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Crispus, Siscia RIC 17530 viewsAE 3 / 4 Crispus Votive
Obverse: IVL CRIS PVS NOBC, laureate head right.
Reverse: CAESARVMNOSTRORVM around VOT X ( I pledge 10 years)
TSIS in ex. Siscia mint, 16.5 mm,. 2.4 g.
RIC.27b Honorius (Siliqua, Vot X Mvlt XV)7 viewsHonorius, western roman emperor (393-423)
Siliqua : Virtus exerciti (388-402, Milan mint)

silver, 16 mm diameter, 1.47 g, die axis: 7 h

A/ D N HONORI-VS P F AVG; pearl diademed, draped & cuirassed bust right
R/ VOT / X / MVLT / XVL, MDPS in exergue; in wreath

RIC.IX 27b(R4) or RIC.X 1225(R3)
(0367) GRATIAN50 views367 - 383 AD
struck 378 - 383 AD
AE 14.5 mm; 1.53 g
Obv.: DN GRATIA-NVS P F AVG; draped and diademed bust right
Rev.: VOT /X V /MVLT /XX in laurel wreath, ASISC in exe.
Siscia mint
1403e, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Heraclea)28 viewsConstantine the Great, Bronze AE 3, RIC 69, VF, Heraclea, 3.38g, 19.0mm, 180o, 325 - 326 A.D. Obverse: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG, laureate head right; Reverse: D N CONSTANTINI MAX AVG, VOT XXX in wreath, SMHD in exergue.

The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.

Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.

For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins:
1409a, Julian II "the Philosopher," February 360 - 26 June 363 A.D.143 viewsJulian II, A.D. 360-363; RIC 167; VF; 2.7g, 20mm; Constantinople mint; Obverse: DN FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG, helmeted & cuirassed bust right, holding spear & shield; Reverse: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath; CONSPB in exergue; Attractive green patina. Ex Nemesis.

De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors

Julian the Apostate (360-363 A.D.)

Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Michael DiMaio, Jr., Salve Regina University


The emperor Flavius Claudius Julianus reigned from 360 to 26 June 363, when he was killed fighting against the Persians. Despite his short rule, his emperorship was pivotal in the development of the history of the later Roman empire. This essay is not meant to be a comprehensive look at the various issues central to the reign of Julian and the history of the later empire. Rather, this short work is meant to be a brief history and introduction for the general reader. Julian was the last direct descendent of the Constantinian line to ascend to the purple, and it is one of history's great ironies that he was the last non-Christian emperor. As such, he has been vilified by most Christian sources, beginning with John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzus in the later fourth century. This tradition was picked up by the fifth century Eusebian continuators Sozomen, Socrates Scholasticus, and Theodoret and passed on to scholars down through the 20th century. Most contemporary sources, however, paint a much more balanced picture of Julian and his reign. The adoption of Christianity by emperors and society, while still a vital concern, was but one of several issues that concerned Julian.

It is fortunate that extensive writings from Julian himself exist, which help interpret his reign in the light of contemporary evidence. Still extant are some letters, several panegyrics, and a few satires. Other contemporary sources include the soldier Ammianus Marcellinus' history, correspondence between Julian and Libanius of Antioch, several panegyrics, laws from the Theodosian Code, inscriptions, and coinage. These sources show Julian's emphasis on restoration. He saw himself as the restorer of the traditional values of Roman society. Of course much of this was rhetoric, meant to defend Julian against charges that he was a usurper. At the same time this theme of restoration was central to all emperors of the fourth century. Julian thought that he was the one emperor who could regain what was viewed as the lost glory of the Roman empire. To achieve this goal he courted select groups of social elites to get across his message of restoration. This was the way that emperors functioned in the fourth century. By choosing whom to include in the sharing of power, they sought to shape society.

Early Life

Julian was born at Constantinople in 331. His father was Julius Constantius, half-brother of the emperor Constantine through Constantius Chlorus, and his mother was Basilina, Julius' second wife. Julian had two half-brothers via Julius' first marriage. One of these was Gallus, who played a major role in Julian's life. Julian appeared destined for a bright future via his father's connection to the Constantinian house. After many years of tense relations with his three half-brothers, Constantine seemed to have welcomed them into the fold of the imperial family. From 333 to 335, Constantine conferred a series of honors upon his three half-siblings, including appointing Julius Constantius as one of the consuls for 335. Julian's mother was equally distinguished. Ammianus related that she was from a noble family. This is supported by Libanius, who claimed that she was the daughter of Julius Julianus, a Praetorian Prefect under Licinius, who was such a model of administrative virtue that he was pardoned and honored by Constantine.

Despite the fact that his mother died shortly after giving birth to him, Julian experienced an idyllic early childhood. This ended when Constantius II conducted a purge of many of his relatives shortly after Constantine's death in 337, particularly targeting the families of Constantine's half-brothers. ulian and Gallus were spared, probably due to their young age. Julian was put under the care of Mardonius, a Scythian eunuch who had tutored his mother, in 339, and was raised in the Greek philosophical tradition, and probably lived in Nicomedia. Ammianus also supplied the fact that while in Nicomedia, Julian was cared for by the local bishop Eusebius, of whom the future emperor was a distant relation. Julian was educated by some of the most famous names in grammar and rhetoric in the Greek world at that time, including Nicocles and Hecebolius. In 344 Constantius II sent Julian and Gallus to Macellum in Cappadocia, where they remained for six years. In 351, Gallus was made Caesar by Constantius II and Julian was allowed to return to Nicomedia, where he studied under Aedesius, Eusebius, and Chrysanthius, all famed philosophers, and was exposed to the Neo-Platonism that would become such a prominent part of his life. But Julian was most proud of the time he spent studying under Maximus of Ephesus, a noted Neo-Platonic philospher and theurgist. It was Maximus who completed Julian's full-scale conversion to Neo-Platonism. Later, when he was Caesar, Julian told of how he put letters from this philosopher under his pillows so that he would continue to absorb wisdom while he slept, and while campaigning on the Rhine, he sent his speeches to Maximus for approval before letting others hear them. When Gallus was executed in 354 for treason by Constantius II, Julian was summoned to Italy and essentially kept under house arrest at Comum, near Milan, for seven months before Constantius' wife Eusebia convinced the emperor that Julian posed no threat. This allowed Julian to return to Greece and continue his life as a scholar where he studied under the Neo-Platonist Priscus. Julian's life of scholarly pursuit, however, ended abruptly when he was summoned to the imperial court and made Caesar by Constantius II on 6 November 355.

Julian as Caesar

Constantius II realized an essential truth of the empire that had been evident since the time of the Tetrarchy--the empire was too big to be ruled effectively by one man. Julian was pressed into service as Caesar, or subordinate emperor, because an imperial presence was needed in the west, in particular in the Gallic provinces. Julian, due to the emperor's earlier purges, was the only viable candidate of the imperial family left who could act as Caesar. Constantius enjoined Julian with the task of restoring order along the Rhine frontier. A few days after he was made Caesar, Julian was married to Constantius' sister Helena in order to cement the alliance between the two men. On 1 December 355, Julian journeyed north, and in Augusta Taurinorum he learned that Alamannic raiders had destroyed Colonia Agrippina. He then proceeded to Vienne where he spent the winter. At Vienne, he learned that Augustudunum was also under siege, but was being held by a veteran garrison. He made this his first priority, and arrived there on 24 June 356. When he had assured himself that the city was in no immediate danger, he journeyed to Augusta Treverorum via Autessioduram, and from there to Durocortorum where he rendezvoused with his army. Julian had the army stage a series of punitive strikes around the Dieuse region, and then he moved them towards the Argentoratum/Mongontiacum region when word of barbarian incursions reached him.

From there, Julian moved on to Colonia Agrippina, and negotiated a peace with the local barbarian leaders who had assaulted the city. He then wintered at Senonae. He spent the early part of the campaigning season of 357 fighting off besiegers at Senonae, and then conducting operations around Lugdunum and Tres Tabernae. Later that summer, he encountered his watershed moment as a military general. Ammianus went into great detail about Julian's victory over seven rogue Alamannic chieftains near Argentoratum, and Julian himself bragged about it in his later writing. After this battle, the soldiers acclaimed Julian Augustus, but he rejected this title. After mounting a series of follow-up raids into Alamannic territory, he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia, and on the way defeated some Frankish raiders in the Mosa region. Julian considered this campaign one of the major events of his time as Caesar.

Julian began his 358 military campaigns early, hoping to catch the barbarians by surprise. His first target was the Franks in the northern Rhine region. He then proceeded to restore some forts in the Mosa region, but his soldiers threatened to mutiny because they were on short rations and had not been paid their donative since Julian had become Caesar. After he soothed his soldiers, Julian spent the rest of the summer negotiating a peace with various Alamannic leaders in the mid and lower Rhine areas, and retired to winter quarters at Lutetia. In 359, he prepared once again to carry out a series of punitive expeditions against the Alamanni in the Rhine region who were still hostile to the Roman presence. In preparation, the Caesar repopulated seven previously destroyed cities and set them up as supply bases and staging areas. This was done with the help of the people with whom Julian had negotiated a peace the year before. Julian then had a detachment of lightly armed soldiers cross the Rhine near Mogontiacum and conduct a guerilla strike against several chieftains. As a result of these campaigns, Julian was able to negotiate a peace with all but a handful of the Alamannic leaders, and he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia.

Of course, Julian did more than act as a general during his time as Caesar. According to Ammianus, Julian was an able administrator who took steps to correct the injustices of Constantius' appointees. Ammianus related the story of how Julian prevented Florentius, the Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, from raising taxes, and also how Julian actually took over as governor for the province of Belgica Secunda. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, supported Ammianus' basic assessment of Julian in this regard when he reported that Julian was an able representative of the emperor to the Gallic provincials. There is also epigraphic evidence to support Julian's popularity amongst the provincial elites. An inscription found near Beneventum in Apulia reads:
"To Flavius Claudius Julianus, most noble and sanctified Caesar, from the caring Tocius Maximus, vir clarissimus, for the care of the res publica from Beneventum".

Tocius Maximus, as a vir clarissimus, was at the highest point in the social spectrum and was a leader in his local community. This inscription shows that Julian was successful in establishing a positive image amongst provincial elites while he was Caesar.

Julian Augustus

In early 360, Constantius, driven by jealousy of Julian's success, stripped Julian of many troops and officers, ostensibly because the emperor needed them for his upcoming campaign against the Persians. One of the legions ordered east, the Petulantes, did not want to leave Gaul because the majority of the soldiers in the unit were from this region. As a result they mutinied and hailed Julian as Augustus at Lutetia. Julian refused this acclamation as he had done at Argentoratum earlier, but the soldiers would have none of his denial. They raised him on a shield and adorned him with a neck chain, which had formerly been the possession of the standard-bearer of the Petulantes and symbolized a royal diadem. Julian appeared reluctantly to acquiesce to their wishes, and promised a generous donative. The exact date of his acclamation is unknown, but most scholars put it in February or March. Julian himself supported Ammianus' picture of a jealous Constantius. In his Letter to the Athenians, a document constructed to answer charges that he was a usurper, Julian stated that from the start he, as Caesar, had been meant as a figurehead to the soldiers and provincials. The real power he claimed lay with the generals and officials already present in Gaul. In fact, according to Julian, the generals were charged with watching him as much as the enemy. His account of the actual acclamation closely followed what Ammianus told us, but he stressed even more his reluctance to take power. Julian claimed that he did so only after praying to Zeus for guidance.

Fearing the reaction of Constantius, Julian sent a letter to his fellow emperor justifying the events at Lutetia and trying to arrange a peaceful solution. This letter berated Constantius for forcing the troops in Gaul into an untenable situation. Ammianus stated that Julian's letter blamed Constantius' decision to transfer Gallic legions east as the reason for the soldiers' rebellion. Julian once again asserted that he was an unwilling participant who was only following the desire of the soldiers. In both of these basic accounts Ammianus and Julian are playing upon the theme of restoration. Implicit in their version of Julian's acclamation is the argument that Constantius was unfit to rule. The soldiers were the vehicle of the gods' will. The Letter to the Athenians is full of references to the fact that Julian was assuming the mantle of Augustus at the instigation of the gods. Ammianus summed up this position nicely when he related the story of how, when Julian was agonizing over whether to accept the soldiers' acclamation, he had a dream in which he was visited by the Genius (guardian spirit) of the Roman state. The Genius told Julian that it had often tried to bestow high honors upon Julian but had been rebuffed. Now, the Genius went on to say, was Julian's final chance to take the power that was rightfully his. If the Caesar refused this chance, the Genius would depart forever, and both Julian and the state would rue Julian's rejection. Julian himself wrote a letter to his friend Maximus of Ephesus in November of 361 detailing his thoughts on his proclamation. In this letter, Julian stated that the soldiers proclaimed him Augustus against his will. Julian, however, defended his accession, saying that the gods willed it and that he had treated his enemies with clemency and justice. He went on to say that he led the troops in propitiating the traditional deities, because the gods commanded him to return to the traditional rites, and would reward him if he fulfilled this duty.

During 360 an uneasy peace simmered between the two emperors. Julian spent the 360 campaigning season continuing his efforts to restore order along the Rhine, while Constantius continued operations against the Persians. Julian wintered in Vienne, and celebrated his Quinquennalia. It was at this time that his wife Helena died, and he sent her remains to Rome for a proper burial at his family villa on the Via Nomentana where the body of her sister was entombed. The uneasy peace held through the summer of 361, but Julian concentrated his military operations around harassing the Alamannic chieftain Vadomarius and his allies, who had concluded a peace treaty with Constantius some years earlier. By the end of the summer, Julian decided to put an end to the waiting and gathered his army to march east against Constantius. The empire teetered on the brink of another civil war. Constantius had spent the summer negotiating with the Persians and making preparations for possible military action against his cousin. When he was assured that the Persians would not attack, he summoned his army and sallied forth to meet Julian. As the armies drew inexorably closer to one another, the empire was saved from another bloody civil war when Constantius died unexpectedly of natural causes on 3 November near the town of Mopsucrenae in Cilicia, naming Julian -- the sources say-- as his legitimate successor.

Julian was in Dacia when he learned of his cousin's death. He made his way through Thrace and came to Constantinople on 11 December 361 where Julian honored the emperor with the funeral rites appropriate for a man of his station. Julian immediately set about putting his supporters in positions of power and trimming the imperial bureaucracy, which had become extremely overstaffed during Constantius' reign. Cooks and barbers had increased during the late emperor's reign and Julian expelled them from his court. Ammianus gave a mixed assessment of how the new emperor handled the followers of Constantius. Traditionally, emperors were supposed to show clemency to the supporters of a defeated enemy. Julian, however, gave some men over to death to appease the army. Ammianus used the case of Ursulus, Constantius' comes sacrum largitionum, to illustrate his point. Ursulus had actually tried to acquire money for the Gallic troops when Julian had first been appointed Caesar, but he had also made a disparaging remark about the ineffectiveness of the army after the battle of Amida. The soldiers remembered this, and when Julian became sole Augustus, they demanded Ursulus' head. Julian obliged, much to the disapproval of Ammianus. This seems to be a case of Julian courting the favor of the military leadership, and is indicative of a pattern in which Julian courted the goodwill of various societal elites to legitimize his position as emperor.

Another case in point is the officials who made up the imperial bureaucracy. Many of them were subjected to trial and punishment. To achieve this goal, during the last weeks of December 361 Julian assembled a military tribunal at Chalcedon, empanelling six judges to try the cases. The president of the tribunal was Salutius, just promoted to the rank of Praetorian Prefect; the five other members were Mamertinus, the orator, and four general officers: Jovinus, Agilo, Nevitta, and Arbetio. Relative to the proceedings of the tribunal, Ammianus noted that the judges, " . . . oversaw the cases more vehemently than was right or fair, with the exception of a few . . .." Ammianus' account of Julian's attempt at reform of the imperial bureaucracy is supported by legal evidence from the Theodosian Code. A series of laws sent to Mamertinus, Julian's appointee as Praetorian Prefect in Italy, Illyricum, and Africa, illustrate this point nicely. On 6 June 362, Mamertinus received a law that prohibited provincial governors from bypassing the Vicars when giving their reports to the Prefect. Traditionally, Vicars were given civil authority over a group of provinces, and were in theory meant to serve as a middle step between governors and Prefects. This law suggests that the Vicars were being left out, at least in Illyricum. Julian issued another edict to Mamertinus on 22 February 362 to stop abuse of the public post by governors. According to this law, only Mamertinus could issue post warrants, but the Vicars were given twelve blank warrants to be used as they saw fit, and each governor was given two. Continuing the trend of bureaucratic reform, Julian also imposed penalties on governors who purposefully delayed appeals in court cases they had heard. The emperor also established a new official to weigh solidi used in official government transactions to combat coin clipping.

For Julian, reigning in the abuses of imperial bureaucrats was one step in restoring the prestige of the office of emperor. Because he could not affect all elements of society personally, Julian, like other Neo-Flavian emperors, decided to concentrate on select groups of societal elites as intercessors between himself and the general populace. One of these groups was the imperial bureaucracy. Julian made it very clear that imperial officials were intercessors in a very real sense in a letter to Alypius, Vicar of Britain. In this letter, sent from Gaul sometime before 361, the emperor praises Alypius for his use of "mildness and moderation with courage and force" in his rule of the provincials. Such virtues were characteristic of the emperors, and it was good that Alypius is representing Julian in this way. Julian courted the army because it put him in power. Another group he sought to include in his rule was the traditional Senatorial aristocracy. One of his first appointments as consul was Claudius Mamertinus, a Gallic Senator and rhetorician. Mamertinus' speech in praise of Julian delivered at Constantinople in January of 362 is preserved. In this speech, Claudius presented his consular selection as inaugurating a new golden age and Julian as the restorer of the empire founded by Augustus. The image Mamertinus gave of his own consulate inaugurating a new golden age is not merely formulaic. The comparison of Julian to Augustus has very real, if implicit, relevance to Claudius' situation. Claudius emphasized the imperial period as the true age of renewal. Augustus ushered in a new era with his formation of a partnership between the emperor and the Senate based upon a series of honors and offices bestowed upon the Senate in return for their role as intercessor between emperor and populace. It was this system that Julian was restoring, and the consulate was one concrete example of this bond. To be chosen as a consul by the emperor, who himself had been divinely mandated, was a divine honor. In addition to being named consul, Mamertinus went on to hold several offices under Julian, including the Prefecture of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Similarly, inscriptional evidence illustrates a link between municipal elites and Julian during his time as Caesar, something which continued after he became emperor. One concrete example comes from the municipal senate of Aceruntia in Apulia, which established a monument on which Julian is styled as "Repairer of the World."

Julian seems to have given up actual Christian belief before his acclamation as emperor and was a practitioner of more traditional Greco-Roman religious beliefs, in particular, a follower of certain late antique Platonist philosophers who were especially adept at theurgy as was noted earlier. In fact Julian himself spoke of his conversion to Neo-Platonism in a letter to the Alexandrians written in 363. He stated that he had abandoned Christianity when he was twenty years old and been an adherent of the traditional Greco-Roman deities for the twelve years prior to writing this letter.

(For the complete text of this article see:

Julians Persian Campaign

The exact goals Julian had for his ill-fated Persian campaign were never clear. The Sassanid Persians, and before them the Parthians, had been a traditional enemy from the time of the Late Republic, and indeed Constantius had been conducting a war against them before Julian's accession forced the former to forge an uneasy peace. Julian, however, had no concrete reason to reopen hostilities in the east. Socrates Scholasticus attributed Julian's motives to imitation of Alexander the Great, but perhaps the real reason lay in his need to gather the support of the army. Despite his acclamation by the Gallic legions, relations between Julian and the top military officers was uneasy at best. A war against the Persians would have brought prestige and power both to Julian and the army.

Julian set out on his fateful campaign on 5 March 363. Using his trademark strategy of striking quickly and where least expected, he moved his army through Heirapolis and from there speedily across the Euphrates and into the province of Mesopotamia, where he stopped at the town of Batnae. His plan was to eventually return through Armenia and winter in Tarsus. Once in Mesopotamia, Julian was faced with the decision of whether to travel south through the province of Babylonia or cross the Tigris into Assyria, and he eventually decided to move south through Babylonia and turn west into Assyria at a later date. By 27 March, he had the bulk of his army across the Euphrates, and had also arranged a flotilla to guard his supply line along the mighty river. He then left his generals Procopius and Sebastianus to help Arsacius, the king of Armenia and a Roman client, to guard the northern Tigris line. It was also during this time that he received the surrender of many prominent local leaders who had nominally supported the Persians. These men supplied Julian with money and troops for further military action against their former masters. Julian decided to turn south into Babylonia and proceeded along the Euphrates, coming to the fortress of Cercusium at the junction of the Abora and Euphrates Rivers around the first of April, and from there he took his army west to a region called Zaitha near the abandoned town of Dura where they visited the tomb of the emperor Gordian which was in the area. On April 7 he set out from there into the heart of Babylonia and towards Assyria.

Ammianus then stated that Julian and his army crossed into Assyria, which on the face of things appears very confusing. Julian still seems to be operating within the province of Babylonia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The confusion is alleviated when one realizes that,for Ammianus, the region of Assyria encompassed the provinces of Babylonia and Assyria. On their march, Julian's forces took the fortress of Anatha, received the surrender and support of several more local princes, and ravaged the countryside of Assyria between the rivers. As the army continued south, they came across the fortresses Thilutha and Achaiachala, but these places were too well defended and Julian decided to leave them alone. Further south were the cities Diacira and Ozogardana, which the Roman forces sacked and burned. Soon, Julian came to Pirisabora and a brief siege ensued, but the city fell and was also looted and destroyed. It was also at this time that the Roman army met its first systematic resistance from the Persians. As the Romans penetrated further south and west, the local inhabitants began to flood their route. Nevertheless, the Roman forces pressed on and came to Maiozamalcha, a sizable city not far from Ctesiphon. After a short siege, this city too fell to Julian. Inexorably, Julian's forces zeroed in on Ctesiphon, but as they drew closer, the Persian resistance grew fiercer, with guerilla raids whittling at Julian's men and supplies. A sizable force of the army was lost and the emperor himself was almost killed taking a fort a few miles from the target city.
Finally, the army approached Ctesiphon following a canal that linked the Tigris and Euphrates. It soon became apparent after a few preliminary skirmishes that a protracted siege would be necessary to take this important city. Many of his generals, however, thought that pursuing this course of action would be foolish. Julian reluctantly agreed, but became enraged by this failure and ordered his fleet to be burned as he decided to march through the province of Assyria. Julian had planned for his army to live off the land, but the Persians employed a scorched-earth policy. When it became apparent that his army would perish (because his supplies were beginning to dwindle) from starvation and the heat if he continued his campaign, and also in the face of superior numbers of the enemy, Julian ordered a retreat on 16 June. As the Roman army retreated, they were constantly harassed by guerilla strikes. It was during one of these raids that Julian got caught up in the fighting and took a spear to his abdomen. Mortally wounded he was carried to his tent, where, after conferring with some of his officers, he died. The date was 26 June 363.


Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.
Copyright (C) 2002, Walter E. Roberts and Michael DiMaio, Jr. Used by permission.

In reality, Julian worked to promote culture and philosophy in any manifestation. He tried to reduce taxes and the public debts of municipalities; he augmented administrative decentralisation; he promoted a campaign of austerity to reduce public expenditure (setting himself as the example). He reformed the postal service and eliminated the powerful secret police.
by Federico Morando; JULIAN II, The Apostate,

Flavius Claudius Iulianus was born in 331 or maybe 332 A.D. in Constantinople. He ruled the Western Empire as Caesar from 355 to 360 and was hailed Augustus by his legions in Lutetia (Paris) in 360. Julian was a gifted administrator and military strategist. Famed as the last pagan emperor, his reinstatement of the pagan religion earned him the moniker "the Apostate." As evidenced by his brilliant writing, some of which has survived to the present day, the title "the Philosopher" may have been more appropriate. He died from wounds suffered during the Persian campaign of 363 A.D. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.

2 commentsCleisthenes
1en Julian II "Apostate"26 views360-363


Pearl-diademed, helmeted, cuirassed bust left, holding shield & spear, D N FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG
VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath, palm branch-BSIS-palm branch in ex [?].

RIC 415

According to Zosimus: Constantius, having so well succeeded in his design against Vetranio, marched against Magnentius, having first conferred the title of Caesar on Gallus, the son of his uncle, and brother to Julian who was afterwards emperor, and given him in marriage his sister Constantia. . . . CONSTANTIUS, after having acted towards Gallus Caesar in the manner I have related, left Pannonia to proceed into Italy. . . . He scarcely thought himself capable of managing affairs at this critical period. He was unwilling, however, to associate any one with himself in the government, because he so much desired to rule alone, and could esteem no man his friend. Under these circumstances he was at a loss how to act. It happened, however, that when the empire was in the greatest danger, Eusebia, the wife of Constantius, who was a woman of extraordinary learning, and of greater wisdom than her sex is usually endowed with, advised him to confer the government of the nations beyond the Alps on Julianus Caesar, who was brother to Gallus, and grandson to Constantius. As she knew that the emperor was suspicious of all his kindred, she thus circumvented him. She observed to him, that Julian was a young man unacquainted with the intrigues of state, having devoted himself totally to his studies; and that he was wholly inexperienced in worldly business. That on this account he would be more fit for his purpose than any other person. That either he would be fortunate, and his success would be attributed to the emperor's conduct, or that he would fail and perish; and that thus Constantius would have none of the imperial family to succeed to him.

Constantius, having approved her advice, sent for Julian from Athens, where he lived among the philosophers, and excelled all his masters in every kind of learning. Accordingly, Julian returning from Greece into Italy, Constantius declared him Caesar, gave him in marriage his sister Helena, and sent him beyond the Alps. . . .

Constantius, having thus disposed of Julian, marched himself into Pannonia and Moesia, and having there suppressed the Quadi and the Sarmatians, proceeded to the east, and was provoked to war by the inroads of the Persians. Julian by this time had arrived beyond the Alps into the Gallic nations which he was to rule. Perceiving that the Barbarians continued committing the same violence, Eusebia, for the same reasons as before, persuaded Constantius to place the entire management of those countries into the hands of Julian. . . . Julian finding the military affairs of Gallia Celtica in a very ruinous state, and that the Barbarians pased the Rhine without any resistance, even almost as far as the sea-port towns, he took a survey of the remaining parts of the enemy. And understanding that the people of those parts were terrified at the very name of the Barbarians, while those whom Constantius had sent along with him, who were not more than three hundred and sixty, knew nothing more, as he used to say, than how to say their prayers, he enlisted as many more as he could and took in a great number of volunteers. He also provided arms, and finding a quantity of old weapons in some town he fitted them up, and distributed them among the soldiers. The scouts bringing him intelligence, that an immense number of Barbarians had crossed the river near the city of Argentoratum (Strasburg) which stands on the Rhine, he no sooner heard of it, than he led forth his army with the greatest speed, and engaging with the enemy gained such a victory as exceeds all description.

After these events he raised a great army to make war on the whole German nation; He was opposed however by the Barbarians in vast numbers. Caesar therefore would not wait while they came up to him, but crossed the Rhine, preferring that their country should be the seat of war, and not that of the Romans, as by that means the cities would escape being again pillaged by the Barbarians. A most furious battle therefore took place; a great number of the Barbarians being slain on the field of battle, while the rest fled, and were pursued by Caesar into the Hercynian forest, and many of them killed. . . .

But while Julian was at Parisium, a small town in Germany, the soldiers, being ready to march, continued at supper till midnight in a place near the palace, which they so called there. They were as yet ignorant of any design against Caesar [by Constantius], when some tribunes, who began to suspect the contrivance against him, privately distributed a number of anonymous billets among the soldiers, in which they represented to them, that Caesar, by his judicious conduct had so managed affairs, that almost all of them had erected trophies over the Barbarians ; that he had always fought like a private soldier, and was now in extreme danger from the emperor, who would shortly deprive him of his whole army, unless they prevented it. Some of the soldiers having read these billets, and published the intrigue to the whole army, all were highly enraged. They suddenly rose from their seats in great commotion, and with the cups yet in their hands went to the palace. Breaking open the doors without ceremony, they brought out Caesar, and lifting him on a shield declared him emperor and Augustus. They then, without attending to his reluctance, placed a diadem upon his head. . . .

Arriving at Naisus, he consulted the soothsayers what measures to pursue. As the entrails signified that he must stay there for some time, he obeyed, observing likewise the time that was mentioned in his dream. When this, according to the motion of the planets, was arrived, a party of horsemen arrived from Constantinople at Naisus, with intelligence that Constantius was dead, and that the armies desired Julian to be emperor. Upon this he accepted what the gods had bestowed upon him, and proceeded on his journey. On his arrival at. Byzantium, he was received with joyful acclamations. . . .

[After slashing through Persia and crossing the Tigris,] they perceived the Persian army, with which they engaged, and having considerably the advantage, they killed a great number of Persians. Upon the following day, about noon, the Persians drew up in a large body, and once more attacked the rear of the Roman army. The Romans, being at that time out of their ranks, were surprised and alarmed at the suddenness of the attack, yet made a stout and spirited defence. The emperor, according to his custom, went round the army, encouraging them to fight with ardour. When by this means all were engaged, the emperor, who sometimes rode to the commanders and tribunes, and was at other times among the private soldiers, received a wound in the heat of the engagement, and was borne on a shield to his tent. He survived only till midnight. He then expired, after having nearly subverted the Persian empire.

Note: Julian favored the pagan faith over Christianity and was tarred by the church as "the apostate."
conssandvotxx com.JPG
Constantine I RIC VII Thessalonica 123164 viewsAE 18 mm 2.9 grams 320 - 321 AD
OBV :: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG . Laureate head right
REV :: DN CONSTAN-TINI MAX AVG. Letters VOT dot XX inscribed in 3 lines all withing wreath. dot in badge at top of wreath
EX :: TS epsilon VI (Thessalonica)
RIC VII Thessalonica 123
RIC rated R2
from uncleaned lot 11/07
3 commentsJohnny
307 - 337 AD
struck 324 AD
AE 19 mm, 2.60 g
OBV: CONSTANTINVS AVG laureate head right
REV: DN CONSTANTINI MAX AVG around laurel wreath, VOT DOT XX within wreath in 3 lines, star below
SMHA in exe
Heraclea mint
RIC 60
Constantine II, RIC VII Arles 25513 viewsArles mint, Constantine II, 322-323 A.D. AE, 19mm 3.11g, RIC VII Arles 255
O: CONSTANTINVS IVN NOB C, laureate head only
R: CAESARVM NOSTRORVM, around wreath; VOT dot X within
Ex: Q star AR
Constantine the Great62 viewsConstantine I - Ticinum Mint - AE Follis - RIC VII 167

O: CONSTANTINVS AVG, laureate head right

R: D N CONSTANTINI MAX AVG laurel wreath enclosing VOT XX crescent below TT in exergue

Nearly Fully Silvered, 2.88g, 16.8/17.5mm, 180 degree die axis, 322-325AD
1 commentsBiancasDad
Constantinus-I. (307-337) AE-3 Ancient Counterfeits and Barbarous Imitation #03155 viewsConstantinus-I. Ancient Counterfeits and Barbarous Imitation
avers:- confusing text, --VVoo- CVoV--(probably:IMP-CONSTANT_INVS-PF-AVG), Laureate, helmeted, cuirassed bust right,
revers:- confusing text, (probably:VOTXX/MVLT/XXX/TS dot gamma dot) wreath, legend within
exergo: TS dot gamma dot ??
date: 317-318 ??
mint: Thessalonica ??
diameter: 17-18mm
weight: 3,09g
ref: probably RIC(VII,Thessalonica)-28 imitation !?
Constantius I AE fraction, RIC VI 35a46 viewsCarthago mint, Constantius I AE fraction, AD 293-305, 21mm 3.125g, RIC VI 35a
O: FL VAL CONSTANTIVS NOB C, radiate, draped and cuirassed bust r
R: VOT X FK, in wreath
Constantius II15 viewsVot XX Mvlt XXXantvwala
Constantius II11 viewsVot XX Mvlt XXXantvwala
Constantius II18 viewsVot XX Mvlt XXXantvwala
Constantius II26 viewsVot XX Mvlt XXXantvwala
Constantius II25 viewsVot XX Mvlt XXXantvwala
Constantius II26 viewsVot XX Mvlt XXXantvwala
Crispus VOT X55 viewsCrispus VOT X2 commentsScotvs Capitis
Gratian VotXV21 viewsGratian 375-383
Obv: DNGRATIA NVSPFAVG, Pearled Diadem, draped, cuirassed bust right
Rev: Line 1 - XV, Line 2 - XV(dot)LT, Line 3 - XX within wreath, SMRQ in ex
Id: RIC IX Rome 51a
Size: 16mm, 1.79gm
Mint: Rome (note: Gratian series with the "dot" in line 2 are all from Rome), 372AD
Notes: Another from my un-cleaned lot of summer 2010
JULIAN II AE3 - AD362-36316 viewsobv: DN.PL.CL.IVLIANVS.PF.AVG (helmeted bust left, holding spear and shield)
rev: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines across field within wreath / BSIRM
ref: RIC VIII-Sirmium108
3.04g, 19mm
Licinius, Arles, AE331 views Obv. IMP LICINIVS AVG, laureate head right
Rev. D N LICINI AVGVSTI around VOT dot XX.
S star-in-crescent A in exergue
2 commentsSkyler
ROMAN EMPIRE, Constantine I / Vota / Heraclea47 viewsAttribution: RIC 87 (RIC VII)

Mint: Heraclea, .SMHΓ.

Date: 326-327 AD

Obverse: CONSTANTINVS AVG, laureate head right

Reverse: D N CONSTANTINI MAX AVG around VOT XXX in laurel wreath, .SMHΓ. in exergue


1 commentsAnemicOak
ROMAN EMPIRE, Constantine I AE Follis14 viewsobv. CONSTAN-TINVS AVG
laureate head
VOT XX star in wreath.
exe: SMH delta (Heraclea)
Ref.: RIC VII Heraclea 60
Rarity: C3 (common)
17 mm
ROMAN EMPIRE, CONSTANTINE I as Augustus. AE3 of Aquileia. Struck A.D.322. 224 viewsObverse: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG. Laureate head of Constantine facing right.
Reverse: D N CONSTANTINI MAX AVG. Laurel wreath encircling palm branches either side of VOT XX; in exergue, AQP.
RIC VII : 104

4 commentsdivvsavgvstvs
ROMAN EMPIRE, CONSTANTINE I as Augustus. AE3 of Heraclea. Struck A.D.325.55 viewsObverse: CONSTANTINVS AVG. Diademed head of Constantine I, tilted up towards heaven, facing right.
Reverse: D N CONSTANTINI MAX AVG. Laurel wreath surrounding VOT XXX; in exergue, SMHΔ.
RIC VII : 92 with E5 bust
1 comments*Alex
ROMAN EMPIRE, CONSTANTINE I as Augustus. AE3 of Rome. Struck A.D.325. 49 viewsObverse: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG. Laureate head of Constantine facing right.
Reverse: D N CONSTANTINI MAX AVG. Laurel wreath enclosing VOT XXX; in exergue, RP.
RIC VII : 318
1 comments*Alex
Constantine I VOTXX MVLT XXX~0.jpg
Roman Empire, Constantine I, AE3, Thessalonica, RIC 32 variety653 viewsobv: CONSTA-NTINVS AVG, Bust l. cuir. w/ spear over rt. shoulder
rev:VOTXX / MVLT / XXX / TS[delta] in wreath
RIC Thessalonica 32 var. R5

This legend break is unrecorded for this type- in combination with extremely rare bust type and scarce reverse type. A fantastically rare coin.
5 commentswolfgang336
ROMAN EMPIRE, Constantine I, Thessalonica RIC VII, 28 R490 viewsAe3 2.8 gm 18 mm Struck: 318-319 Mark: TSA
Laureate, helmeted and cuirassed bust, right.
Legend (in three lines) and mintmark, all within wreath.
Comment: Retains considerable silver. Virtually the textbook example for the note in RIC in regard to the dots.
Roman Empire, CRISPUS CAESAR. AE3 of Lugdunum. Struck A.D.321. 39 viewsObverse: IVL CRISPVS NOB C. Laureate head of Crispus facing right.
Reverse: CAESARVM NOSTRORVM. Laurel-wreath around VOT X; in exergue, PLGC.
RIC VII : 215.

This coin is one of the issues which were struck to celebrate the quinquennalia of the Caesars in A.D.321.

OBV. Helmeted bust left, holding spear and shield
REV. VOT/ X/ MVLT/ XX within wreath
Attrib.RIC 108,LRBC 1619
ROMAN EMPIRE, JULIAN II, AE3 Sirmium63 viewsJULIAN II- 20m Minted at Sirmium

OBV. Helmeted bust left, holding spear and shield
REV. VOT/ X/ MVLT/ XX within wreath
Attrib.RIC 108,LRBC 1619
2 commentsblack-prophet
ROMAN EMPIRE, Licinius I20 viewsAes, folles 321 AD
head laur.
in laurel wreath VOT/XX
exe: S crescent A (Arles)
Ref.: RIC VII 234 Arles
Rarity: C2 (common)
Struck A.D.320. CONSTANTINE I as Augustus. AE3 of Treveri14 viewsObverse: CONSTANTINVS AVG. Helmeted and cuirassed bust of Constantine facing right.
Reverse: VIRTVS EXERCIT. Two captives seated back to back at foot of standard inscribed VOT XX; in exergue, STR.
RIC VII : 258

This coin is one of the issues struck in A.D.320 to commemorate the fifteenth anniversary of Constantine's reign.
1 comments*Alex
Struck A.D.320. LICINIUS I. AE3 (Nummus) of Aquileia. 56 viewsObverse: IMP LICINIVS AVG. Laureate head of Licinius facing right.
Reverse: DOMINI N LICINI AVG. Laurel-wreath around VOTXX; in exergue; AQS.
RIC VII : 86. Weight 3.3gms.

This coin is one of those struck in c.A.D.320 to commemorate the fifteenth anniversary of the reign of Constantine, which was also celebrated in the West as the fifteenth anniversary of Licinius.
Struck A.D.320. LICINIUS I. Silvered AE3 of Thessalonica15 viewsObverse: IMP LICINIVS AVG. Laureate and cuirassed bust of Licinius facing right.
Reverse: VOT XX MVLT XXX TS A in four lines encircled by laurel-wreath.
RIC VII : 33.

This coin still retains most of its original silvering, it is one of the issues which were struck in A.D.320 to commemorate the fifteenth anniversary of the reign of Constantine, celebrated in the West as also the fifteenth year anniversary of Licinius.
1 comments*Alex
Struck A.D.321. CRISPUS CAESAR. AE3 of Lugdunum17 viewsObverse: IVL CRISPVS NOB C. Laureate head of Crispus facing right.
Reverse: CAESARVM NOSTRORVM. Laurel-wreath around VOT X; in exergue, PLGC.
RIC VII : 215.

This coin is one of the issues which were struck to commemorate the quinquennalia of the Caesars in A.D.321.
1 comments*Alex
Struck A.D.325. CONSTANTINE I as Augustus. AE3 of Rome6 viewsObverse: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG. Laureate head of Constantine facing right.
Reverse: D N CONSTANTINI MAX AVG. Laurel wreath enclosing VOT XXX; in exergue, RP.
RIC VII : 318

This coin was struck to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the reign of Constantine in A.D.325.
This was also the year that the Council of Nicaea set out its definition of Christian orthodoxy.
Struck A.D.327 - 329. Constantine I as Augustus. AE3 of Heraclea3 viewsObverse: CONSTANTINVS AVG. Diademed head of Constantine I, tilted up towards heaven, facing right.
Reverse: D N CONSTANTINI MAX AVG. Laurel wreath surrounding VOT XXX; in exergue, SMHΔ.
RIC VII : 92 with E5 bust

This coin was struck to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the reign of Constantine in A.D.325.
Struck A.D.347 - 348. CONSTANTIUS II as Augustus. AE4 of Antioch7 viewsObverse: D N CONSTANTIVS P F AVG. Pearl-diademed head of Constantius II facing right.
Reverse: VOT XX MVLT XXX within laurel-wreath; in exergue, SMANA.
RIC VIII : 113
Struck A.D.361 - 363. JULIAN II as Augustus. AE3 of Siscia24 viewsObverse: D N FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG. Helmeted, pearl-diademed and cuirassed bust of bearded Julian facing left, holding spear and shield.
Reverse: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within laurel-wreath; in exergue, ASIS .
RIC VIII : 422
2 comments*Alex
Struck A.D.378 - 383. GRATIAN. AE4 of Antioch4 viewsObverse: D N GRATIANVS P F AVG. Pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust of Gratian facing right.
Reverse: VOT / XX / MVLT / XXX in laurel-wreath; in exergue, ANTA.
RIC IX : 58a.
Theodosius I10 viewsVOT XV MVLT XXantvwala
Theodosius I - Antioch11 viewsVOT XX MVLT XXX
Ric IX Antioch 56 R
Theodosius I, Vot X Mvlt XX, Aquileia, AE48 viewsantvwala
Theodosius I, Vot X Mvlt XX, Cizico, AE411 viewsantvwala
Theodosius I, Vot X Mvlt XX, Costantinopoli, AE47 viewsantvwala
Theodosius I, Vot X Mvlt XX, Eraclea?15 views1 commentsantvwala
Constantine I VOTXX MVLT XXX.jpg
Votive- Thessalonica RIC 32 var.144 viewsConstantine I

obv: CONSTA-NTINVS AVG, Bust l. cuir. w/ spear over rt. shoulder
rev:VOTXX / MVLT / XXX / TSΔ in wreath
RIC Thessalonica 32 var. R5
1 commentswolfgang336
Vrbs Roma - Vot XX Mvlt XXX - Heraclea30 views???
Ric VIII Heraclea 49 or 56
d=13mm p=1,23g
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