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Macedonia, Thessalonica, AE20. Head of young Dionysos right, wreathed in ivy / goat or stag standing rightLee S
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Bronzemedaille
Signiert W.S (Wenzel Seidan)
Undatiert (1859)
Auf den 100. Geburtstag Schillers gewidmet vom Prager Schiller-Verein
Vs: Umschrift, darin bekleidetes Brustbild nach rechts.
Rs: Sieben Zeilen Schrift zwischen zwei Lorbeerzweigen
8,0 g ; 26,0 mm
Vorzüglich _1193Antonivs Protti
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Medaillen
Deutsches Reich
Johann Christoph Friedrich von Schiller war ein bedeutender deutsche Dichter, Dramatiker, Philosoph und Historiker (*1759 in Marbach am Neckar, + 1805 in Weimar)
Zinnmedaille
Signiert W.S (Wenzel Seidan)
Undatiert (1859)
Auf den 100. Geburtstag Schillers gewidmet vom Prager Schiller-Verein
Vs: Umschrift, darin bekleidetes Brustbild nach rechts.
Rs: Sieben Zeilen Schrift zwischen zwei Lorbeerzweigen
7,5 g ; 26,0 mm
Kleine Randunebenheiten, Vorzüglich _1193Antonivs Protti
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LUCANIA, Velia. 290-270 BC. AR Nomos (7.44 gm). Helmeted head of Athena decorated with griffin / Lion attacking stag. Williams.567 (o) (this coin). Nicely toned VF+, full crest. ex R T Williams collection. Ex: Baldwin’s Auction 75, lot 2264, September 26, 2012.paul1888
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Philip I, 244-249 Sestertius Rome 249, Æ 30.00 mm., 18.63 g.
Laureate, draped and cuirassed bust r. Rev. Stag walking r. C 183. RIC 160a.paul1888
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Philip I. AD 244-249. Æ Sestertius (28mm, 20.93 g, 12h). Ludi Saeculares (Secular Games) issue, commemorating the 1000th anniversary of Rome. Rome mint, 5th officina. 9th emission, AD 248. Laureate, draped, and cuirassed bust right / SAECVLARES AVGG, stag walking right. RIC IV 160a; Banti 49.
Ex Gorny & Mosch 225 (14 October 2014), lot 2279.
paul1888
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Philip I (AD 244-249). Silver antoninianus (4.11 gm). Ca. mid-247-248. IMP PHILIPPVS AVG, radiate, draped, cuirassed bust right / SAECVLARES AVGG, stag standing right, U in exergue. RIC 19. RSC 182. RCV 8958. Toned. Good very fine
Ex Freeman & Sear Mail Bid Sale 7, 22 Feb. 2002, lot 787 (lot of 5). Ex: Numismatic Fine Arts, Fall Mail Bid Sale, October 18, 1990, The Alexander Struthers and Tommy Ward Collection, lot 1703paul1888
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41 - 54, Claudius I, AE Dupondius, Irregular (barbarous) issue struck after 43AD in BritanniaObverse: Blundered legend. Bare head of Claudius I facing left.
Reverse: Blundered legend. Ceres, veiled, seated facing left, holding grain ears and long torch.
Diameter: 26mm | Weight: 9.5gms | Die Axis: 11h
SPINK: 745
Green Patina. Scarce. Found near Sleaford, Lincolnshire, UK
These irregular coins are associated with the Claudian invasion of Britain in 43AD. It appears likely that the authorities allowed them to be struck to augment the scanty supply of bronze from the central mint of Rome and the evidence available from museums and recorded in numismatic literature would seem to bear this out.
Although it is difficult to work out the proportion that these copies bear to the official issues on a national scale, it is quite evident that it is of a considerable size, about 20% on an average over the whole area in which Claudian coins are found, and in some localities well over 50%. When you consider that the actual area over which these coins are found exactly covers the areas of the first conquests, and there are no credible reasons for supposing them to be Gallic importations, the likelihood is that they were struck in Britain itself. Those barbarous examples found beyond the Fosse Way bear witness to the spread of the new coinage, and also to its continuance during the subsequent years of conquest..
The actual types found are equally strong evidence for the connection of these copies with the Claudian legions. Copies of Sestertii are rare, Dupondii less so, but the majority, about 70% of the Claudian copies found in England, are Asses.
Irregular issues of all the foregoing types are found in varying stages of degradation, ranging from coins which show all the detail, and much of the excellence of the official prototypes, down to rough unskilful productions of crude and barbarous style.
The majority of copies, particularly the good ones, have been found in or near the towns which were either administrative and/or military centres, such as Lincoln and Gloucester. This seems to indicate that the coining of irregular issues were, if not official, an acceptable method of supplementing the military funds to pay the troops during the conquest. The first generation copies, since they were intended for paying the soldiers, were fairly accurate in style and weight. In time though, once they had circulated through the tribal centres and the lands that lay between and behind the chief Roman military posts and been absorbed into currency, the copies would themselves be copied. These second-degree copies became proportionately less faithful to the originals and are extremely numerous at such tribal centres as Cirencester, Silchester, Winchester and Dorchester, which were civil, but not military, towns.*Alex
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2 Philip IPHILIP I
AR Antoninianus, 244-9 AD, 4.2g
O: IMP PHILIPPVS AVG,
Radiate and draped bust right.

R: SAECVLARES AVGG, Stag walking right. “U“ in exergue.
RIC 19, VF
Coin commemorates the secular games held by Philip to celebrate the 1000th anniversary of the founding of Rome
Sosius
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2.1 Otacilla SeveraOtacilia Severa
AE 25mm of Bizya, Thrace.
M WTAKEILIA CEBHPA CEB, diademed & draped bust right / BIZVENWN, Artemis standing left, holding arrow & long torch; stag at feet.
Moushmov 3514 Sosius
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C POBLICIUS Q F. 80 BCHelmeted bust of Roma right / Hercules strangling the Nemean lion; bow and quiver at left; club below. Cr. 380/1.
POBLICIA, a plebian family, but of consular rank. Its cognomen on coins is Malleolus. There are fifteen varieties, all of silver, on some of which a small hammer or mallett is engraved, evidently alluding to the surname Malleolus.
The first of Heracles' twelve labours, set by King Eurystheus (his cousin) was to slay the Nemean lion.
According to one version of the myth, the Nemean lion took women as hostages to its lair in a cave near Nemea, luring warriors from nearby towns to save the damsel in distress. After entering the cave, the warrior would see the woman (usually feigning injury) and rush to her side. Once he was close, the woman would turn into a lion and kill the warrior, devouring his remains and giving the bones to Hades.
Heracles wandered the area until he came to the town of Cleonae. There he met a boy who said that if Heracles slew the Nemean lion and returned alive within 30 days, the town would sacrifice a lion to Zeus; but if he did not return within 30 days or he died, the boy would sacrifice himself to Zeus.[3] Another version claims that he met Molorchos, a shepherd who had lost his son to the lion, saying that if he came back within 30 days, a ram would be sacrificed to Zeus. If he did not return within 30 days, it would be sacrificed to the dead Heracles as a mourning offering.
While searching for the lion, Heracles fetched some arrows to use against it, not knowing that its golden fur was impenetrable; when he found and shot the lion and firing at it with his bow, he discovered the fur's protective property when the arrow bounced harmlessly off the creature's thigh. After some time, Heracles made the lion return to his cave. The cave had two entrances, one of which Heracles blocked; he then entered the other. In those dark and close quarters, Heracles stunned the beast with his club and, using his immense strength, strangled it to death. During the fight the lion bit off one of his fingers. Others say that he shot arrows at it, eventually shooting it in the unarmoured mouth.
After slaying the lion, he tried to skin it with a knife from his belt, but failed. He then tried sharpening the knife with a stone and even tried with the stone itself. Finally, Athena, noticing the hero's plight, told Heracles to use one of the lion's own claws to skin the pelt.
When he returned on the thirtieth day carrying the carcass of the lion on his shoulders, King Eurystheus was amazed and terrified. Eurystheus forbade him ever again to enter the city; in future he was to display the fruits of his labours outside the city gates. Eurystheus warned him that the tasks set for him would become increasingly difficult. He then sent Heracles off to complete his next quest, which was to destroy the Lernaean hydra.
The Nemean lion's coat was impervious to the elements and all but the most powerful weapons. Others say that Heracles' armour was, in fact, the hide of the lion of Cithaeron.ecoli
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ROME
PB Tessera (20mm, 4.24 g, 12h)
Bacchus standing right, holding thrysus; panther to right(?)
AVG
Cf. Rostovtsev 92 (smaller)
The obverse might alternately depict Diana with a stag, but she is not generally shown holding a staff.Ardatirion
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ROME
PB Tessera (13mm, 1.58 g, 12 h)
Diana advancing right, drawing bow
Stag leaping right
Rostowzew -Ardatirion
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ROME
PB Tessera (15mm, 2.60 g, 2h)
Silvanus standing left, holding scythe and branch
Bear(?) advancing right
Rostowzew – (but cf. 2982 for an example with a bear)
Ex RBW Collection (Classical Numismatic Group Electronic Auction 376, 15 June 2016), lot 770 (part of); Artemide 5E (19 December 2010), lot 1163 (part of)
The reverse figure is crudely engraved, but clearly not a stag.Ardatirion
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IONIA, Ephesos. 1st-2nd century AD
ƠTessera (18mm, 2.74 g)
KHPIΛIC ωΔE ΠPOC ΠAΛVPIN
Bee
CKωΠI, recumbent stag; E to left, Φ to right
BMC 186; SNG Copenhagen 355
Head interprets the legend ΠAΛYPIN as related to υρoν, beehive, and ύppις, basket and conflated with πaλιν, bring back. From this, he suggests that the token would have been placed in a jar and shaken to produce a ringing sound, while the magical words were spoken. Thus, the piece would be a magical token, related to the folk tradition of ringing the bees into their hives. Such an explanation is perhaps overly fanciful.Ardatirion
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IONIA, Ephesos. 1st-2nd century AD.
ƠTessera in contemporary AR mount (23mm, 6.25, 1 h)
KHPIΛIC ωΔE ΠPOC ΠAΛVPIN
Bee
CKωΠI, recumbent stag; E to left, Φ to right
BMC 186; SNG Copenhagen 355Ardatirion
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IONIA, Ephesos.
PB Tessera (20mm, 5.41 g)
Oleiculture scene: male figure standing right, holding stick and knocking olives from tree to right; star and crescent between; behind, stag(?) standing left; [...]POV above
Blank
Gülbay & Kireç –
Scenes of the olive harvest are entirely unknown on coinage, but some mosaics and Greek vases illustrate the practice. See in particular an Attic black figure neck amphora in the British Museum (ABV, 273, 116) depicting two men using sticks to knock olives from a tree.Ardatirion
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IONIA,Ephesos
PB Tessera (16mm, 2.34 g)
Stag standing right
Blank
Gülbay & Kireç 98 corr. (stag, not crab)Ardatirion
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UNITED STATES, Trade Tokens. Belleville, New Jersey. Tobias D. Seaman, butcher
CU Token. Belleville (New Jersey) mint. Dies by Gibbs. Struck 1837.
T. D. SEAMAN BUTCHER./ * BELLEVILLE *. Bouquet.
* A FRIEND */ TO THE CONSTITUTION, Bull standing right; c/m: minute D above.
Rulau HT 204B; Low 155
Ex Don Miller Collection; William Dunham Collection (B. Max Mehl, 3 August 1941), lot 2713
Tobias Seaman was apparently not primarily engaged as a butcher, finding more success as a hotelier. He was the proprietor of Mansion House in Belleville and, later, of the Mechanic's Hotel in Newark circa 1845-1851, and the South Ward Hotel thereafter. For a brief time he was also the owner of a stage line to New York and, "a horseman of great noteriety."(W. Shaw, History of Essex and Hudson Counties, New Jersey. New York, 1884. p. 890-a)Ardatirion
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EGYPT, Koptos
PB Tessera (13mm, 1.88 g)
Head of Harpokrates facing slightly right, wearing skhent crown and raising index finger to lip; behind, cornucopia
Stag standing right
Milne 5354-8; Dattari (Savio) 11870, 11872; Köln -Ardatirion
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(0145) FAUSTINA II147 - 175 AD
Struck ca 161-175 AD
AE 17.5 mm; 4.45 g
O: Draped bust of Faustina Jr. to right
R: Cult Statue of Artemis Ephesia, stag on either side
Phrygia, Ancyra (Ankyra); Cop 142laney
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(0161) MARCUS AURELIUS161-180 AD
AE 27 mm, 10.70 g
O: M AVP AV KAI ANTΩNЄINOC, laureate head right
R: ЄPI ΘЄMICTOKΛЄOU MIΛHCIΩN NЄOKOPΩN, archaic cult statue of Apollo Didymaios standing left, holding stag in right hand and bow in arrow in left
Miletos; Mionnet 3, 169f. 788laney
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(0218) ELAGABALUS--Tyre218 – 222 AD
AE 28mm, 9.73g
O: Laureate, draped, cuirassed bust right
R: Nude male figure (probably representing King Pygmalion of Tyre=Pu'mayatton, 831-785 BC) advancing left, chlamys over extended right arm, holding transverse spear and shield(?) in raised left hand ; behind him at right, 4 stags leaping right; star above; murex shell below
Phoenicia, Tyre (Tyros);
ref. Rouvier VII, p.80, 2388; BMC Phoenicia p.277, 408; Babelon ("Les Perses Achemenides")
2244; Mionnet V, 657; not in SNG Copenghagen, SNG UK, SNG Deutschland, SNG
Righetti, Lindgren; Rare
(thank you to Jochen for details)laney
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(0253) GALLIENUS253 - 268 AD
Struck 267-268 AD
AE 20.5 mm max.
O: GALLIENVS AVG Radiate head right
R: DINAE CONS AVG stag walking rightlaney
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(0253) GALLIENUS253-268 AD
AE 19.5 mm 3.38 g
O: GALLIENVS AVG radiate bust right
R: DINAE AVG stag advancing left; X in exe
Rome mint, Officinia 10laney
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(0253) GALLIENUS253 - 268 AD
AE 19.5 mm, 2.31 g
O: Radiate head right
R: Stag walking rightlaney
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(0383) MAGNUS MAXIMUS383 - 388 AD
AE 21.5 mm X 25 mm 4.48 g
O DN MAG MAXI[MV]S PF AVG diademed, craped and cuirassed bust right
R: REPARATIO REI[PVB] Magnus staging left holding Victory on globe and raising kneeling female
laney
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(501i) Roman Republic, D. Junius L.f. Silanus, 91 B.C.Silver denarius, Syd 646a, RSC Junia 16, S 225 var, Cr 337/3 var, VF, 3.718g, 18.6mm, 0o, Rome mint, 91 B.C.; obverse head of Roma right in winged helmet, X (control letter) behind; reverse Victory in a biga right holding reins in both hands, V (control numeral) above, D•SILANVS / ROMA in ex; mint luster in recesses. Ex FORVM.
Although the coin itself does not commemorate the event, the date this coin was struck is historically significant.
MARCUS Livius DRUSUS (his father was the colleague of Gaius Gracchus in the tribuneship, 122 B.C.), became tribune of the people in 91 B.C. He was a thoroughgoing conservative, wealthy and generous, and a man of high integrity. With some of the more intelligent members of his party (such as Marcus Scaurus and L. Licinius Crassus the orator) he recognized the need of reform. At that time an agitation was going on for the transfer of the judicial functions from the equites to the senate; Drusus proposed as a compromise a measure which restored to the senate the office of judices, while its numbers were doubled by the admission of 300 equites. Further, a special commission was to be appointed to try and sentence all judices guilty of taking bribes.
The senate was hesitant; and the equites, whose occupation was threatened, offered the most violent opposition. In order, therefore, to catch the popular votes, Drusus proposed the establishment of colonies in Italy and Sicily, and an increased distribution of corn at a reduced rate. By help of these riders the bill was carried.
Drusus now sought a closer alliance with the Italians, promising them the long coveted boon of the Roman franchise. The senate broke out into open opposition. His laws were abrogated as informal, and each party armed its adherents for the civil struggle which was now inevitable. Drusus was stabbed one evening as he was returning home. His assassin was never discovered (http://62.1911encyclopedia.org/D/DR/DRUSUS_MARCUS_LIVIUS.htm).
The ensuing "Social War" (91-88 B.C.) would set the stage for the "Civil Wars" (88-87 & 82-81 B.C.) featuring, notably, Marius & Sulla; two men who would make significant impressions on the mind of a young Julius Caesar. Caesar would cross the Rubicon not thirty years later.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.Cleisthenes
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001v1. Roman MoneyersL. HOSTILIUS SASERNA. Denarius (48 BC). Rome. Obv: Head of Gallia right; carnyx to left. Rev: L HOSTILIVS / SASERNA. Diana of Ephesus standing facing, holding spear and stag by the horns. Crawford 448/3; CRI 19. 3.52 g., 18 mm. Naumann Auction 103, lot 483.lawrence c
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005c3. Claudius & Agrippina JuniorClaudius and Agrippina Junior
Ephesos,Ionia
AE19 Assarion
20.8mm, 6.57 g.
Obv: Jugate busts of Claudius and Agrippina right
Rev: EΦE KOYΣI-NIOΣ TO Δ to left and right of stag standing right.
RPC 2624; SNG Cop 373-374; BMC 205-206; Weber 5872.
A FORUM coin.lawrence c
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012p Claudius I. (41-54 A.D.), Ionia, Ephesos, RPC I 2624, AE-18, Stag standing right, KOYΣI/NIOΣ, O/T/Δ//EΦE, #1012p Claudius I. (41-54 A.D.), Ionia, Ephesos, RPC I 2624, AE-18, Stag standing right, KOYΣI/NIOΣ, O/T/Δ//EΦE, #1
avers: No legends, Jugate busts of Claudius and Agrippina (the Younger) right.
reverse: Stag standing right, KOYΣI/NIOΣ (Causinius, magistrate) in two lines above, o/T monogram left, ∆ right, EΦE below.
exergue: O/T/Δ//EΦE, diameter: 18,0-19,0mm, weight: 4,38g, axis: 0h,
mint: City: Ephesus, Region: Ionia, Province: Asia, Conventus of Ephesus,
date: 41-54 A.D.,
ref: RPC I 2624, SNG Cop 373-374, BMC 205-206, Weber 5872,
Q-001quadrans
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032p Hadrianus (117-138 A.D.), Egypt, Alexandria, RPC III 5693, AE-Hemiobol, L/IA//--, Stag standing right, #1032p Hadrianus (117-138 A.D.), Egypt, Alexandria, RPC III 5693, AE-Hemiobol, L/IA//--, Stag standing right, #1
avers: AΥT KAI TPAI AΔPIA CEB, Laureate head right.
reverse: No legends, Stag standing right, L-IA.
exergue: L/IA//--, diameter: 18,5-19,0mm, weight: 5,4g, axis: 0h,
mint: Egypt, Alexandria, date: 126-127 A.D., Year (IA)11.,
ref:
RPC III 5693,
Emmet -IA,
Milne 1235,
Geissen 966,
Dattari 2023,
Kampmann-Ganschow 032.439,
Köln 0966,
BMC 0854,
SNG Copenhagen -,
Sear 3824
Q-001quadrans
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037a04. Philip IAntoninianus. Rome. Saecular Games issue. Obv: IMP PHILIPPVS AVG. Radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right. Rev: SAECVLARES AVGG / U.
Stag standing right. RIC 19. 23mm, 3.84 g. Naumann Auction 122, lot 833
lawrence c
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041bp Commodus (166-180 A.D. as Caesar, 180-192 A.D. as Augustus), Moesia, Nicopolis Ad Istrum, HHJ-08.10.13.2var, AE-18, NEIKOΠOΛEITΩN, Artemis standing right,041bp Commodus (166-180 A.D. as Caesar, 180-192 A.D. as Augustus), Moesia, Nicopolis Ad Istrum, HHJ-08.10.13.2var, AE-18, NEIKOΠOΛEITΩN, Artemis standing right,
avers: M-AYP-KOMOΔOC-ANTΩNEINOC, Laureate cuirassed bust right.
revers: NEIKOΠO-ΛEITΩN, Artemis standing right, holding bow in left hand and drawing with right hand arrow from quiver over right
shoulder; at her feet stag standing right, looking up to her.
exerg: -/-//--, diameter: 18-19mm, weight: 3,96g, axes: 7h,
mint: Moesia, Nicopolis Ad Istrum, date: 193-211 A.D.,
ref. a) not in AMNG
b) Varbanov (engl.) 2164??
c) Hristova/Hoeft/Jekov (2013) No.8.10.13.2 corr.
Writes M AVRH ANTWNEINOC KOMODOC in error
Q-001quadrans
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046a12. GallienusAntoninianus. Rome mint. Sole reign. Obv: GALLIENVS AVG, radiate head right. Rev: DIANAE CONS AVG, Stag walking left, officina mark X below. RIC 179; Cohen 160; Goebl 0744b; Sear 10201.lawrence c
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046a16, GallienusAntoninianus. Rome mint. Sole reign. Obv: GALLIENVS AVG, radiate head right. Rev: DIANAE CONS AVG, Stag walking left, officina mark X below. RIC 179; Cohen 160; Goebl 0744b; Sear 10201.lawrence c
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048 B.C., L.Hostilius Saserna, Republic AR-Denarius, Crawford 448/3, L•HOSTILIVS SASERNA, Diana of Ephesus standing faceing,L.Hostilius Saserna (48 B.C.), Republic AR-Denarius, Crawford 448/3, L•HOSTILIVS SASERNA, Diana of Ephesus standing facing,
avers: Head of Gallia right, Gallic trumpet (carnyx) behind.
reverse: L•HOSTILIVS SASERNA, Diana of Ephesus standing facing, holding spear and stag by its antler.
exergue: - /-//--, diameter: 18mm, weight: 3,93g, axis: 6h,
mint: Rome, date: 48 B.C., ref: Crawford 448/3, Sydenham 953, CRI 19, Hostilia 4,
Q-001quadrans
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05. Philip I.Antoninianus, 248 AD, Rome mint.
Obverse: IMP PHILIPPVS AVG / Radiate bust of Philip I.
Reverse: SAECVLARES AVGG / Stag facing right. U in exergue.
4.59 gm., 23 mm.
RIC #19; Sear #8958.Callimachus
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064 - Septimius Severus denarius - RIC 274Denarius
Obv:- SEVERVS PIVS AVG, laureate head right
Rev:- LAETITIA above, TEMPORVM below, ship with mast and fittings, sail raised, gangway to ground; above, four quadrigae; below, bird, lion, zebra, bear, stag, bull and a bear
Minted in Rome. A.D. 206
Reference:- BMC 343. RIC 274. RSC 253.
ex CGB.frmaridvnvm
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064 - Septimius Severus denarius - RIC 274Denarius
Obv:- SEVERVS PIVS AVG, laureate head right
Rev:- LAETITIA above, TEMPORVM below, ship with mast and fittings, sail raised, gangway to ground; above, four quadrigae; below, bird, lion, zebra, bear, stag, bull and a bear
Minted in Rome. A.D. 206
Reference:- BMC 343. RIC 274. RSC 253.
ex CGB.fr
Updated image.maridvnvm
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074 Philippus I. (244-249 A.D.), RIC IV-III 0019, Rome, AR-Antoninianus, -/-//U, SAECVLARES AVG G, Stag walking right, #1074 Philippus I. (244-249 A.D.), RIC IV-III 0019, Rome, AR-Antoninianus, -/-//U, SAECVLARES AVG G, Stag walking right, #1
avers:- IMP PHILIPPVS AVG, Radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
revers:- SAECVLARES AVG G, Stag walking right.
exergo: -/-//U, diameter: 21,5-23,5mm, weight: 4,48g, axis: 6h,
mint: Rome, date: 248 A.D., ref: RIC-IV-III-019, p-70, RSC-182, Sear 2571,
Q-001
This was minted to commemorate the 1000th anniversary of the founding of Rome, which was celebrated on April 21st, A.D. 248.quadrans
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074 Philippus I. (244-249 A.D.), RIC IV-III 0019, Rome, AR-Antoninianus, -/-//U, SAECVLARES AVG G, Stag walking right, #2074 Philippus I. (244-249 A.D.), RIC IV-III 0019, Rome, AR-Antoninianus, -/-//U, SAECVLARES AVG G, Stag walking right, #2
avers:- IMP PHILIPPVS AVG, Radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
revers:- SAECVLARES AVG G, Stag walking right.
exergo: -/-//U, diameter: 21,0-22,5mm, weight: 4,48g, axis: 0h,
mint: Rome, date: 248 A.D., ref: RIC-IV-III-019, p-70, RSC-182, Sear 2571,
Q-002
This was minted to commemorate the 1000th anniversary of the founding of Rome, which was celebrated on April 21st, A.D. 248.quadrans
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074 Philippus I. (244-249 A.D.), RIC IV-III 0019, Rome, AR-Antoninianus, -/-//U, SAECVLARES AVG G, Stag walking right, #3074 Philippus I. (244-249 A.D.), RIC IV-III 0019, Rome, AR-Antoninianus, -/-//U, SAECVLARES AVG G, Stag walking right, #3
avers:- IMP PHILIPPVS AVG, Radiate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
revers:- SAECVLARES AVG G, Stag walking right; V or U in Exergue.
exergo: -/-//U, diameter: 21,5-25,0mm, weight: g, axis: 0h,
mint: Rome, date: 248 A.D., ref: RIC-IV-III-019, p-70, RSC-182, Sear 2571,
Q-003
This was minted to commemorate the 1000th anniversary of the founding of Rome, which was celebrated on April 21st, A.D. 248.quadrans
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08 01 Otho RIC I 4Otho. 15 Jan. to April 69 A.D. AR Denarius. Rome Mint. 69 A.D. (3.27g, 18.9mm, 6h). Obv: IMP M OTHO CAESAR AVG TR P, bare head right. Obv: PAX ORBIS TERRARVM, Pax, draped, standing left, right holding branch, and left caduceus. RIC I 4, RCV 2156, RSC 3. Ex Warren Esty Personal Collection.
At 3 months, Otho had the shortest reign in the Year of the Four Emperors. During much of Nero’s reign, Otho administered Lusitania, and followed Galba when he marched on Rome. Upon Galba’s naming another as his successor to the throne, with some of the rankers of the Praetorian Guard, Otho staged a coup, had Galba murdered, and was declared Emperor.
THis is an odd reverse message for an emperor complicit in the murder of his one-time allie and predecessor Galba, while the legeons of Vitellius were Marching on Rome. PAX ORBIS TERRARVM "Peace on the Earth" is ironic given the civil war going on in Rome at the time.Lucas H
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084 Volusian (251-253 A.D.), Antioch, RIC IV-III 237a, AR-Antoninianus, VBERITAS AVG, Ubertas stage left, #1084 Volusian (251-253 A.D.), Antioch, RIC IV-III 237a, AR-Antoninianus, VBERITAS AVG, Ubertas stage left, #1
avers: IMP C V AF GAL VEND VOLVSIANO AVG, Radiate, draped, cuirassed, right, one "dot" under the bust.
reverse: VBERITAS AVG, Ubertas stage left, holding purse and cornucopia.
exergue: -/-//-- , diameter: 20,0-23,0 mm, weight: 3,22 g, axis: 11 h,
mint: Antioch, date: 251-253 A.D.,
ref: RIC IV-III 237a, p-186, variation!, RSC 125, Sear 9772,
Q-001quadrans
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0996 Hadrian Sestertius, Roma 128-29 AD Hadrian with Roma and SenateReference.
RIC II, 968; Banti 193; BMC 1364; C. 352; Hill 388; Strack 632; RIC 996
Bust A1
Obv. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Laureate head
Rev. S C in field; COS III in ex
Hadrian, Roma and Senator adventus group: Hadrian stands left, the Senator stands right, Roma, holding spear, stands between them facing Emperor, and drawing his hand towards the extended hand of the Senator.
25.00 gr
33 mm
6h
Note.
The Romans often staged events in which the emperor was accompanied by actors dressed to personify symbolic personalities such as Annona, Liberalitas, Roma, et al. Here we see the emperor clasping the hand of the Senate in the presence of Roma, who stands behind them confirming their cooperative spirit by resting her hand on theirs.
This reverse type, representing "Concordia Senatus," likely commemorates the conferring of the title pater patriae upon Hadrian by the Senate in 128 AD.okidoki
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0ab Lucius Cornelius Sulla FelixL Manlivs, moneyer
82-72 BC
Denarius
Head of Roma, right, MANLI before, PRO Q behind
Sulla in walking quadriga, crowned by Victory, L SVLLA IM in ex.
Seaby, Manlia 4
Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix (c. 138 BC – 78 BC) was a Roman general and conservative statesman. He had the distinction of holding the office of consul twice, as well as reviving the dictatorship. Sulla was awarded a grass crown, the most prestigious and rarest Roman military honor, during the Social War. He was the first man to lead an army to Rome to settle a political dispute, in this case with Marius. In late 81 BC, he stunned the world by resigning his near-absolute powers, restoring constitutional government. After seeing election to and holding a second consulship, he retired to private life and died shortly after.
As to the person, Plutarch wrote: LUCIUS Cornelius Sylla was descended of a patrician or noble family. . . . His general personal appearance may be known by his statues; only his blue, eyes, of themselves extremely keen and glaring, were rendered all the more forbidding and terrible by the complexion of his face, in which white was mixed with rough blotches of fiery red. . . . And when supreme master of all, he was often wont to muster together the most impudent players and stage-followers of the town, and to drink and bandy jests with them without regard to his age or the dignity of his place, and to the prejudice of important affairs that required his attention. When he was once at table, it was not in Sylla's nature to admit of anything that was serious, and whereas at other times he was a man of business and austere of countenance, he underwent all of a sudden, at his first entrance upon wine and good-fellowship, a total revolution, and was gentle and tractable with common singers and dancers, and ready to oblige any one that spoke with him. It seems to have been a sort of diseased result of this laxity that he was so prone to amorous pleasures, and yielded without resistance to any temptation of voluptuousness, from which even in his old age he could not refrain. He had a long attachment for Metrobius, a player. In his first amours, it happened that he made court to a common but rich lady, Nicopolis by name, and what by the air of his youth, and what by long intimacy, won so far on her affections, that she rather than he was the lover, and at her death she bequeathed him her whole property. He likewise inherited the estate of a step-mother who loved him as her own son. By these means he had pretty well advanced his fortunes. . . . In general he would seem to have been of a very irregular character, full of inconsistencies with himself much given to rapine, to prodigality yet more; in promoting or disgracing whom he pleased, alike unaccountable; cringing to those he stood in need of, and domineering over others who stood in need of him, so that it was hard to tell whether his nature had more in it of pride or of servility. As to his unequal distribution of punishments, as, for example, that upon slight grounds he would put to the torture, and again would bear patiently with the greatest wrongs; would readily forgive and he reconciled after the most heinous acts of enmity, and yet would visit small and inconsiderable offences with death and confiscation of goods; one might judge that in himself he was really of a violent and revengeful nature, which, however, he could qualify, upon reflection, for his interest.
Blindado
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1) The Caesarians: L. Hostilius Saserna AR denariusROMAN REPUBLIC
L. Hostilius Saserna
AR denarius (20mm, 3.79 g, 12h). 48 BC
Head of Gallia r., hair in disarray; carnyx (Gallic trumpet) behind / L. HOSTILIVS [S]ASERNA, Diana (Artemis) of Ephesus standing facing, holding spear and stag by its antler.
Crawford 448/3. CRI 19. RSC Hostilia 4. Obverse flan flaw, otherwise ~EF
Ex Heritage
RM0028Sosius
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107 - Gallienus Antoninianus - RIC 656Obv:– GALLIENVS AVG, Radiate, cuirassed bust right
Rev:– SAECVLARHS AVG, stag standing right; palm in exergue
Minted in Antioch. A.D. 265.
Reference:– Göbl 1626d. RIC 656
3.10 gms, 20.93mm. 0 degreesmaridvnvm
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107 - Gallienus Antoninianus - RIC 656 var. Obv:– GALLIENVS AVG, Radiate head left
Rev:– SAECVLARHS AVG, stag standing right; palm in exergue
Minted in Antioch. A.D. 265.
Reference:– Göbl 1626a. RIC 656 var. (bust right and SAECVLARES). RSC 925b.
It should be noted that SAECVLARES examples do not actually seem to exist and this SAECVLARHS is the most common spelling with a SAECVLARIS variant being scarcer.maridvnvm
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1304a, Constantius I, May 305 - 25 July 306 A.D.Silvered follis, RIC 20a, S 3671, VM 25, gVF, Heraclea mint, 10.144g, 27.7mm, 180o, 297 - 298 A.D. Obverse: FL VAL CONSTANTIVS NOB CAES, laureate head right; Reverse GENIO POPVLI ROMANI, Genius standing left, modius on head, naked except for chlamys over shoulder, cornucopia in left, pouring liquor from patera, HTD in exergue; some silvering, nice portrait, well centered.
De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families
Constantius I Chlorus (305-306 A.D.)
Michael DiMaio, Jr.
Salve Regina University
Constantius' Early Life and Marriage
Born March 31st, Emperor Flavius Valerius Constantius may have come into the world ca. 250. His family was from Illyricum. In the army he served as a protector, tribunus, and a praeses Dalmatiarum. During the 270s or the 280s, he became the father of Constantine by Helena, his first spouse. By 288 he was the Praetorian Prefect of the western emperor Maximianus Herculius.
Constantius' Reign as Caesar
On 1 March 293 Diocletian appointed Galerius as his Caesar (junior emperor) in the east and Constantius as the Caesar of Maximianus Herculius. Caesar in the west. Both Caesars had the right of succession. In order to strengthen the dynastic relationship between himself and Herculius., Constantius put aside his wife Helena and married Theodora, the daughter, or perhaps stepdaughter, of Maximianus Herculius.. The union was fruitful and of it there were six issue: Flavius Dalmatius, Julius Constantius, Hannibalianus, Constantia, Anastasia, and Eutropia. To strengthen his bond with Galerius and Diocletian in the east, Constantius allowed Galerius to keep his son Constantine as a hostage for his good behavior.
In the remainder of the time that he was a Caesar, Constantius spent much of his time engaged in military actions in the west. In the summer of 293 Constantius expelled the troops of the usurper Carausius from northern Gaul; after Constantius' attack on Bononia (Boulogne), Carausius was murdered. At the same time he dealt with the unrest of the Germans. In 296 he invaded Britain and put down the revolt of the usurper Allectus. Between 300 and 305 A.D. the Caesar campaigned successfully several times with various German tribes. It is worth noting in passing, that while his colleagues rigidly enforced the "Great Persecution in 303," Constantius limited his action to knocking down a few churches.
Constantius as Augustus and His Untimely Death
On 1 May 305 Diocletian, at Nicomedia, and Maximianus Herculius, at Mediolanum (Milan), divested themselves of the purple, probably because of the almost fatal illness that Diocletian contracted toward the end of 304. Diocletian forced Maximianus to abdicate. They appointed as their successors Constantius and Galerius, with Severus and Maximinus Daia as the new Caesars. The retired emperors then returned to private life. Constantius, as had his predecessor, ruled in the west, while Galerius and Daia ruled in the east. Almost as soon as he was appointed Augustus, he crossed to Britain to face incursions by the Picts where he died at York on 25 July 306 with his son (Constantine I, known to history as “The Great”) at his side.
Copyright (C) 1996, Michael DiMaio, Jr.
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.Cleisthenes
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1329 Hadrian, Cistophorus IONIA Ephesus mint, Ephesian ArtemisReference
RPC III, 1329; Metcalf 6; RIC II 525
Obv. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Bust draped r. seen from behind
Rev. DIANA EPHESIA
Cult image of Ephesian Artemis flanked by stags
10.02 gr
27 mm
6hokidoki
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1335A Hadrian, Cistophorus IONIA Ephesus mint 132-34 AD Tetrastyle temple Artemis standingReference.
RPC --; Metclaf 10; RIC 475 var. (legend); RPC III 1335A
Obv. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Bare head right
Rev. [D]IA-NA / EPHESIA
Tetrastyle temple on three or four steps; within, cult image of Artemis of Ephesus (no stags)
10.97 gr
27 mm
5h
note.
There is evidence of the undertype on the obverse, below the truncation of Hadrian's neck: 'IMP CAEokidoki
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1335A Hadrian, Cistophorus IONIA Ephesus mint 132-34 AD Tetrastyle temple Artemis standingReference.
RPC 1335A;
Obv. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Bare head right
Rev. DIA-NA / EPHESIA
Tetrastyle temple on three or four steps; within, cult image of Artemis of Ephesus (no stags)
11.05 gr
26 mm
6h
Note.
Ex: Fred Shoreokidoki
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1345 Hadrian, Cistophorus IONIA Ephesus mint Ephesian ArtemisReference.
RPC III, 1345/4; Metcalf 17
Obv. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Bare head right
Rev. DIANA EPHESIA
Cult image of Ephesian Artemis flanked by stags
8.84 gr
27 mm
6hokidoki
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1353 Hadrian, Cistophorus IONIA Miletus mint, Tetrastyle temple Apollo Didymaeus standingReference.
RPC III, 1353/10; RIC 519; Metcalf 24; C. 287
Obv. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Bare head right
Rev. COS III
Tetrastyle temple on podium of three steps; within, cult image of Apollo Didymeus standing facing, holding small stag on right hand and bow in left, within tetrastyle temple, shield in pediment
10.94 gr
28 mm
12h okidoki
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1403a,1, Constantine I (the Great), 307-337 A.D.Constantine I (the Great), 307-337 A.D. Bronze AE 3, RIC 16, C -, VF, 2.854g, 19.1mm, 180o, Constantinople mint, 327 A.D. Obverse: CONSTANTI-NVS MAX AVG, rosette diademed head right; Reverse: GLORIA EXERCITVS, Soldier standing left, head right, resting left hand on shield and holding inverted spear in right, G in left field, CONS in exergue; very rare (R3).
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403b, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D.Constantine the Great, early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D., Bronze AE 3, RIC 137, VF, Constantinople mint, 1.476g, 16.4mm, 180o, 336 - 337 A.D. Obverse: CONSTANTI-NVS MAX AVG, laurel and rosette-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right; Reverse: GLOR-IA EXERC-ITVS, two soldiers, each holding spear and shield on ground, flanking standard, CONS[ ] in exergue. Ex FORVM.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403c, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D.Bronze AE 3, RIC VII 35, choice aEF, Constantinople mint, 3.336g, 20.0mm, 180o, 328 A.D.; Obverse: CONSTANTI-NVS MAX AVG, laurel and rosette diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right; Reverse: CONSTANTINI-ANA DAFNE, Victory seated left on cippus, head right, palm frond in each hand, trophy and captive before, CONS in exergue, B left; scarce. Ex FORVM.
"The information about Constantine's campaign across [the Danube] is obscure and untrustworthy. The question, therefore, of what he achieved by this enterprise was, and is, subject to contradictory interpretations. On the one hand, the Panegyrists claimed that he had repeated the triumphs of Trajan. On the other, his own nephew, Julian the Apostate, spoke for many when he expressed the view that this second 'conquest' of Dacia was incomplete and extremely brief . . . monetary commemoration was accorded to the building, at about the same time [AD 328], of the river frontier fortress of Constantiniana Dafne (Spantov, near Oltenita) . . ." (Grant, Michael. The Emperor Constantine. London: Phoenix, 1998. 58-9).
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/Cleisthenes
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1403d, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Cyzicus)Constantine the Great, early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. Bronze AE 3, RIC 199, gVF, corrosion, Cyzicus, 1.402g, 16.2mm, 0o, 336 - 337 A.D. Obverse: CONSTANTI-NVS MAX AVG, laurel and rosette-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right; Reverse: GLOR-IA EXERC-ITVS•, two soldiers, each holding spear and shield on ground, flanking standard, SMKA in exergue.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403e, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Heraclea)Constantine the Great, Bronze AE 3, RIC 69, VF, Heraclea, 3.38g, 19.0mm, 180o, 325 - 326 A.D. Obverse: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG, laureate head right; Reverse: D N CONSTANTINI MAX AVG, VOT XXX in wreath, SMHD in exergue.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403f, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Heraclea)Bronze follis, RIC 5, F/aF, 3.513g, 20.4mm, 180o, Heraclea mint, 313 A.D.; obverse IMP C FL VAL CONSTANTINVS P F AVG, laureate head right; reverse IOVI CONSER-VATORI AVGG, Jupiter standing left holding Victory and scepter, eagle with wreath in beek at feet, B in right field, SMHT in exergue.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403g, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Nicomedia)Constantine the Great, early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. Bronze follis, RIC 12, aVF, Nicomedia mint, 2.760g, 22.0mm, 0o, 313 - 317 A.D. Obverse: IMP C FL VAL CONSTANTINVS P F AVG, laureate head right; Reverse: IOVI CONS-ERVATORI, Jupiter standing left holding Victory on globe and scepter, eagle with wreath in beak left, G right, SMN in exergue; scarce.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403h, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Siscia)Bronze follis, RIC 232b, gVF, Siscia, 3.87g, 23.8mm, 180o, early 313 A.D. Obverse: IMP CONSTANTINVS P F AVG, laureate head right; Reverse: IOVI CONSERVATORI AVGG NN, Jupiter standing left holding Victory on globe and scepter, eagle with wreath in beak left, E right, SIS in exergue.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403i, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Siscia)Silvered AE 3, RIC 214, VF, Siscia mint, 3.187g, 19.3mm, 0o, 328 - 329 A.D.
Obverse: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG, laureate head right; Reverse PROVIDEN-TIAE AVGG, campgate with two turrets, star above, ASIS and double crescent in exergue.
Flavius Valerius Constantinus, Constantine the Great, was the son of Helena and the First Tetrarchic ruler Constantius I. Constantine is most famous for his conversion to Christianity and the battle of the Milvian Bridge where he defeated emperor Maxentius. It is reputed that before the battle, he saw the words "In Hoc Signo Victor Eris" (By this sign you shall conquer) emblazoned on the sun around the Chi Rho, the symbol of Christianity. Other sources claim the vision came to Constantine I in a dream. The story continues that after placing this Christogram on the shields of his army, he defeated his opponent and thus ruled the empire through divine providence. Constantine I also shifted the capital of the empire to Constantinople, establishing the foundation for an Empire that would last another 1000 years. He died in 337 and his sons divided the Roman territories.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power, and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/ Cleisthenes
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1403j, Constantine I (the Great), early 307 - 22 May 337 A.D. (Thessalonica)Bronze AE 3, RIC 153, VF, Thessalonica mint, 2.955g, 19.7mm, 0o, 326 - 328 A.D. Obverse: CONSTAN-TINVS AVG, laureate head right; Reverse: PROVIDEN-TIAE AVGG, campgate with two turrets, star above, dot right, SMTSG in exergue.
Flavius Valerius Constantinus, Constantine the Great, was the son of Helena and the First Tetrarchic ruler Constantius I. Constantine is most famous for his conversion to Christianity and the battle of the Milvian Bridge where he defeated emperor Maxentius. It is reputed that before the battle, he saw the words "In Hoc Signo Victor Eris" (By this sign you shall conquer) emblazoned on the sun around the Chi Rho, the symbol of Christianity. Other sources claim the vision came to Constantine I in a dream. The story continues that after placing this Christogram on the shields of his army, he defeated his opponent and thus ruled the empire through divine providence. Constantine I also shifted the capital of the empire to Constantinople, establishing the foundation for an Empire that would last another 1000 years. He died in 337 and his sons divided the Roman territories.
The Emperor Constantine I was effectively the sole ruler of the Roman world between 324 and 337 A.D.; his reign was perhaps one of the most crucial of all the emperors in determining the future course of western civilization. By beginning the process of making Christianity the religious foundation of his realm, he set the religious course for the future of Europe which remains in place to this very day. Because he replaced Rome with Constantinople as the center of imperial power, he made it clear that the city of Rome was no longer the center of power, and he also set the stage for the Middle Ages. His philosophical view of monarchy, largely spelled out in some of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, became the foundation for the concept of the divine right of kings which prevailed in Europe.
Constantine was not a "Christian convert" in any traditional sense. He was not baptized until close to death, and while that was not an uncommon practice, the mention of Christ in his speeches and decrees is conspicuous by its absence. Eusebius, Church historian and Constantine biographer, is responsible for much of the valorization of Constantine as the Christian Emperor. The somnambulant "sign" in which Constantine was to become victor at the Milvian Bridge is, not so surprisingly, revealed to posterity long after the "fact." Throughout his reign, Constantine continues to portray himself on coins as a sun god (Freeman, Charles. Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean; Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 582). Above all, Constantine was a pragmatist. It would be cynical to egregiously disavow his commitment to Christianity, but it would be equally wrong to think that he would allow Christianity to meddle in the governance of his empire. As he reputedly told a group of bishops, "You are bishops of those within the church, but I am perhaps a bishop appointed by God of those outside." Whatever the motives for his decision to support Christianity, Christianity benefitted from the arrangement. So, too, did Constantine. It was a match made in heaven.
J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
For perhaps the best Constantine The Great site on the web, see Victor Clark's Constantine The Great Coins: http://www.constantinethegreatcoins.com/
Cleisthenes
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1409a, Julian II "the Philosopher," February 360 - 26 June 363 A.D.Julian II, A.D. 360-363; RIC 167; VF; 2.7g, 20mm; Constantinople mint; Obverse: DN FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG, helmeted & cuirassed bust right, holding spear & shield; Reverse: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath; CONSPB in exergue; Attractive green patina. Ex Nemesis.
De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors
Julian the Apostate (360-363 A.D.)
Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Michael DiMaio, Jr., Salve Regina University
Introduction
The emperor Flavius Claudius Julianus reigned from 360 to 26 June 363, when he was killed fighting against the Persians. Despite his short rule, his emperorship was pivotal in the development of the history of the later Roman empire. This essay is not meant to be a comprehensive look at the various issues central to the reign of Julian and the history of the later empire. Rather, this short work is meant to be a brief history and introduction for the general reader. Julian was the last direct descendent of the Constantinian line to ascend to the purple, and it is one of history's great ironies that he was the last non-Christian emperor. As such, he has been vilified by most Christian sources, beginning with John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzus in the later fourth century. This tradition was picked up by the fifth century Eusebian continuators Sozomen, Socrates Scholasticus, and Theodoret and passed on to scholars down through the 20th century. Most contemporary sources, however, paint a much more balanced picture of Julian and his reign. The adoption of Christianity by emperors and society, while still a vital concern, was but one of several issues that concerned Julian.
It is fortunate that extensive writings from Julian himself exist, which help interpret his reign in the light of contemporary evidence. Still extant are some letters, several panegyrics, and a few satires. Other contemporary sources include the soldier Ammianus Marcellinus' history, correspondence between Julian and Libanius of Antioch, several panegyrics, laws from the Theodosian Code, inscriptions, and coinage. These sources show Julian's emphasis on restoration. He saw himself as the restorer of the traditional values of Roman society. Of course much of this was rhetoric, meant to defend Julian against charges that he was a usurper. At the same time this theme of restoration was central to all emperors of the fourth century. Julian thought that he was the one emperor who could regain what was viewed as the lost glory of the Roman empire. To achieve this goal he courted select groups of social elites to get across his message of restoration. This was the way that emperors functioned in the fourth century. By choosing whom to include in the sharing of power, they sought to shape society.
Early Life
Julian was born at Constantinople in 331. His father was Julius Constantius, half-brother of the emperor Constantine through Constantius Chlorus, and his mother was Basilina, Julius' second wife. Julian had two half-brothers via Julius' first marriage. One of these was Gallus, who played a major role in Julian's life. Julian appeared destined for a bright future via his father's connection to the Constantinian house. After many years of tense relations with his three half-brothers, Constantine seemed to have welcomed them into the fold of the imperial family. From 333 to 335, Constantine conferred a series of honors upon his three half-siblings, including appointing Julius Constantius as one of the consuls for 335. Julian's mother was equally distinguished. Ammianus related that she was from a noble family. This is supported by Libanius, who claimed that she was the daughter of Julius Julianus, a Praetorian Prefect under Licinius, who was such a model of administrative virtue that he was pardoned and honored by Constantine.
Despite the fact that his mother died shortly after giving birth to him, Julian experienced an idyllic early childhood. This ended when Constantius II conducted a purge of many of his relatives shortly after Constantine's death in 337, particularly targeting the families of Constantine's half-brothers. ulian and Gallus were spared, probably due to their young age. Julian was put under the care of Mardonius, a Scythian eunuch who had tutored his mother, in 339, and was raised in the Greek philosophical tradition, and probably lived in Nicomedia. Ammianus also supplied the fact that while in Nicomedia, Julian was cared for by the local bishop Eusebius, of whom the future emperor was a distant relation. Julian was educated by some of the most famous names in grammar and rhetoric in the Greek world at that time, including Nicocles and Hecebolius. In 344 Constantius II sent Julian and Gallus to Macellum in Cappadocia, where they remained for six years. In 351, Gallus was made Caesar by Constantius II and Julian was allowed to return to Nicomedia, where he studied under Aedesius, Eusebius, and Chrysanthius, all famed philosophers, and was exposed to the Neo-Platonism that would become such a prominent part of his life. But Julian was most proud of the time he spent studying under Maximus of Ephesus, a noted Neo-Platonic philospher and theurgist. It was Maximus who completed Julian's full-scale conversion to Neo-Platonism. Later, when he was Caesar, Julian told of how he put letters from this philosopher under his pillows so that he would continue to absorb wisdom while he slept, and while campaigning on the Rhine, he sent his speeches to Maximus for approval before letting others hear them. When Gallus was executed in 354 for treason by Constantius II, Julian was summoned to Italy and essentially kept under house arrest at Comum, near Milan, for seven months before Constantius' wife Eusebia convinced the emperor that Julian posed no threat. This allowed Julian to return to Greece and continue his life as a scholar where he studied under the Neo-Platonist Priscus. Julian's life of scholarly pursuit, however, ended abruptly when he was summoned to the imperial court and made Caesar by Constantius II on 6 November 355.
Julian as Caesar
Constantius II realized an essential truth of the empire that had been evident since the time of the Tetrarchy--the empire was too big to be ruled effectively by one man. Julian was pressed into service as Caesar, or subordinate emperor, because an imperial presence was needed in the west, in particular in the Gallic provinces. Julian, due to the emperor's earlier purges, was the only viable candidate of the imperial family left who could act as Caesar. Constantius enjoined Julian with the task of restoring order along the Rhine frontier. A few days after he was made Caesar, Julian was married to Constantius' sister Helena in order to cement the alliance between the two men. On 1 December 355, Julian journeyed north, and in Augusta Taurinorum he learned that Alamannic raiders had destroyed Colonia Agrippina. He then proceeded to Vienne where he spent the winter. At Vienne, he learned that Augustudunum was also under siege, but was being held by a veteran garrison. He made this his first priority, and arrived there on 24 June 356. When he had assured himself that the city was in no immediate danger, he journeyed to Augusta Treverorum via Autessioduram, and from there to Durocortorum where he rendezvoused with his army. Julian had the army stage a series of punitive strikes around the Dieuse region, and then he moved them towards the Argentoratum/Mongontiacum region when word of barbarian incursions reached him.
From there, Julian moved on to Colonia Agrippina, and negotiated a peace with the local barbarian leaders who had assaulted the city. He then wintered at Senonae. He spent the early part of the campaigning season of 357 fighting off besiegers at Senonae, and then conducting operations around Lugdunum and Tres Tabernae. Later that summer, he encountered his watershed moment as a military general. Ammianus went into great detail about Julian's victory over seven rogue Alamannic chieftains near Argentoratum, and Julian himself bragged about it in his later writing. After this battle, the soldiers acclaimed Julian Augustus, but he rejected this title. After mounting a series of follow-up raids into Alamannic territory, he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia, and on the way defeated some Frankish raiders in the Mosa region. Julian considered this campaign one of the major events of his time as Caesar.
Julian began his 358 military campaigns early, hoping to catch the barbarians by surprise. His first target was the Franks in the northern Rhine region. He then proceeded to restore some forts in the Mosa region, but his soldiers threatened to mutiny because they were on short rations and had not been paid their donative since Julian had become Caesar. After he soothed his soldiers, Julian spent the rest of the summer negotiating a peace with various Alamannic leaders in the mid and lower Rhine areas, and retired to winter quarters at Lutetia. In 359, he prepared once again to carry out a series of punitive expeditions against the Alamanni in the Rhine region who were still hostile to the Roman presence. In preparation, the Caesar repopulated seven previously destroyed cities and set them up as supply bases and staging areas. This was done with the help of the people with whom Julian had negotiated a peace the year before. Julian then had a detachment of lightly armed soldiers cross the Rhine near Mogontiacum and conduct a guerilla strike against several chieftains. As a result of these campaigns, Julian was able to negotiate a peace with all but a handful of the Alamannic leaders, and he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia.
Of course, Julian did more than act as a general during his time as Caesar. According to Ammianus, Julian was an able administrator who took steps to correct the injustices of Constantius' appointees. Ammianus related the story of how Julian prevented Florentius, the Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, from raising taxes, and also how Julian actually took over as governor for the province of Belgica Secunda. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, supported Ammianus' basic assessment of Julian in this regard when he reported that Julian was an able representative of the emperor to the Gallic provincials. There is also epigraphic evidence to support Julian's popularity amongst the provincial elites. An inscription found near Beneventum in Apulia reads:
"To Flavius Claudius Julianus, most noble and sanctified Caesar, from the caring Tocius Maximus, vir clarissimus, for the care of the res publica from Beneventum".
Tocius Maximus, as a vir clarissimus, was at the highest point in the social spectrum and was a leader in his local community. This inscription shows that Julian was successful in establishing a positive image amongst provincial elites while he was Caesar.
Julian Augustus
In early 360, Constantius, driven by jealousy of Julian's success, stripped Julian of many troops and officers, ostensibly because the emperor needed them for his upcoming campaign against the Persians. One of the legions ordered east, the Petulantes, did not want to leave Gaul because the majority of the soldiers in the unit were from this region. As a result they mutinied and hailed Julian as Augustus at Lutetia. Julian refused this acclamation as he had done at Argentoratum earlier, but the soldiers would have none of his denial. They raised him on a shield and adorned him with a neck chain, which had formerly been the possession of the standard-bearer of the Petulantes and symbolized a royal diadem. Julian appeared reluctantly to acquiesce to their wishes, and promised a generous donative. The exact date of his acclamation is unknown, but most scholars put it in February or March. Julian himself supported Ammianus' picture of a jealous Constantius. In his Letter to the Athenians, a document constructed to answer charges that he was a usurper, Julian stated that from the start he, as Caesar, had been meant as a figurehead to the soldiers and provincials. The real power he claimed lay with the generals and officials already present in Gaul. In fact, according to Julian, the generals were charged with watching him as much as the enemy. His account of the actual acclamation closely followed what Ammianus told us, but he stressed even more his reluctance to take power. Julian claimed that he did so only after praying to Zeus for guidance.
Fearing the reaction of Constantius, Julian sent a letter to his fellow emperor justifying the events at Lutetia and trying to arrange a peaceful solution. This letter berated Constantius for forcing the troops in Gaul into an untenable situation. Ammianus stated that Julian's letter blamed Constantius' decision to transfer Gallic legions east as the reason for the soldiers' rebellion. Julian once again asserted that he was an unwilling participant who was only following the desire of the soldiers. In both of these basic accounts Ammianus and Julian are playing upon the theme of restoration. Implicit in their version of Julian's acclamation is the argument that Constantius was unfit to rule. The soldiers were the vehicle of the gods' will. The Letter to the Athenians is full of references to the fact that Julian was assuming the mantle of Augustus at the instigation of the gods. Ammianus summed up this position nicely when he related the story of how, when Julian was agonizing over whether to accept the soldiers' acclamation, he had a dream in which he was visited by the Genius (guardian spirit) of the Roman state. The Genius told Julian that it had often tried to bestow high honors upon Julian but had been rebuffed. Now, the Genius went on to say, was Julian's final chance to take the power that was rightfully his. If the Caesar refused this chance, the Genius would depart forever, and both Julian and the state would rue Julian's rejection. Julian himself wrote a letter to his friend Maximus of Ephesus in November of 361 detailing his thoughts on his proclamation. In this letter, Julian stated that the soldiers proclaimed him Augustus against his will. Julian, however, defended his accession, saying that the gods willed it and that he had treated his enemies with clemency and justice. He went on to say that he led the troops in propitiating the traditional deities, because the gods commanded him to return to the traditional rites, and would reward him if he fulfilled this duty.
During 360 an uneasy peace simmered between the two emperors. Julian spent the 360 campaigning season continuing his efforts to restore order along the Rhine, while Constantius continued operations against the Persians. Julian wintered in Vienne, and celebrated his Quinquennalia. It was at this time that his wife Helena died, and he sent her remains to Rome for a proper burial at his family villa on the Via Nomentana where the body of her sister was entombed. The uneasy peace held through the summer of 361, but Julian concentrated his military operations around harassing the Alamannic chieftain Vadomarius and his allies, who had concluded a peace treaty with Constantius some years earlier. By the end of the summer, Julian decided to put an end to the waiting and gathered his army to march east against Constantius. The empire teetered on the brink of another civil war. Constantius had spent the summer negotiating with the Persians and making preparations for possible military action against his cousin. When he was assured that the Persians would not attack, he summoned his army and sallied forth to meet Julian. As the armies drew inexorably closer to one another, the empire was saved from another bloody civil war when Constantius died unexpectedly of natural causes on 3 November near the town of Mopsucrenae in Cilicia, naming Julian -- the sources say-- as his legitimate successor.
Julian was in Dacia when he learned of his cousin's death. He made his way through Thrace and came to Constantinople on 11 December 361 where Julian honored the emperor with the funeral rites appropriate for a man of his station. Julian immediately set about putting his supporters in positions of power and trimming the imperial bureaucracy, which had become extremely overstaffed during Constantius' reign. Cooks and barbers had increased during the late emperor's reign and Julian expelled them from his court. Ammianus gave a mixed assessment of how the new emperor handled the followers of Constantius. Traditionally, emperors were supposed to show clemency to the supporters of a defeated enemy. Julian, however, gave some men over to death to appease the army. Ammianus used the case of Ursulus, Constantius' comes sacrum largitionum, to illustrate his point. Ursulus had actually tried to acquire money for the Gallic troops when Julian had first been appointed Caesar, but he had also made a disparaging remark about the ineffectiveness of the army after the battle of Amida. The soldiers remembered this, and when Julian became sole Augustus, they demanded Ursulus' head. Julian obliged, much to the disapproval of Ammianus. This seems to be a case of Julian courting the favor of the military leadership, and is indicative of a pattern in which Julian courted the goodwill of various societal elites to legitimize his position as emperor.
Another case in point is the officials who made up the imperial bureaucracy. Many of them were subjected to trial and punishment. To achieve this goal, during the last weeks of December 361 Julian assembled a military tribunal at Chalcedon, empanelling six judges to try the cases. The president of the tribunal was Salutius, just promoted to the rank of Praetorian Prefect; the five other members were Mamertinus, the orator, and four general officers: Jovinus, Agilo, Nevitta, and Arbetio. Relative to the proceedings of the tribunal, Ammianus noted that the judges, " . . . oversaw the cases more vehemently than was right or fair, with the exception of a few . . .." Ammianus' account of Julian's attempt at reform of the imperial bureaucracy is supported by legal evidence from the Theodosian Code. A series of laws sent to Mamertinus, Julian's appointee as Praetorian Prefect in Italy, Illyricum, and Africa, illustrate this point nicely. On 6 June 362, Mamertinus received a law that prohibited provincial governors from bypassing the Vicars when giving their reports to the Prefect. Traditionally, Vicars were given civil authority over a group of provinces, and were in theory meant to serve as a middle step between governors and Prefects. This law suggests that the Vicars were being left out, at least in Illyricum. Julian issued another edict to Mamertinus on 22 February 362 to stop abuse of the public post by governors. According to this law, only Mamertinus could issue post warrants, but the Vicars were given twelve blank warrants to be used as they saw fit, and each governor was given two. Continuing the trend of bureaucratic reform, Julian also imposed penalties on governors who purposefully delayed appeals in court cases they had heard. The emperor also established a new official to weigh solidi used in official government transactions to combat coin clipping.
For Julian, reigning in the abuses of imperial bureaucrats was one step in restoring the prestige of the office of emperor. Because he could not affect all elements of society personally, Julian, like other Neo-Flavian emperors, decided to concentrate on select groups of societal elites as intercessors between himself and the general populace. One of these groups was the imperial bureaucracy. Julian made it very clear that imperial officials were intercessors in a very real sense in a letter to Alypius, Vicar of Britain. In this letter, sent from Gaul sometime before 361, the emperor praises Alypius for his use of "mildness and moderation with courage and force" in his rule of the provincials. Such virtues were characteristic of the emperors, and it was good that Alypius is representing Julian in this way. Julian courted the army because it put him in power. Another group he sought to include in his rule was the traditional Senatorial aristocracy. One of his first appointments as consul was Claudius Mamertinus, a Gallic Senator and rhetorician. Mamertinus' speech in praise of Julian delivered at Constantinople in January of 362 is preserved. In this speech, Claudius presented his consular selection as inaugurating a new golden age and Julian as the restorer of the empire founded by Augustus. The image Mamertinus gave of his own consulate inaugurating a new golden age is not merely formulaic. The comparison of Julian to Augustus has very real, if implicit, relevance to Claudius' situation. Claudius emphasized the imperial period as the true age of renewal. Augustus ushered in a new era with his formation of a partnership between the emperor and the Senate based upon a series of honors and offices bestowed upon the Senate in return for their role as intercessor between emperor and populace. It was this system that Julian was restoring, and the consulate was one concrete example of this bond. To be chosen as a consul by the emperor, who himself had been divinely mandated, was a divine honor. In addition to being named consul, Mamertinus went on to hold several offices under Julian, including the Prefecture of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Similarly, inscriptional evidence illustrates a link between municipal elites and Julian during his time as Caesar, something which continued after he became emperor. One concrete example comes from the municipal senate of Aceruntia in Apulia, which established a monument on which Julian is styled as "Repairer of the World."
Julian seems to have given up actual Christian belief before his acclamation as emperor and was a practitioner of more traditional Greco-Roman religious beliefs, in particular, a follower of certain late antique Platonist philosophers who were especially adept at theurgy as was noted earlier. In fact Julian himself spoke of his conversion to Neo-Platonism in a letter to the Alexandrians written in 363. He stated that he had abandoned Christianity when he was twenty years old and been an adherent of the traditional Greco-Roman deities for the twelve years prior to writing this letter.
(For the complete text of this article see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/julian.htm)
Julian’s Persian Campaign
The exact goals Julian had for his ill-fated Persian campaign were never clear. The Sassanid Persians, and before them the Parthians, had been a traditional enemy from the time of the Late Republic, and indeed Constantius had been conducting a war against them before Julian's accession forced the former to forge an uneasy peace. Julian, however, had no concrete reason to reopen hostilities in the east. Socrates Scholasticus attributed Julian's motives to imitation of Alexander the Great, but perhaps the real reason lay in his need to gather the support of the army. Despite his acclamation by the Gallic legions, relations between Julian and the top military officers was uneasy at best. A war against the Persians would have brought prestige and power both to Julian and the army.
Julian set out on his fateful campaign on 5 March 363. Using his trademark strategy of striking quickly and where least expected, he moved his army through Heirapolis and from there speedily across the Euphrates and into the province of Mesopotamia, where he stopped at the town of Batnae. His plan was to eventually return through Armenia and winter in Tarsus. Once in Mesopotamia, Julian was faced with the decision of whether to travel south through the province of Babylonia or cross the Tigris into Assyria, and he eventually decided to move south through Babylonia and turn west into Assyria at a later date. By 27 March, he had the bulk of his army across the Euphrates, and had also arranged a flotilla to guard his supply line along the mighty river. He then left his generals Procopius and Sebastianus to help Arsacius, the king of Armenia and a Roman client, to guard the northern Tigris line. It was also during this time that he received the surrender of many prominent local leaders who had nominally supported the Persians. These men supplied Julian with money and troops for further military action against their former masters. Julian decided to turn south into Babylonia and proceeded along the Euphrates, coming to the fortress of Cercusium at the junction of the Abora and Euphrates Rivers around the first of April, and from there he took his army west to a region called Zaitha near the abandoned town of Dura where they visited the tomb of the emperor Gordian which was in the area. On April 7 he set out from there into the heart of Babylonia and towards Assyria.
Ammianus then stated that Julian and his army crossed into Assyria, which on the face of things appears very confusing. Julian still seems to be operating within the province of Babylonia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The confusion is alleviated when one realizes that,for Ammianus, the region of Assyria encompassed the provinces of Babylonia and Assyria. On their march, Julian's forces took the fortress of Anatha, received the surrender and support of several more local princes, and ravaged the countryside of Assyria between the rivers. As the army continued south, they came across the fortresses Thilutha and Achaiachala, but these places were too well defended and Julian decided to leave them alone. Further south were the cities Diacira and Ozogardana, which the Roman forces sacked and burned. Soon, Julian came to Pirisabora and a brief siege ensued, but the city fell and was also looted and destroyed. It was also at this time that the Roman army met its first systematic resistance from the Persians. As the Romans penetrated further south and west, the local inhabitants began to flood their route. Nevertheless, the Roman forces pressed on and came to Maiozamalcha, a sizable city not far from Ctesiphon. After a short siege, this city too fell to Julian. Inexorably, Julian's forces zeroed in on Ctesiphon, but as they drew closer, the Persian resistance grew fiercer, with guerilla raids whittling at Julian's men and supplies. A sizable force of the army was lost and the emperor himself was almost killed taking a fort a few miles from the target city.
Finally, the army approached Ctesiphon following a canal that linked the Tigris and Euphrates. It soon became apparent after a few preliminary skirmishes that a protracted siege would be necessary to take this important city. Many of his generals, however, thought that pursuing this course of action would be foolish. Julian reluctantly agreed, but became enraged by this failure and ordered his fleet to be burned as he decided to march through the province of Assyria. Julian had planned for his army to live off the land, but the Persians employed a scorched-earth policy. When it became apparent that his army would perish (because his supplies were beginning to dwindle) from starvation and the heat if he continued his campaign, and also in the face of superior numbers of the enemy, Julian ordered a retreat on 16 June. As the Roman army retreated, they were constantly harassed by guerilla strikes. It was during one of these raids that Julian got caught up in the fighting and took a spear to his abdomen. Mortally wounded he was carried to his tent, where, after conferring with some of his officers, he died. The date was 26 June 363.
Conclusion
Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.
Copyright (C) 2002, Walter E. Roberts and Michael DiMaio, Jr. Used by permission.
In reality, Julian worked to promote culture and philosophy in any manifestation. He tried to reduce taxes and the public debts of municipalities; he augmented administrative decentralisation; he promoted a campaign of austerity to reduce public expenditure (setting himself as the example). He reformed the postal service and eliminated the powerful secret police.
by Federico Morando; JULIAN II, The Apostate, See the Julian II Page on NumisWiki
Flavius Claudius Iulianus was born in 331 or maybe 332 A.D. in Constantinople. He ruled the Western Empire as Caesar from 355 to 360 and was hailed Augustus by his legions in Lutetia (Paris) in 360. Julian was a gifted administrator and military strategist. Famed as the last pagan emperor, his reinstatement of the pagan religion earned him the moniker "the Apostate." As evidenced by his brilliant writing, some of which has survived to the present day, the title "the Philosopher" may have been more appropriate. He died from wounds suffered during the Persian campaign of 363 A.D. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
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143 B.C., Anonymous, Repulic AR-Denarius, Crawford 222/1, Rome, Biga of stags galloping right, #1143 B.C., Anonymous, Repulic AR-Denarius, Crawford 222/1, Rome, Biga of stags galloping right, #1
avers: Helmeted head of Roma right, behind X, border of dots.
reverse: Biga of stags galloping right, crescent below, in exergue ROMA.
exergue: -/-//ROMA, diameter: 16,0-17,5mm, weight: 3,80g, axis: 0h,
mint: Rome, date: 143 B.C., ref: Crawford 222/1, Syd 438,
Q-001quadrans
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146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Constantinopolis, RIC VIII (083 var ???), -/-//CONSA*, AE-2 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley, Not in RIC !!!,146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Constantinopolis, RIC VIII (083 var ???), -/-//CONSA*, AE-2 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley, Not in RIC !!!,
avers:- DN-CONSTA-NS-PF-AVG, Draped , diademed, bust right,
revers:- FEL-TEMP-REPAR-ATIO, Emperor military dress stage left on galley, holding phoenix on globe and standard with Chi-Rho on banner, in the stern sits Victory, steering the ship. No letter on the fields !!
exe: -/-//CONSA*, diameter: 22-24mm, weight: 4,93g, axis: 5h,
mint: Constantinopolis, date: A.D., ref: RIC-VIII-83variation( no letter is the fields!! Not in RIC!!!), p-454,
Q-001quadrans
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146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Cyzicus, RIC VIII 066, -/-//SMKA, AE-2 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley, Rare !,146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Cyzicus, RIC VIII 066, -/-//SMKA, AE-2 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley, Rare !,
avers:- D-N-CONSTA-NS-P-F-AVG, Draped , diademed, bust right,
revers:- FEL-TEMP-REPARATIO, Emperor military dress stage left on galley, holding phoenix on globe and standard with Chi-Rho on banner, in the stern sits Victory, steering the ship. No letter on the fields !!
exe: -/-//SMKA, diameter: 23-24,5 mm, weight: 4,95g, axis: 0h,
mint: Cyzicus, date: A.D., ref: RIC-VIII-66 no letter is the fields!! Rare!, p-494,
Q-001quadrans
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146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Siscia, RIC VIII 199var ???, -/-//BSIS-symbol-4 ???, AE-2 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley, Scarce !146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Siscia, RIC VIII 199var ???, -/-//BSIS-symbol-4 ???, AE-2 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley, Scarce !
avers:- DN-CONSTA-NS-PF-AVG, Draped , diademed, bust right,
revers:- FEL-TEMP-REPARATIO, Emperor military dress stage left on galley, holding phoenix on globe and standard with Chi-Rho on banner, in the stern sits Victory, steering the ship. No letter on the fields !!!
exe: -/-//BSIS-symbol-4 ???, diameter: 18,5-19,5mm, weight: 2,69g, axis: 1h,
mint: Siscia, date: 348-350 A.D., ref: RIC-VIII-199v ???, p-364,
Q-001quadrans
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146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Siscia, RIC VIII 199var, -/-//ASIS symbol Delta, AE-2 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley, Scarce!146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Siscia, RIC VIII 199var, -/-//ASIS symbol Delta, AE-2 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley, Scarce!
avers:- DN-CONSTA-NS-PF-AVG, Draped , diademed, bust right,
revers:- FEL-TEMP-REPAR-ATIO, Emperor military dress stage left on galley, holding phoenix on globe and standard with Chi-Rho on banner, in the stern sits Victory, steering the ship. No letter on the fields !!
exe: -/-//ASIS symbol Delta, diameter: 23mm, weight: 6,31g, axis: 6h,
mint: Siscia, date: 348-350 A.D., ref: RIC-VIII-199v, p-364,
Q-001quadrans
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146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Siscia, RIC VIII 248(err.in RIC), symbol"1"/-//ASIS, AE-3 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley, 146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Siscia, RIC VIII 248(err.in RIC), symbol"1"/-//ASIS, AE-3 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley,
avers:- DN-CONSTA-NS-PF-AVG, Draped , pearl diademed, bust right,
revers:- FEL-TEMP-REPAR-ATIO, Emperor military dress stage left on galley, holding phoenix on globe and standard with Chi-Rho on banner, in the stern sits Victory, steering the ship. Symbol "1" in the left field.
exe: symbol"1"/-//ASIS, diameter:17-18,5mm, weight: 1,71g, axis: 0h,
mint: Siscia, date: A.D., ref: RIC-VIII-248 (err. in RIC right field instead of left field), p-366,
Q-001quadrans
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146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Siscia, RIC VIII 248(err.in RIC), symbol"4"/-//ASIS, AE-3 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley, 146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Siscia, RIC VIII 248(err.in RIC), symbol"4"/-//ASIS, AE-3 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley,
avers:- DN-CONSTA-NS-PF-AVG, Draped , pearl diademed, bust right,
revers:- FEL-TEMP-REPAR-ATIO, Emperor military dress stage left on galley, holding phoenix on globe and standard with Chi-Rho on banner, in the stern sits Victory, steering the ship. Symbol "4" in the left field.
exe: symbol"4"/-//ASIS, diameter:17,5-18,5mm, weight: 2,68g, axis: 0h,
mint: Siscia, date: A.D., ref: RIC-VIII-248 (err. in RIC right field instead of left field), p-366,
Q-001quadrans
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146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Siscia, RIC VIII 256, A/-//--;-/-//•ΓSIS•, AE-2 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley,146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Siscia, RIC VIII 256, A/-//--;-/-//•Î“SIS•, AE-2 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley,
avers:- DN-CONSTA-NS-PF-AVG, Draped, diademed, bust right, "A" on the left fields, behind the neck.
revers:- FEL-TEMP-REPAR-ATIO, Emperor military dress stage left on galley, holding victory with wreath and palm on globe and standard with Chi-Rho on banner, in the stern sits Victory, steering the ship. "A" on the left star in the right fields.
exe: A/-//--;-/-//•Î“SIS•, diameter: 23-23,5 mm, weight: 4,28 g, axis: 6h,
mint: Siscia, date: 348-350 A.D., ref: RIC-VIII-256, p-367,
Q-001quadrans
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146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Thessalonica, RIC VIII 122, A/-//--; A/-//TSA, AE-2 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley,146 Constans (333-337 A.D. Caesar, 337-350 A.D. Augustus), Thessalonica, RIC VIII 122, A/-//--; A/-//TSA, AE-2 Follis, FEL TEMP REPARATIO, Galley,
avers:- DN-CONSTA-NS-PF-AVG, Pearl-diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust right, "A" behind the neck.
revers:- FEL-TEMP-REPAR-ATIO, Emperor military dress stage left on galley, holding victory with wreath and palm on globe and standard with Chi-Rho on banner, in the stern sits Victory, steering the ship. "A" on the left star in the right fields.
exe: A/-//--; A/-//TSA, diameter: 23,5 mm, weight: 4,57 g, axis: 6h,
mint: Thessalonica, date: 348-350 A.D., ref: RIC-VIII-122, p-,
Q-001quadrans
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1501s, Valentinian I, 25 February 364 - 17 November 375 A.D. (Siscia)Valentinian I, 25 February 364 - 17 November 375 A.D., Bronze AE 3, S 4103, VF, Siscia mint, 2.012g, 18.7mm, 180o, 24 Aug 367 - 17 Nov 375 A.D.obverse D N VALENTINI-ANVS P F AVG, pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right; reverse SECVRITAS - REIPVBLICAE, Victory advancing left, wreath in right and palm in left, symbols in fields, mintmark in exergue.
De Imperatoribus Romanis, An Online Encyclopedia of the Roman Emperors and their Families
Valentinian I (364-375 AD.)
Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Valentinian was one of Rome's last great warrior emperors. Flavius Valentinianus, was born in A.D. 321 at Cibalis (modern Vinkovci) in southern Pannonia. His father Gratian was a soldier renowned for his strength and wrestling skills. Gratian had an illustrious career in the army, rising from staff officer to tribune, to comes Africae, and finally [i/comes Britanniae.
The emperor Jovian died on 17 February 364, apparently of natural causes, on the border between Bithynia and Galatia. The army marched on to Nicaea, the nearest city of any consequence, and a meeting of civil and military officials was convened to choose a new emperor. The assembly finally agreed upon Valentinian.
On 26 February 364, Valentinian accepted the office offered to him. As he prepared to make his accession speech, the soldiers threatened to riot, apparently uncertain as to where his loyalties lay. Valentinian reassured them that the army was his greatest priority. Furthermore, to prevent a crisis of succession if he should die prematurely, he agreed to pick a co-Augustus. According to Ammianus, the soldiers were astounded by Valentinian’s bold demeanor and his willingness to assume the imperial authority. His decision to elect a fellow-emperor could also be construed as a move to appease any opposition among the civilian officials in the eastern portion of the empire. By agreeing to appoint a co-ruler, he assured the eastern officials that someone with imperial authority would remain in the east to protect their interests. After promoting his brother Valens to the rank of tribune and putting him in charge of the royal stables on March 1, Valentinian selected Valens as co-Augustus at Constantinople on 28 March 364, though this was done over the objections of Dagalaifus. Ammianus makes it clear, however, that Valens was clearly subordinate to his brother.
Ammianus and Zosimus as well as modern scholars praise Valentinian for his military accomplishments. He is generally credited with keeping the Roman empire from crumbling away by “. . . reversing the generally waning confidence in the army and imperial defense . . ..” Several other aspects of Valentinian's reign also set the course of Roman history for the next century.
Valentinian deliberately polarized Roman society, subordinating the civilian population to the military. The military order took over the old prestige of the senatorial nobility. The imperial court, which was becoming more and more of a military court, became a vehicle for social mobility. There were new ideas of nobility, which was increasingly provincial in character. By this it is meant that the imperial court, not the Senate, was the seat of nobility, and most of these new nobles came from the provinces. With the erosion of the old nobility, the stage was set for the ascendancy of Christianity. Ammianus makes it clear that actions such as these were part of a systematic plan by Valentinian to erode the power and prestige of the senatorial aristocracy. Several pieces of extant legislation seem to confirm Ammianus’ allegations that Valentinian was eroding senatorial prestige.
Valentinian's reign affords valuable insights into late Roman society, civilian as well as military. First, there was a growing fracture between the eastern and western portions of the empire. Valentinian was the last emperor to really concentrate his resources on the west. Valens was clearly in an inferior position in the partnership. Second, there was a growing polarization of society, both Christian versus pagan, and civil versus military. Finally there was a growing regionalism in the west, driven by heavy taxation and the inability of Valentinian to fully exercise military authority in all areas of the west. All of these trends would continue over the next century, profoundly reshaping the Roman empire and western Europe.
By Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.Cleisthenes
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1501s, Valentinian I, 25 February 364 - 17 November 375 A.D. (Siscia)Valentinian I, 25 February 364 - 17 November 375 A.D. Bronze AE 3, RIC 5(a) ii, VF, Siscia, 1.905g, 19.3mm, 0o, 25 Feb 364 - 24 Aug 367 A.D. Obverse: D N VALENTINI-ANVS P F AVG, pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right; Reverse: GLORIA RO-MANORVM, Emperor dragging captive with right, labarum (chi-rho standard) in left, •GSISC in exergue.
De Imperatoribus Romanis, An Online Encyclopedia of the Roman Emperors and their Families
Valentinian I (364-375 AD.)
Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Valentinian was one of Rome's last great warrior emperors. Flavius Valentinianus, was born in A.D. 321 at Cibalis (modern Vinkovci) in southern Pannonia. His father Gratian was a soldier renowned for his strength and wrestling skills. Gratian had an illustrious career in the army, rising from staff officer to tribune, to comes Africae, and finally [i/comes Britanniae.
The emperor Jovian died on 17 February 364, apparently of natural causes, on the border between Bithynia and Galatia. The army marched on to Nicaea, the nearest city of any consequence, and a meeting of civil and military officials was convened to choose a new emperor. The assembly finally agreed upon Valentinian.
On 26 February 364, Valentinian accepted the office offered to him. As he prepared to make his accession speech, the soldiers threatened to riot, apparently uncertain as to where his loyalties lay. Valentinian reassured them that the army was his greatest priority. Furthermore, to prevent a crisis of succession if he should die prematurely, he agreed to pick a co-Augustus. According to Ammianus, the soldiers were astounded by Valentinian’s bold demeanor and his willingness to assume the imperial authority. His decision to elect a fellow-emperor could also be construed as a move to appease any opposition among the civilian officials in the eastern portion of the empire. By agreeing to appoint a co-ruler, he assured the eastern officials that someone with imperial authority would remain in the east to protect their interests. After promoting his brother Valens to the rank of tribune and putting him in charge of the royal stables on March 1, Valentinian selected Valens as co-Augustus at Constantinople on 28 March 364, though this was done over the objections of Dagalaifus. Ammianus makes it clear, however, that Valens was clearly subordinate to his brother.
Ammianus and Zosimus as well as modern scholars praise Valentinian for his military accomplishments. He is generally credited with keeping the Roman empire from crumbling away by “. . . reversing the generally waning confidence in the army and imperial defense . . ..” Several other aspects of Valentinian's reign also set the course of Roman history for the next century.
Valentinian deliberately polarized Roman society, subordinating the civilian population to the military. The military order took over the old prestige of the senatorial nobility. The imperial court, which was becoming more and more of a military court, became a vehicle for social mobility. There were new ideas of nobility, which was increasingly provincial in character. By this it is meant that the imperial court, not the Senate, was the seat of nobility, and most of these new nobles came from the provinces. With the erosion of the old nobility, the stage was set for the ascendancy of Christianity. Ammianus makes it clear that actions such as these were part of a systematic plan by Valentinian to erode the power and prestige of the senatorial aristocracy. Several pieces of extant legislation seem to confirm Ammianus’ allegations that Valentinian was eroding senatorial prestige.
Valentinian's reign affords valuable insights into late Roman society, civilian as well as military. First, there was a growing fracture between the eastern and western portions of the empire. Valentinian was the last emperor to really concentrate his resources on the west. Valens was clearly in an inferior position in the partnership. Second, there was a growing polarization of society, both Christian versus pagan, and civil versus military. Finally there was a growing regionalism in the west, driven by heavy taxation and the inability of Valentinian to fully exercise military authority in all areas of the west. All of these trends would continue over the next century, profoundly reshaping the Roman empire and western Europe.
By Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.Cleisthenes
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1794 AE Halfpenny Token. Coventry, Warwickshire.Obverse: PRO BONO PUBLICO. Lady Godiva riding side-saddle on horse to left; in exergue, 1794.
Reverse: COVENTRY HALFPENNY. Representation of Coventry's old town cross with COV CROSS in small letters at base.
Edge: PAYABLE AT THE WAREHOUSE OF ROBERT REYNOLDS & CO.
Diameter 29.5mm | Axis 12
Dalton & Hamer: 249
RARE
This token was manufactured by William Lutwyche and the dies were engraved by William Mainwaring.
It was issued by Robert Reynolds & Co., who were ribbon weavers with a business in Coventry.
The original Coventry Cross stood at the place where Broadgate met Cross Cheaping, near Spicer Stoke, a very short row which led through from Broadgate to Butcher Row and Trinity church. Though it is likely that a cross had been standing in this place since the 13th century, the first actual record for the building of a cross was on 1st July 1423 when the Mayor, Henry Peyto, officially sanctioned that a new cross should be built. Although it was quite a substantial structure, within a century it was rather the worse for wear, and by 1506 discussions had begun about replacing it.
In 1541, the former mayor of London, Sir William Hollis, left £200 in his will toward the building of a new cross, and by 1544 the 57 foot high cross was completed. As well as being brightly painted, the cross was also covered with much gold and it was renowned for its fame and beauty. It was built in four sections, with statues in the top three storeys: the lower of these holding statues of Henry VI, King John, Edward I, Henry II, Richard I and Henry. Above these were Edward III, Henry II, Richard III, St Michael and St George. The top storey held statues of St Peter, St James, St Christopher and two monks, with representations of Liberty and Justice at the highest point. In 1608 repairs were carried out to the cross during which the figure of Christ was replaced with one of Lady Godiva. Possibly the obverse of this token is based on this statue since there is no record of there being any other Lady Godiva memorial statues before 1949.
After standing gloriously for two centuries, decay once more set into the cross and, in 1753 and 1755, the top two stages were removed to avoid the danger of collapse. By 1771 the cross was declared to be in too ruinous a state to retain, and it's demolition was authorised. The remains stood for a short while longer though, at least until after 1778 when a visitor to Coventry wrote that the decayed cross "...has no longer anything to please".
This token is dated 1794, but must depict the cross as it was in it's heyday before it was totally demolished and it's parts reused. Two of the statues from the cross now reside at St. Mary's Guildhall.
A modern replica of the cross was unveiled in 1976, it is situated about 100 metres away from the site of the original one.*Alex
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1797 AE Halfpenny, London, Middlesex.Obverse: FREEDOM WITH INNOCENCE. Proud stag with large antlers, walking to left.
Reverse: * * RULE BRITANIA (sic) * *. Britannia seated facing left on globe, shield at her side, holding spear in her left hand and branch in her right; 1797 in exergue.
Edge: Incuse legend “PAYABLE IN LONDON” the remainder engrailed.
Diameter: 29mm
Dalton & Hamer:1042 (Middlesex)
SCARCE
Dies engraved by Thomas Willets and manufactured by William Lutwyche or Peter Kempson in Birmingham.
This token, one of the 18th century Political and Social Series of tokens, was likely struck for the use of the “Buck Society” in London.
The Buck Society was made up of eleven united lodges in London and three affiliates in Moorgate, Hatton Garden and Doctor’s Commons. It was one of the many debating societies that emerged in London during the eighteenth century, and were a prominent fixture of society until the end of that century. The origins of the debating societies are not certain, but, while there were comparable societies in other British cities, London was home to the largest number of them throughout the eighteenth century. The debating societies welcomed participants from both genders and all social backgrounds, making them one of the best examples of the enlarged public sphere of the Age of Enlightenment. However, the increasingly radical political environment, created in large part by the French Revolution in 1789, lead to the tightening of government restrictions and most of the debating societies went inactive when, following the local sedition trials of 1792 and 1793, William Pitt the Younger initiated the 1794 Treason Trials, and the 1795 Seditious Meetings Act.*Alex
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1863 LYDIA, Hierocaesaraea, Pseudo-autonomous under Hadrian StagReference.
RPC III, 1863; COP 178; L BMC 10; SNG von Aulock 2955
Obv.
Draped bust of Artemis Persica r., with quiver at l. shoulder, bow and arrow at breast
Rev. ΙΕΡΟΚΑΙСΑΡΕΩΝ
Forepart of stag kneeling right.
3.04 gr
17 mm
12hokidoki
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1866 LYDIA, Hierocaesarea Pseudo-autonomous under Hadrian, Stag Reference.
RPC III, 1866/7; BMC 13-4, LS 18/35-6; vA 2957
Obv. СΥΝΚΛΗΤΟС
Draped bust of Senate, right.
Rev. ΙΕΡΟΚΑΙСΑΡΕΩΝ
Stag advancing right.
2.79 gr
16 mm
12hokidoki
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1996 Spink The Douro Cargo Auction CatalogueSpink (in association with Christie's), The Douro Cargo, Auction Catalogue, Auction 118, London, 20-1 Nov 1996, softcover, booklet style, 131 pages, 1711 lots, black and white illustrations throughout, includes prices realised, used, good condition, international shipping at the actual cost of postage; £35.00.Serendipity
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1aa Reign of SVLLAL Manlivs, moneyer
82-72 BC
Denarius
Head of Roma, right, MANLI before, PRO Q behind
Sulla in walking quadriga, crowned by Victory, L SVLLA IM in ex.
Seaby, Manlia 4
Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix (c. 138 BC – 78 BC) was a Roman general and conservative statesman. He had the distinction of holding the office of consul twice, as well as reviving the dictatorship. Sulla was awarded a grass crown, the most prestigious and rarest Roman military honor, during the Social War. He was the first man to lead an army to Rome to settle a political dispute, in this case with Marius. In late 81 BC, he stunned the world by resigning his near-absolute powers, restoring constitutional government. After seeing election to and holding a second consulship, he retired to private life and died shortly after.
As to the person, Plutarch wrote: LUCIUS Cornelius Sylla was descended of a patrician or noble family. . . . His general personal appearance may be known by his statues; only his blue, eyes, of themselves extremely keen and glaring, were rendered all the more forbidding and terrible by the complexion of his face, in which white was mixed with rough blotches of fiery red. . . . And when supreme master of all, he was often wont to muster together the most impudent players and stage-followers of the town, and to drink and bandy jests with them without regard to his age or the dignity of his place, and to the prejudice of important affairs that required his attention. When he was once at table, it was not in Sylla's nature to admit of anything that was serious, and whereas at other times he was a man of business and austere of countenance, he underwent all of a sudden, at his first entrance upon wine and good-fellowship, a total revolution, and was gentle and tractable with common singers and dancers, and ready to oblige any one that spoke with him. It seems to have been a sort of diseased result of this laxity that he was so prone to amorous pleasures, and yielded without resistance to any temptation of voluptuousness, from which even in his old age he could not refrain. He had a long attachment for Metrobius, a player. In his first amours, it happened that he made court to a common but rich lady, Nicopolis by name, and what by the air of his youth, and what by long intimacy, won so far on her affections, that she rather than he was the lover, and at her death she bequeathed him her whole property. He likewise inherited the estate of a step-mother who loved him as her own son. By these means he had pretty well advanced his fortunes. . . . In general he would seem to have been of a very irregular character, full of inconsistencies with himself much given to rapine, to prodigality yet more; in promoting or disgracing whom he pleased, alike unaccountable; cringing to those he stood in need of, and domineering over others who stood in need of him, so that it was hard to tell whether his nature had more in it of pride or of servility. As to his unequal distribution of punishments, as, for example, that upon slight grounds he would put to the torture, and again would bear patiently with the greatest wrongs; would readily forgive and he reconciled after the most heinous acts of enmity, and yet would visit small and inconsiderable offences with death and confiscation of goods; one might judge that in himself he was really of a violent and revengeful nature, which, however, he could qualify, upon reflection, for his interest. Blindado
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1ar Nero54-68
As
Bare head, right, IMP NERO CAESAR AVG P MAX TR P P P
Genius, GENIO AVGVSTI
RIC 86
Suetonius wrote: Nero was born nine months after the death of Tiberius, at Antium, at sunrise on the 15th of December (AD 37). . . . While he was still a young stripling he took part in a successful performance of the Troy Game in the Circus, in which he exhibited great self-possession. At the age of twelve or so (sometime in AD 50), he was adopted by Claudius, who appointed Annaeus Seneca, already a member of the Senate, as his tutor. The following night, it is said, Seneca dreamed that his young charge was really Caligula, and Nero soon proved the dream prophetic by seizing the first opportunity to reveal his cruel disposition. . . . After Claudius’s death (AD 54) had been announced publicly, Nero, who was not quite seventeen years old, decided to address the Guards in the late afternoon, since inauspicious omens that day had ruled out an earlier appearance. After being acclaimed Emperor on the Palace steps, he was carried in a litter to the Praetorian Camp where he spoke to the Guards, and then to the House where he stayed until evening. He refused only one of the many honours that were heaped upon him, that of ‘Father of the Country’, and declined that simply on account of his youth.
Eutropius summarized: To him succeeded NERO, who greatly resembled his uncle Caligula, and both disgraced and weakened the Roman empire; he indulged in such extraordinary luxury and extravagance, that, after the example of Caius Caligula, he even bathed in hot and cold perfumes, and fished with golden nets, which he drew up with cords of purple silk. He put to death a very great number of the senate. To all good men he was an enemy. At last he exposed himself in so disgraceful a manner, that he danced and sung upon the stage in the dress of a harp-player and tragedian. He was guilty of many murders, his brother, wife, and mother, being put to death by him. He set on fire the city of Rome, that he might enjoy the sight of a spectacle such as Troy formerly presented when taken and burned.
In military affairs he attempted nothing. Britain he almost lost; for two of its most noble towns4 were taken and levelled to the ground under his reign. The Parthians took from him Armenia, and compelled the Roman legions to pass under the yoke. Two provinces however were formed under him; Pontus Polemoniacus, by the concession of King Polemon; and the Cottian Alps, on the death of King Cottius.
15 When, having become detestable by such conduct to the city of Rome, and being deserted at the same time by every one, and declared an enemy by the senate, he was sought for to be led to punishment (the punishment being, that he should be dragged naked through the streets, with a fork placed under his head,5 be beaten to death with rods, and then hurled from the Tarpeian rock), he fled from the palace, and killed himself in a suburban villa of one of his freed-men, between the Salarian and Nomentane roads, at the fourth milestone from the city. He built those hot baths at Rome, which were formerly called the Neronian, but now the Alexandrian. He died in the thirty-second year of his age, and the fourteenth year of his reign; and in him all the family of Augustus became extinct.
Having successfully dispatched his scheming mother Agrippina in 59 and survived a decade on the throne, Nero must have felt like a genius when this was minted ca 64 AD!Blindado
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1ba Caesar's Siege of MassiliaL Hostilivs Saserna, moneyer
49-44 BC
Denarius, 48 BC
Head of Gallia, right, Gaulish trumpet behind
HOSTILIVS SASTERNA, Diana of Ephesus with stag
Seaby, Hostilia 4
This piece appears to refer to Julius Caesar's siege of Massilia (Marseille) during the civil war in 49 BC.
In The Civil Wars, Julius Caesar recorded: While this treaty was going forward, Domitius arrived at Massilia with his fleet, and was received into the city, and made governor of it. The chief management of the war was intrusted to him. At his command they send the fleet to all parts; they seize all the merchantmen they could meet with, and carry them into the harbor; they apply the nails, timber, and rigging, with which they were furnished to rig and refit their other vessels. They lay up in the public stores, all the corn that was found in the ships, and reserve the rest of their lading and convoy for the siege of the town, should such an event take place. Provoked at such ill treatment, Caesar led three legions against Massilia, and resolved to provide turrets, and vineae to assault the town, and to build twelve ships at Arelas, which being completed and rigged in thirty days (from the time the timber was cut down), and being brought to Massilia, he put under the command of Decimus Brutus; and left Caius Trebonius his lieutenant, to invest the city. Blindado
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1ce Severus Alexander222-235
Denarius
Laureate draped bust, right, IMP C M AVR SEV ALEXAND AVG
Sev. Alex in armor, P M TR P III COS P P
RIC 74
Herodian recorded: [The soldiers] were more favorably disposed toward Alexander, for they expected great things of a lad so properly and modestly reared. They kept continual watch upon the youth when they saw that Elagabalus was plotting against him. His mother Mamaea did not allow her son to touch any food or drink sent by the emperor, nor did Alexander use the cupbearers or cooks employed in the palace or those who happened to be in their mutual service; only those chosen by his mother, those who seemed most trustworthy, were allowed to handle Alexander's food.
Mamaea secretly distributed money to the praetorians to win their good will for her son; it was to gold that the praetorians were particularly devoted. . . . . Maesa, the grandmother of them both, foiled all his schemes; she was astute in every way and had spent much of her life in the imperial palace. As the sister of Severus' wife Julia, Maesa had always lived with the empress at the court. . . .
When Alexander received the empire, the appearance and the title of emperor were allowed him, but the management and control of imperial affairs were in the hands of his women, and they undertook a more moderate and more equitable administration. . . . At any rate, he entered the fourteenth year of his reign without bloodshed, and no one could say that the emperor had been responsible for anyone's murder. Even though men were convicted of serious crimes, he nevertheless granted them pardons to avoid putting them to death, and not readily did any emperor of our time, after the reign of Marcus, act in this way or display so much concern for human life.
In the fourteenth year, however, unexpected dispatches from the governors of Syria and Mesopotamia revealed that Artaxerxes, the Persian king, had conquered the Parthians and seized their Eastern empire, killing Artabanus [IV], who was formerly called the Great King and wore the double diadem. Artaxerxes then subdued all the barbarians on his borders and forced them to pay tribute. He did not remain quiet, however, nor stay on his side of the Tigris River, but, after scaling its banks and crossing the borders of the Roman empire, he overran Mesopotamia and threatened Syria.
Traveling rapidly, he came to Antioch, after visiting the provinces and the garrison camps in Illyricum; from that region he collected a huge force of troops. While in Antioch he continued his preparations for the war, giving the soldiers military training under field conditions. . . . The Romans suffered a staggering disaster; it is not easy to recall another like it, one in which a great army was destroyed, an army inferior in strength and determination to none of the armies of old.
Now unexpected messages and dispatches upset Alexander and caused him even greater anxiety: the governors in Illyria reported that the Germans [the Alamans] had crossed the Rhine and the Danube rivers, were plundering the Roman empire. . . . Although he loathed the idea, Alexander glumly announced his departure for Illyria. . . . Alexander undertook to buy a truce rather than risk the hazards of war. . . .
The soldiers, however, were not pleased by his action, for the time was passing without profit to them, and Alexander was doing nothing courageous or energetic about the war; on the contrary, when it was essential that he march out and punish the Germans for their insults, he spent the time in chariot racing and luxurious living. . . . They plotted now to kill Alexander and proclaim Maximinus emperor and Augustus. . . . Alexander's troops deserted him for Maximinus, who was then proclaimed emperor by all. . . . Maximinus sent a tribune and several centurions to kill Alexander and his mother, together with any of his followers who opposed them.Blindado
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1ec_2 Constantine the Great307-337
Follis
Laureate, draped, cuirassed bust right, IMP CONSTANTINVS PF AVG
Sol standing left, chlamys across left shoulder, raising right hand and holding globe in left hand, captive to left. Mintmark RQ.
RIC VII 52
According to Zonaras: Constans, in the eleventh year of his reign since he had been proclaimed Caesar, having ruled gently and mildly, came to the end of his life while residing in Britain, having, because of his goodness, bequeathed grief for himself among those he ruled, first having appointed successor the elder of his own sons, namely Constantine the Great, whom he begat by his first wife. He also had by his second wife, Herculius’ daughter Theodora, other sons, Constantinus, Hannibalianus, and Constantius. Constantine the Great was preferred over them, since they were judged by their father to be unsuited for sovereignty. . . . Constantine, when he was still a lad, was actually given by his father as a hostage to Gallerius, in order that, serving as a hostage, at the same time he be trained in the exercise of the soldierly art.
Eutropius summarizes: CONSTANTINE, being a man of great energy, bent upon effecting whatever he had settled in his mind, and aspiring to the sovereignty of the whole world, proceeded to make war on Licinius, although he had formed a connexion with him by marriage,5 for his sister Constantia was married to Licinius. And first of all be overthrew him, by a sudden attack, at Cibalae in Pannonia, where he was making vast preparations for war; and after becoming master of Dardania, Maesia, and Macedonia, took possession also of several other provinces.
There were then various contests between them, and peace made and broken. At last Licinius, defeated in a battle at Nicomedia by sea and land, surrendered himself, and, in violation of an oath taken by Constantine, was put to death, after being divested of the purple, at Thessalonica.
At this time the Roman empire fell under the sway of one emperor and three Caesars, a state of things which had never existed before; the sons of Constantine ruling over Gaul, the east, and Italy. But the pride of prosperity caused Constantine greatly to depart from his former agreeable mildness of temper. Falling first upon his own relatives, he put to death his son, an excellent man; his sister's son, a youth of amiable disposition; soon afterwards his wife, and subsequently many of his friends.
He was a man, who, in the beginning of his reign, might have been compared to the best princes; in the latter part of it, only to those of a middling character. Innumerable good qualities of mind and body were apparent in him; he was exceedingly ambitious of military glory, and had great success in his wars; a success, however, not more than proportioned to his exertions. After he had terminated the Civil war, he also overthrew the Goths on various occasions, granting them at last peace, and leaving on the minds of the barbarians a strong remembrance of his kindness. He was attached to the arts of peace and to liberal studies, and was ambitious of honourable popularity, which he, indeed, sought by every kind of liberality and obligingness. Though he was slow, from suspicion, to serve some of his friends,6 yet he was exceedingly generous towards others, neglecting no opportunity to add to their riches and honours.
He enacted many laws, some good and equitable, but most of them superfluous, and some severe. He was the first that endeavoured to raise the city named after him to such a height as to make it a rival to Rome. As he was preparing for war against the Parthians, who were then disturbing Mesopotamia, he died in the Villa Publica, at Nicomedia, in the thirty-first year of his reign, and the sixty-sixth of his age.
Zosimus described Constantine's conversion to Christianity: For he put to death his son Crispus, stiled (as I mentioned) Caesar, on suspicion of debauching his mother-in-law Fausta, without any regard to the ties of nature. And when his own mother Helena expressed much sorrow for this atrocity, lamenting the young man's death with great bitterness, Constantine under pretence of comforting her, applied a remedy worse than the disease. For causing a bath to be heated to an extraordinary degree, he shut up Fausta in it, and a short time after took her out dead. Of which his conscience accusing him, as also of violating his oath, he went to the priests to be purified from his crimes. But they told him, that there was no kind of lustration that was sufficient to clear him of such enormities. A Spaniard, named Aegyptius, very familiar with the court-ladies, being at Rome, happened to fall into converse with Constantine, and assured him, that the Christian doctrine would teach him how to cleanse himself from all his offences, and that they who received it were immediately absolved from all their sins. Constantine had no sooner heard this than he easily believed what was told him, and forsaking the rites of his country, received those which Aegyptius offered him ; and for the first instance of his impiety, suspected the truth of divination.Blindado
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1ei Constans337-350
AE3
RIC 93
Rosette diademed, draped & cuirassed bust, right, CONSTANS P F AVG
Two soldiers standing to either side of one standard with chi-rho on banner, GLORIA EXERCITVS, [A]SIS-crescent in ex.
Constans received Italy, Africa, and the Balkans when the empire was divided. He took charge of the remainder of the West after Constantine II imprudently attacked him in 340. Zosimus recorded, "Constans, having thus removed his brother, exercised every species of cruelty toward his subjects, exceeding the most intolerable tyranny. He purchased some well favoured Barbarians, and had others with him as hostages, to whom he gave liberty to harrass his subjects as they pleased, in order to gratify his vicious disposition. In this manner he reduced all the nations that were subject to him to extreme misery. This gave uneasiness to the court guards, who perceiving that he was much addicted to hunting placed themselves under the conduct of Marcellinus prefect of the treasury, and Magnentius who commanded the Joviani and Herculiani (two legions so termed), and formed a plot against him in the following manner. Marcellinus reported that he meant to keep the birth-day of his sons, and invited many of the superior officers to a feast. Amongst the rest Magnentius rose from table and left the room; he presently returned, and as it were in a drama stood before them clothed in an imperial robe. Upon this all the guests saluted him with the title of king, and the inhabitants of Augustodunum, where it was done, concurred in the same sentiment. This transaction being rumoured abroad, the country people flocked into the city; while at the same time a party of Illyrian cavalry who came to supply the Celtic legions, joined themselves with those that were concerned in the enterprize. When the officers of the army were met together, and heard the leaders of the conspiracy proclaim their new emperor, they scarcely knew the meaning of it; they all, however, joined in the acclamation, and saluted Magnentius with the appellation of Augustus. When this became known to Constans, he endeavoured to escape to a small town called Helena, which lies near the Pyrenean mountains. He was taken by Gaison, who was sent with some other select persons for that purpose, and being destitute of all aid, was killed. "Blindado
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201c. Pescennius NigerGaius Pescennius Niger was governor of Syria in the year 193 when he learned of the emperor Pertinax's murder. Niger's subsequent attempt to claim the empire for himself ended in failure in Syria after roughly one year. His life before becoming governor of Syria is not well known. He was born in Italy to an equestrian family. He seems to have been older than his eventual rival Septimius Severus, so his birth should perhaps be placed ca. AD 135-40. Niger may have held an important position in the administration of Egypt. He won renown, along with Clodius Albinus, for participation in a military campaign in Dacia early in Commodus' reign. Although Niger could have been adlected into the senate before the Dacian campaign, he was by now pursuing a senatorial career and must have been held in high esteem by Commodus. Niger was made a suffect consul, probably in the late 180s, and he was sent as governor to the important province of Syria in 191.
Niger was a well-known and well-liked figure to the Roman populace. After Pertinax became emperor at the beginning of 193, many in Rome may have hoped that the elderly Pertinax would adopt Niger as his Caesar and heir, but Pertinax was murdered without having made succession plans. When Didius Julianus arrived at the senate house on 29 March 193, his first full day as emperor, a riot broke out among the Roman crowd. The rioters took over the Circus Maximus, from which they shouted for Niger to seize the throne. The rioters dispersed the following day, but a report of their demonstration may well have arrived in the Syrian capital, Antioch, with the news that Pertinax had been murdered and replaced by Julianus.
Spurred into action by the news, Niger had himself proclaimed emperor in Antioch. The governors of the other eastern provinces quickly joined his cause. Niger's most important ally was the respected proconsul of Asia, Asellius Aemilianus, and support began to spread across the Propontis into Europe. Byzantium welcomed Niger, who now was preparing further advances. Niger took the additional cognomen Justus, "the Just." Justice was promoted as the theme of his intended reign, and personifications of Justice appeared on his coins.
Other provincial governors, however, also set their sights on replacing Julianus. Albinus in Britain and Septimius Severus in Upper Pannonia (western Hungary) had each aspired to the purple, and Severus was marching an army on Rome. Severus was still 50 miles from the city when the last of Julianus' dwindling authority disappeared. Julianus was killed in Rome 1 June 193.
Niger sent messengers to Rome to announce his acclamation, but those messengers were intercepted by Severus. A deal was struck between Severus and Albinus that kept Albinus in Britain with the title of Caesar. The larger armies of the western provinces were now united in their support for Severus. Niger's support was confined to the east. Severus had Niger's children captured and held as hostages, and a legion was sent to confront Niger's army in Thrace.
The first conflict between the rival armies took place near Perinthus. Although Niger's forces may have inflicted greater casualties on the Severan troops, Niger was unable to secure his advance; he returned to Byzantium. By the autumn of 193, Severus had left Rome and arrived in the region, though his armies there continued to be commanded by supporters. Niger was offered the chance of a safe exile by Severus, but Niger refused.
Severan troops crossed into Asia at the Hellespont and near Cyzicus engaged forces supporting Niger under the command of Aemilianus. Niger's troops were defeated. Aemilianus attempted to flee but was captured and killed. Not long after, in late December 193 or early January 194, Niger was defeated in a battle near Nicaea and fled south to Antioch. Eastern provincial governors now switched their loyalty to Severus, and Niger faced revolts even in Syria. By late spring 194, the Severan armies were in Cilicia preparing to enter Syria. Niger and his army met the Severan troops near Issus. The battle was a decisive defeat for Niger, who fled back to Antioch. The Syrian capital that only one year earlier had cheered as Niger was proclaimed emperor now waited in fear for the approach of its new master. Niger prepared to flee once more, but outside Antioch he was captured and killed.
Despite his popularity with the Roman mob, Pescennius Niger lacked both the strong loyalty of other senatorial commanders and the number of soldiers that his rival Severus enjoyed. Niger was ultimately unable to make himself the true avenger of Pertinax, and his roughly one-year control of the eastern provinces never qualified him to be reckoned a legitimate emperor.
BITHYNIA, Caesarea. Pescennius Niger. AD 193-194. Æ 22mm (6.35 g). Laureate head right / KAICAREIAC GERMANIKHC, coiled serpent left. RG p. 282, 9, pl. XLIV, 8 (same dies); SNG Copenhagen -; SNG von Aulock -. Near VF, brown patina, rough surfaces. Very rare. Ex-CNGecoli
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