesting to note, that, due to huge military expenses, upon his accession Severus decreased the silver purity of the denarius from 81.5% to 78.5%, although the silver weight actually increased, rising from 2.40 grams to 2.46 grams. Nevertheless, the following year he debased the denarius again because of rising military expenditures. The silver purity decreased from 78.5% to 64.5% – the silver weight dropping from 2.46 grams to 1.98 grams. In 196 he reduced the purity and silver weight of the denarius again, to 54% and 1.82 grams respectively [corresponds to this issue]. Severus' currency debasement was the largest since the reign of Nero.Yurii P
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Late ConstantiniansIt's a bloody Constantius II camp gate! A beautiful, I can see every last detail on it camp gate! It's like Christmas! Mr. Constantinopolis has some stunning detail too. I have a feeling the Third Amigo is going to take a little digging, as the lettering on the front isn't very crisp, but I love the reverse on it. That's probably where I'll start looking. The camp gate really is a tiny magnificent piece of art though. Wow. EvaJupiterSkies
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Lucius Appuleius Saturninus - AR denariusRome
²101 BC / ¹104 BC
helmeted head of Roma left
Saturn in quadriga right holding harpa and reins
.
·P
L·SATVRN
¹Crawford 317/3a, SRCV I 193, Sydenham 578, RSC I Appuleia 1
²Mark Passehl - Roman moneyer & coin type chronology, 150 – 50 BC
3,7g 18,5mm
According Richard Schaefer it's the first known example of these dies. Dies differ from ·P thus there, most probably, is dot above P although unfortunately off flan.
As quaestor Saturninus superintended the imports of grain at Ostia, but had been removed by the Roman Senate (an unusual proceeding), and replaced by Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, one of the chief members of the Optimates. Standard view is that injustice of his dismissal drove him into the arms of the Populares. In 103 BC he was elected tribune. Marius, on his return to Rome after his victory over the Cimbri, finding himself isolated in the senate, entered into a compact with Saturninus and his ally Gaius Servilius Glaucia, and the three formed a kind of triumvirate, supported by the veterans of Marius and many of the common people. By the aid of bribery and assassination Marius was elected (100 BC) consul for the sixth time, Glaucia praetor, and Saturninus tribune for the second time. Marius, finding himself overshadowed by his colleagues and compromised by their excesses, thought seriously of breaking with them, and Saturninus and Glaucia saw that their only hope of safety lay in their retention of office. Saturninus was elected tribune for the third time for the year beginning December 10, 100, and Glaucia, although at the time praetor and therefore not eligible until after the lapse of 2 years, was a candidate for the consulship. Marcus Antonius Orator was elected without opposition; the other Optimate candidate, Gaius Memmius, who seemed to have the better chance of success, was beaten to death by the hired agents of Saturninus and Glaucia, while the voting was actually going on. This produced a complete revulsion of public feeling. The Senate met on the following day, declared Saturninus and Glaucia public enemies, and called upon Marius to defend the State. Marius had no alternative but to obey. Saturninus, defeated in a pitched battle in the Roman Forum (December 10), took refuge with his followers in the Capitol, where, the water supply having been cut off, they were forced to capitulate. Marius, having assured them that their lives would be spared, removed them to the Curia Hostilia, intending to proceed against them according to law. But the more impetuous members of the aristocratic party climbed onto the roof, stripped off the tiles, and stoned Saturninus and many others to death. Glaucia, who had escaped into a house, was dragged out and killed. (wikipedia)J. B.
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Macrinus Assarion, Perge, Pamphylia.AV KAI M OΠEΛ CEV MAKPEINOC CEB, laureate and draped bust right
ΠEPΓ - AIΩN, winged Nike advancing left, holding wreath in extended right, palm fron in left hand
SNG PFPS 347 (same dies, additional CM on reverse), SNG von Aulock 4683 (same dies)
obv. on neck countermark: Eagle with spread wings (Howgego 168, no. 334)
The ruins of the city of Perge reside just under an hours drive from the seaside resort of Antalya on the south coast of Turkey. Strabo claims the city was founded by Greek colonists under the leadership of Mopsos and Calchas.
After the comings and going of the Persians, Alexanders Empire and the Seleucids, Perge passed over to Rome in 133BC.In 46 A.D., Perge became the setting of an event important to the Christian world. The New Testament book, the Acts of the Apostles, writes that St. Paul journeyed from Cyprus to Perge, from there continued on to Antiocheia in Pisidia. During the Constantinian era, the city became a centre of Christian worship, but waned in power after the Arab raids of the 7th centuries.Will Hooton
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MAFJ9 Away to WarMarcus Aurelius
Sestertius
170
Laureate head, right, M ANTONINVS AVG TR P XXIIII
Aurelius on horse right holding spear, soldier in front with spear and shield, three soldiers behind him with standards, COS III PROFECTIO AVG S C
RIC 977
Marcus twice between 168 and 174 had to command armies in Germany and Pannonia, which took him to a rough, often cold and dark frontier not fit for other members of the imperial family. A RAND study of US military personnel subjected to repeated and lengthy deployments to Afghanistan and Iraq concluded, "Researchers found that cumulative months of deployment matter. More cumulative months of deployment increased the risk of divorce among military couples, regardless of when the couple married or when the deployment occurred. The risk of divorce was higher for hostile deployments than for non-hostile deployments. . . ." People are people, and similar strains appear to have affected Marcus and Faustina, and may have contributed to Commodus' personal development into a monster in the absence of his father.
Marcus' generals held the Marcommani at bay during the Parthian war, but on Lucius' return, according to the Historia Augusta, "[B]oth the emperors [in 68] set forth, clad in military cloak. Both the Victuali and Marcomanni were throwing everything into disorder, and other peoples as well, who had taken flight under pressure from the more distant barbarians, were going to make war unless they were allowed in. The emperors' departure produced no small gain, for, when they had come as far as Aquileia, most of the kings withdrew, together with their peoples, and put to death those responsible for the disturbances. . . . Marcus. . . believed that the barbarians were feigning both their retreat and other measures purporting to offer military security--to avoid being crushed by the weight of such great preparations; and he held they must press on. Finally, having crossed the Alps, they proceeded a considerable distance and settled everything pertinent to the defense of Italy and Illyricum." Lucius died during the return to Rome in 169, and Marcus became the sole ruler of the empire.
The Marcommani nevertheless invaded Italy in 170 and besieged Aquileia, and Marcus returned to war, planning an offensive on the Danube. Eutropius recorded:
Having persevered, therefore, with the greatest labour and patience, for three whole years at Carnuntum, he brought the Marcomannic war to an end; a war which the Quadi, Vandals, Sarmatians, Suevi, and all the barbarians in that quarter, had joined with the Marcomanni in raising; he killed several thousand men, and, having delivered the Pannonians from slavery, triumphed a second time at Rome with his son Commodus Antoninus, whom he had previously made Caesar. As he had no money to give his soldiers, in consequence of the treasury having been exhausted for the support of the war, and as he was unwilling to lay any tax on the provinces or the senate, he sold off all his imperial furniture and decorations, by an auction held in the forum of the emperor Trajan, consisting of vessels of gold, cups of crystal and murrha, silk garments belonging to his wife and himself, embroidered with gold, and numbers of jewelled ornaments. This sale was continued through two successive months, and a great quantity of money was raised from it. Blindado
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Marti PaciferoObv. PROBVS AVG, radiate and cuirassed bust right,
Rev. MARTI PACIF, armoured and helmeted mars advancing left, holding olive twig in right, spear and shield in left, cape billowing behind, RQ{Gamma} in exergue,
Rome Mint, AD 282,
20 mm, 3,43 gr
Refs. RIC 177
Historia Augusta 16: "post haec Illyricum petiit. priusquam veniret, Raetias sic pacatas reliquit ut illic ne suspicionem quidem ullius terroris relinqueret. in Illyrico Sarmatos ceterasque gentes ita contudit ut prope sine bello cuncta reciperet quae illi diripuerant. tetendit deinde iter per Thracias atque omnes Geticos populos fama rerum territos et antiqui nominis potentia pressos aut in deditionem aut in amicitiam recepit. his gestis orientem petiit atque itinere potentissimo quodam latrone Palfuerio capto et interfecto omnem Isauriam liberavit, populis atque urbibus Romanis legibus restitutis. barbarorum, qui apud Isauros sunt, vel per terrorem vel urbanitatem loca ingressus est. (...) veteranis omnia illa quae anguste adeuntur loca privata donavit, addens ut eorum filii ab anno octavo decimo, mares dumtaxat, ad militiam mitterentur, ne latrocinare umquam discerent." - [20]causae occidendi eius haec fuerunt: primum quod numquam militem otiosum esse perpessus est, si quidem multa opera militari manu perfecit, dicens annonam gratuitam militem comedere non debere.
"After this he set out for Illyricum, but before going thither he left Raetia in so peaceful a state that there remained therein not even any suspicion of fear. In Illyricum he so crushed the Sarmatians and other tribes that almost without any war at all he got back all they had ravaged. He then directed his march through Thrace, and received in either surrender or friendship all the tribes of the Getae, rightened by the repute of his deeds and brought to submission by the power of his ancient fame. This done, he set out for the East, and while on his march he captured and killed a most powerful brigand, named Palfuerius, and so set free the whole of Isauria and restored the laws of Rome to the tribes and the cities. By fear or favour he entered the places held by the barbarians living among the Isaurians, (...) And so all those places which were difficult of access he gave to his veterans as their own private holdings, attaching thereto the condition that their children, that is, the males only, should be sent to the army at the age of eighteen, in order that they never might learn to be brigands." - "The causes of his murder were these: first of all, he never permitted a soldier to be idle, for he built many works by means of their labour, saying that a soldier should eat no bread that was not earned"Syltorian
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