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INDO-SCYTHIAN KINGDOM. Azes I/II (ca. 58-12 BC). AE hexachalkon or tetradrachm (27mm, 13.51 gm, 1h). Uncertain mint in western Gandhara. BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MEΓAΛOY AZOY, Bull standing right; monogram above; Kharosthi letter to right / Maharajasa rajarajasa mahatasa Ayasa (Kharosthi), lion standing right; monogram above. Quant.Geek

0a Amazon StaterSilver Stater 20mm Struck circa 440-410 B.C.
Soloi in Cilicia

Amazon kneeling left, holding bow, quiver on left hip
ΣOΛEΩN, Grape cluster on vine; A-Θ to either side of stalk, monogram to lower right

Sear 5602 var.; Casabonne Type 3; SNG France 135; SNG Levante

This coin depicts an amazon in historically accurate garb. Unfortunately, the bow is corroded away on this piece, but it is pointed toward her. She wears the Scythian hat, which also has a bit along the top corroded away. The quiver on her hip is an accurate portrayal of the gorytos (quiver), which was nearly two feet long, fashioned of leather, and often decorated. Fortunately, there is redundancy in this image, and a second bow is shown as in its place in the gorytos, which had separate chambers for arrows and the bow, where the archer stored it while not in use. The amazon has just finished stringing her bow and is adjusting the top hook to make sure the strings and limbs are properly aligned. She has strung the bow using her leg to hold one limb in place so she can use both hands to string the weapon. Her recurve bow was made of horn (ibex, elk, ox) wrapped with horse hair, birch bark, or sinew (deer, elk, ox) and glue (animal or fish) wrapped around a wood core. The bow was about 30 inches long. Arrow heads from grave sites come in bone, wood, iron, and bronze with two or three flanges; the shafts were made of reed or wood (willow, birch, poplar) and fletched with feathers. Poisoned arrows were sometimes painted to resemble vipers. A Scythian archer could probably fire 15-20 arrows per minute with accuracy to 200 feet and range to 500-600 feet. Distance archery with modern reconstructions suggests a maximum unaimed flight distance of 1,600 feet. (Mayor 209ff)

Soloi was founded about 700 B.C.and came under Persian rule. According to Diodorus, when the amazons were engaging in conquest in Asia Minor, the Cilicians accepted them willingly and retained their independence. Soloi may be named after Solois, a companion of Theseus, who married the amazon Antiope. The amazon on the coin may well be Antiope. (Mayor, 264-265)1 commentsBlindado

1409a, Julian II "the Philosopher," February 360 - 26 June 363 A.D.Julian II, A.D. 360-363; RIC 167; VF; 2.7g, 20mm; Constantinople mint; Obverse: DN FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG, helmeted & cuirassed bust right, holding spear & shield; Reverse: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath; CONSPB in exergue; Attractive green patina. Ex Nemesis.

De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors

Julian the Apostate (360-363 A.D.)

Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Michael DiMaio, Jr., Salve Regina University

Introduction

The emperor Flavius Claudius Julianus reigned from 360 to 26 June 363, when he was killed fighting against the Persians. Despite his short rule, his emperorship was pivotal in the development of the history of the later Roman empire. This essay is not meant to be a comprehensive look at the various issues central to the reign of Julian and the history of the later empire. Rather, this short work is meant to be a brief history and introduction for the general reader. Julian was the last direct descendent of the Constantinian line to ascend to the purple, and it is one of history's great ironies that he was the last non-Christian emperor. As such, he has been vilified by most Christian sources, beginning with John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzus in the later fourth century. This tradition was picked up by the fifth century Eusebian continuators Sozomen, Socrates Scholasticus, and Theodoret and passed on to scholars down through the 20th century. Most contemporary sources, however, paint a much more balanced picture of Julian and his reign. The adoption of Christianity by emperors and society, while still a vital concern, was but one of several issues that concerned Julian.

It is fortunate that extensive writings from Julian himself exist, which help interpret his reign in the light of contemporary evidence. Still extant are some letters, several panegyrics, and a few satires. Other contemporary sources include the soldier Ammianus Marcellinus' history, correspondence between Julian and Libanius of Antioch, several panegyrics, laws from the Theodosian Code, inscriptions, and coinage. These sources show Julian's emphasis on restoration. He saw himself as the restorer of the traditional values of Roman society. Of course much of this was rhetoric, meant to defend Julian against charges that he was a usurper. At the same time this theme of restoration was central to all emperors of the fourth century. Julian thought that he was the one emperor who could regain what was viewed as the lost glory of the Roman empire. To achieve this goal he courted select groups of social elites to get across his message of restoration. This was the way that emperors functioned in the fourth century. By choosing whom to include in the sharing of power, they sought to shape society.

Early Life

Julian was born at Constantinople in 331. His father was Julius Constantius, half-brother of the emperor Constantine through Constantius Chlorus, and his mother was Basilina, Julius' second wife. Julian had two half-brothers via Julius' first marriage. One of these was Gallus, who played a major role in Julian's life. Julian appeared destined for a bright future via his father's connection to the Constantinian house. After many years of tense relations with his three half-brothers, Constantine seemed to have welcomed them into the fold of the imperial family. From 333 to 335, Constantine conferred a series of honors upon his three half-siblings, including appointing Julius Constantius as one of the consuls for 335. Julian's mother was equally distinguished. Ammianus related that she was from a noble family. This is supported by Libanius, who claimed that she was the daughter of Julius Julianus, a Praetorian Prefect under Licinius, who was such a model of administrative virtue that he was pardoned and honored by Constantine.

Despite the fact that his mother died shortly after giving birth to him, Julian experienced an idyllic early childhood. This ended when Constantius II conducted a purge of many of his relatives shortly after Constantine's death in 337, particularly targeting the families of Constantine's half-brothers. ulian and Gallus were spared, probably due to their young age. Julian was put under the care of Mardonius, a Scythian eunuch who had tutored his mother, in 339, and was raised in the Greek philosophical tradition, and probably lived in Nicomedia. Ammianus also supplied the fact that while in Nicomedia, Julian was cared for by the local bishop Eusebius, of whom the future emperor was a distant relation. Julian was educated by some of the most famous names in grammar and rhetoric in the Greek world at that time, including Nicocles and Hecebolius. In 344 Constantius II sent Julian and Gallus to Macellum in Cappadocia, where they remained for six years. In 351, Gallus was made Caesar by Constantius II and Julian was allowed to return to Nicomedia, where he studied under Aedesius, Eusebius, and Chrysanthius, all famed philosophers, and was exposed to the Neo-Platonism that would become such a prominent part of his life. But Julian was most proud of the time he spent studying under Maximus of Ephesus, a noted Neo-Platonic philospher and theurgist. It was Maximus who completed Julian's full-scale conversion to Neo-Platonism. Later, when he was Caesar, Julian told of how he put letters from this philosopher under his pillows so that he would continue to absorb wisdom while he slept, and while campaigning on the Rhine, he sent his speeches to Maximus for approval before letting others hear them. When Gallus was executed in 354 for treason by Constantius II, Julian was summoned to Italy and essentially kept under house arrest at Comum, near Milan, for seven months before Constantius' wife Eusebia convinced the emperor that Julian posed no threat. This allowed Julian to return to Greece and continue his life as a scholar where he studied under the Neo-Platonist Priscus. Julian's life of scholarly pursuit, however, ended abruptly when he was summoned to the imperial court and made Caesar by Constantius II on 6 November 355.

Julian as Caesar

Constantius II realized an essential truth of the empire that had been evident since the time of the Tetrarchy--the empire was too big to be ruled effectively by one man. Julian was pressed into service as Caesar, or subordinate emperor, because an imperial presence was needed in the west, in particular in the Gallic provinces. Julian, due to the emperor's earlier purges, was the only viable candidate of the imperial family left who could act as Caesar. Constantius enjoined Julian with the task of restoring order along the Rhine frontier. A few days after he was made Caesar, Julian was married to Constantius' sister Helena in order to cement the alliance between the two men. On 1 December 355, Julian journeyed north, and in Augusta Taurinorum he learned that Alamannic raiders had destroyed Colonia Agrippina. He then proceeded to Vienne where he spent the winter. At Vienne, he learned that Augustudunum was also under siege, but was being held by a veteran garrison. He made this his first priority, and arrived there on 24 June 356. When he had assured himself that the city was in no immediate danger, he journeyed to Augusta Treverorum via Autessioduram, and from there to Durocortorum where he rendezvoused with his army. Julian had the army stage a series of punitive strikes around the Dieuse region, and then he moved them towards the Argentoratum/Mongontiacum region when word of barbarian incursions reached him.

From there, Julian moved on to Colonia Agrippina, and negotiated a peace with the local barbarian leaders who had assaulted the city. He then wintered at Senonae. He spent the early part of the campaigning season of 357 fighting off besiegers at Senonae, and then conducting operations around Lugdunum and Tres Tabernae. Later that summer, he encountered his watershed moment as a military general. Ammianus went into great detail about Julian's victory over seven rogue Alamannic chieftains near Argentoratum, and Julian himself bragged about it in his later writing. After this battle, the soldiers acclaimed Julian Augustus, but he rejected this title. After mounting a series of follow-up raids into Alamannic territory, he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia, and on the way defeated some Frankish raiders in the Mosa region. Julian considered this campaign one of the major events of his time as Caesar.

Julian began his 358 military campaigns early, hoping to catch the barbarians by surprise. His first target was the Franks in the northern Rhine region. He then proceeded to restore some forts in the Mosa region, but his soldiers threatened to mutiny because they were on short rations and had not been paid their donative since Julian had become Caesar. After he soothed his soldiers, Julian spent the rest of the summer negotiating a peace with various Alamannic leaders in the mid and lower Rhine areas, and retired to winter quarters at Lutetia. In 359, he prepared once again to carry out a series of punitive expeditions against the Alamanni in the Rhine region who were still hostile to the Roman presence. In preparation, the Caesar repopulated seven previously destroyed cities and set them up as supply bases and staging areas. This was done with the help of the people with whom Julian had negotiated a peace the year before. Julian then had a detachment of lightly armed soldiers cross the Rhine near Mogontiacum and conduct a guerilla strike against several chieftains. As a result of these campaigns, Julian was able to negotiate a peace with all but a handful of the Alamannic leaders, and he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia.

Of course, Julian did more than act as a general during his time as Caesar. According to Ammianus, Julian was an able administrator who took steps to correct the injustices of Constantius' appointees. Ammianus related the story of how Julian prevented Florentius, the Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, from raising taxes, and also how Julian actually took over as governor for the province of Belgica Secunda. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, supported Ammianus' basic assessment of Julian in this regard when he reported that Julian was an able representative of the emperor to the Gallic provincials. There is also epigraphic evidence to support Julian's popularity amongst the provincial elites. An inscription found near Beneventum in Apulia reads:
"To Flavius Claudius Julianus, most noble and sanctified Caesar, from the caring Tocius Maximus, vir clarissimus, for the care of the res publica from Beneventum".

Tocius Maximus, as a vir clarissimus, was at the highest point in the social spectrum and was a leader in his local community. This inscription shows that Julian was successful in establishing a positive image amongst provincial elites while he was Caesar.

Julian Augustus

In early 360, Constantius, driven by jealousy of Julian's success, stripped Julian of many troops and officers, ostensibly because the emperor needed them for his upcoming campaign against the Persians. One of the legions ordered east, the Petulantes, did not want to leave Gaul because the majority of the soldiers in the unit were from this region. As a result they mutinied and hailed Julian as Augustus at Lutetia. Julian refused this acclamation as he had done at Argentoratum earlier, but the soldiers would have none of his denial. They raised him on a shield and adorned him with a neck chain, which had formerly been the possession of the standard-bearer of the Petulantes and symbolized a royal diadem. Julian appeared reluctantly to acquiesce to their wishes, and promised a generous donative. The exact date of his acclamation is unknown, but most scholars put it in February or March. Julian himself supported Ammianus' picture of a jealous Constantius. In his Letter to the Athenians, a document constructed to answer charges that he was a usurper, Julian stated that from the start he, as Caesar, had been meant as a figurehead to the soldiers and provincials. The real power he claimed lay with the generals and officials already present in Gaul. In fact, according to Julian, the generals were charged with watching him as much as the enemy. His account of the actual acclamation closely followed what Ammianus told us, but he stressed even more his reluctance to take power. Julian claimed that he did so only after praying to Zeus for guidance.

Fearing the reaction of Constantius, Julian sent a letter to his fellow emperor justifying the events at Lutetia and trying to arrange a peaceful solution. This letter berated Constantius for forcing the troops in Gaul into an untenable situation. Ammianus stated that Julian's letter blamed Constantius' decision to transfer Gallic legions east as the reason for the soldiers' rebellion. Julian once again asserted that he was an unwilling participant who was only following the desire of the soldiers. In both of these basic accounts Ammianus and Julian are playing upon the theme of restoration. Implicit in their version of Julian's acclamation is the argument that Constantius was unfit to rule. The soldiers were the vehicle of the gods' will. The Letter to the Athenians is full of references to the fact that Julian was assuming the mantle of Augustus at the instigation of the gods. Ammianus summed up this position nicely when he related the story of how, when Julian was agonizing over whether to accept the soldiers' acclamation, he had a dream in which he was visited by the Genius (guardian spirit) of the Roman state. The Genius told Julian that it had often tried to bestow high honors upon Julian but had been rebuffed. Now, the Genius went on to say, was Julian's final chance to take the power that was rightfully his. If the Caesar refused this chance, the Genius would depart forever, and both Julian and the state would rue Julian's rejection. Julian himself wrote a letter to his friend Maximus of Ephesus in November of 361 detailing his thoughts on his proclamation. In this letter, Julian stated that the soldiers proclaimed him Augustus against his will. Julian, however, defended his accession, saying that the gods willed it and that he had treated his enemies with clemency and justice. He went on to say that he led the troops in propitiating the traditional deities, because the gods commanded him to return to the traditional rites, and would reward him if he fulfilled this duty.

During 360 an uneasy peace simmered between the two emperors. Julian spent the 360 campaigning season continuing his efforts to restore order along the Rhine, while Constantius continued operations against the Persians. Julian wintered in Vienne, and celebrated his Quinquennalia. It was at this time that his wife Helena died, and he sent her remains to Rome for a proper burial at his family villa on the Via Nomentana where the body of her sister was entombed. The uneasy peace held through the summer of 361, but Julian concentrated his military operations around harassing the Alamannic chieftain Vadomarius and his allies, who had concluded a peace treaty with Constantius some years earlier. By the end of the summer, Julian decided to put an end to the waiting and gathered his army to march east against Constantius. The empire teetered on the brink of another civil war. Constantius had spent the summer negotiating with the Persians and making preparations for possible military action against his cousin. When he was assured that the Persians would not attack, he summoned his army and sallied forth to meet Julian. As the armies drew inexorably closer to one another, the empire was saved from another bloody civil war when Constantius died unexpectedly of natural causes on 3 November near the town of Mopsucrenae in Cilicia, naming Julian -- the sources say-- as his legitimate successor.

Julian was in Dacia when he learned of his cousin's death. He made his way through Thrace and came to Constantinople on 11 December 361 where Julian honored the emperor with the funeral rites appropriate for a man of his station. Julian immediately set about putting his supporters in positions of power and trimming the imperial bureaucracy, which had become extremely overstaffed during Constantius' reign. Cooks and barbers had increased during the late emperor's reign and Julian expelled them from his court. Ammianus gave a mixed assessment of how the new emperor handled the followers of Constantius. Traditionally, emperors were supposed to show clemency to the supporters of a defeated enemy. Julian, however, gave some men over to death to appease the army. Ammianus used the case of Ursulus, Constantius' comes sacrum largitionum, to illustrate his point. Ursulus had actually tried to acquire money for the Gallic troops when Julian had first been appointed Caesar, but he had also made a disparaging remark about the ineffectiveness of the army after the battle of Amida. The soldiers remembered this, and when Julian became sole Augustus, they demanded Ursulus' head. Julian obliged, much to the disapproval of Ammianus. This seems to be a case of Julian courting the favor of the military leadership, and is indicative of a pattern in which Julian courted the goodwill of various societal elites to legitimize his position as emperor.

Another case in point is the officials who made up the imperial bureaucracy. Many of them were subjected to trial and punishment. To achieve this goal, during the last weeks of December 361 Julian assembled a military tribunal at Chalcedon, empanelling six judges to try the cases. The president of the tribunal was Salutius, just promoted to the rank of Praetorian Prefect; the five other members were Mamertinus, the orator, and four general officers: Jovinus, Agilo, Nevitta, and Arbetio. Relative to the proceedings of the tribunal, Ammianus noted that the judges, " . . . oversaw the cases more vehemently than was right or fair, with the exception of a few . . .." Ammianus' account of Julian's attempt at reform of the imperial bureaucracy is supported by legal evidence from the Theodosian Code. A series of laws sent to Mamertinus, Julian's appointee as Praetorian Prefect in Italy, Illyricum, and Africa, illustrate this point nicely. On 6 June 362, Mamertinus received a law that prohibited provincial governors from bypassing the Vicars when giving their reports to the Prefect. Traditionally, Vicars were given civil authority over a group of provinces, and were in theory meant to serve as a middle step between governors and Prefects. This law suggests that the Vicars were being left out, at least in Illyricum. Julian issued another edict to Mamertinus on 22 February 362 to stop abuse of the public post by governors. According to this law, only Mamertinus could issue post warrants, but the Vicars were given twelve blank warrants to be used as they saw fit, and each governor was given two. Continuing the trend of bureaucratic reform, Julian also imposed penalties on governors who purposefully delayed appeals in court cases they had heard. The emperor also established a new official to weigh solidi used in official government transactions to combat coin clipping.

For Julian, reigning in the abuses of imperial bureaucrats was one step in restoring the prestige of the office of emperor. Because he could not affect all elements of society personally, Julian, like other Neo-Flavian emperors, decided to concentrate on select groups of societal elites as intercessors between himself and the general populace. One of these groups was the imperial bureaucracy. Julian made it very clear that imperial officials were intercessors in a very real sense in a letter to Alypius, Vicar of Britain. In this letter, sent from Gaul sometime before 361, the emperor praises Alypius for his use of "mildness and moderation with courage and force" in his rule of the provincials. Such virtues were characteristic of the emperors, and it was good that Alypius is representing Julian in this way. Julian courted the army because it put him in power. Another group he sought to include in his rule was the traditional Senatorial aristocracy. One of his first appointments as consul was Claudius Mamertinus, a Gallic Senator and rhetorician. Mamertinus' speech in praise of Julian delivered at Constantinople in January of 362 is preserved. In this speech, Claudius presented his consular selection as inaugurating a new golden age and Julian as the restorer of the empire founded by Augustus. The image Mamertinus gave of his own consulate inaugurating a new golden age is not merely formulaic. The comparison of Julian to Augustus has very real, if implicit, relevance to Claudius' situation. Claudius emphasized the imperial period as the true age of renewal. Augustus ushered in a new era with his formation of a partnership between the emperor and the Senate based upon a series of honors and offices bestowed upon the Senate in return for their role as intercessor between emperor and populace. It was this system that Julian was restoring, and the consulate was one concrete example of this bond. To be chosen as a consul by the emperor, who himself had been divinely mandated, was a divine honor. In addition to being named consul, Mamertinus went on to hold several offices under Julian, including the Prefecture of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Similarly, inscriptional evidence illustrates a link between municipal elites and Julian during his time as Caesar, something which continued after he became emperor. One concrete example comes from the municipal senate of Aceruntia in Apulia, which established a monument on which Julian is styled as "Repairer of the World."

Julian seems to have given up actual Christian belief before his acclamation as emperor and was a practitioner of more traditional Greco-Roman religious beliefs, in particular, a follower of certain late antique Platonist philosophers who were especially adept at theurgy as was noted earlier. In fact Julian himself spoke of his conversion to Neo-Platonism in a letter to the Alexandrians written in 363. He stated that he had abandoned Christianity when he was twenty years old and been an adherent of the traditional Greco-Roman deities for the twelve years prior to writing this letter.

(For the complete text of this article see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/julian.htm)

Julian’s Persian Campaign

The exact goals Julian had for his ill-fated Persian campaign were never clear. The Sassanid Persians, and before them the Parthians, had been a traditional enemy from the time of the Late Republic, and indeed Constantius had been conducting a war against them before Julian's accession forced the former to forge an uneasy peace. Julian, however, had no concrete reason to reopen hostilities in the east. Socrates Scholasticus attributed Julian's motives to imitation of Alexander the Great, but perhaps the real reason lay in his need to gather the support of the army. Despite his acclamation by the Gallic legions, relations between Julian and the top military officers was uneasy at best. A war against the Persians would have brought prestige and power both to Julian and the army.

Julian set out on his fateful campaign on 5 March 363. Using his trademark strategy of striking quickly and where least expected, he moved his army through Heirapolis and from there speedily across the Euphrates and into the province of Mesopotamia, where he stopped at the town of Batnae. His plan was to eventually return through Armenia and winter in Tarsus. Once in Mesopotamia, Julian was faced with the decision of whether to travel south through the province of Babylonia or cross the Tigris into Assyria, and he eventually decided to move south through Babylonia and turn west into Assyria at a later date. By 27 March, he had the bulk of his army across the Euphrates, and had also arranged a flotilla to guard his supply line along the mighty river. He then left his generals Procopius and Sebastianus to help Arsacius, the king of Armenia and a Roman client, to guard the northern Tigris line. It was also during this time that he received the surrender of many prominent local leaders who had nominally supported the Persians. These men supplied Julian with money and troops for further military action against their former masters. Julian decided to turn south into Babylonia and proceeded along the Euphrates, coming to the fortress of Cercusium at the junction of the Abora and Euphrates Rivers around the first of April, and from there he took his army west to a region called Zaitha near the abandoned town of Dura where they visited the tomb of the emperor Gordian which was in the area. On April 7 he set out from there into the heart of Babylonia and towards Assyria.

Ammianus then stated that Julian and his army crossed into Assyria, which on the face of things appears very confusing. Julian still seems to be operating within the province of Babylonia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The confusion is alleviated when one realizes that,for Ammianus, the region of Assyria encompassed the provinces of Babylonia and Assyria. On their march, Julian's forces took the fortress of Anatha, received the surrender and support of several more local princes, and ravaged the countryside of Assyria between the rivers. As the army continued south, they came across the fortresses Thilutha and Achaiachala, but these places were too well defended and Julian decided to leave them alone. Further south were the cities Diacira and Ozogardana, which the Roman forces sacked and burned. Soon, Julian came to Pirisabora and a brief siege ensued, but the city fell and was also looted and destroyed. It was also at this time that the Roman army met its first systematic resistance from the Persians. As the Romans penetrated further south and west, the local inhabitants began to flood their route. Nevertheless, the Roman forces pressed on and came to Maiozamalcha, a sizable city not far from Ctesiphon. After a short siege, this city too fell to Julian. Inexorably, Julian's forces zeroed in on Ctesiphon, but as they drew closer, the Persian resistance grew fiercer, with guerilla raids whittling at Julian's men and supplies. A sizable force of the army was lost and the emperor himself was almost killed taking a fort a few miles from the target city.
Finally, the army approached Ctesiphon following a canal that linked the Tigris and Euphrates. It soon became apparent after a few preliminary skirmishes that a protracted siege would be necessary to take this important city. Many of his generals, however, thought that pursuing this course of action would be foolish. Julian reluctantly agreed, but became enraged by this failure and ordered his fleet to be burned as he decided to march through the province of Assyria. Julian had planned for his army to live off the land, but the Persians employed a scorched-earth policy. When it became apparent that his army would perish (because his supplies were beginning to dwindle) from starvation and the heat if he continued his campaign, and also in the face of superior numbers of the enemy, Julian ordered a retreat on 16 June. As the Roman army retreated, they were constantly harassed by guerilla strikes. It was during one of these raids that Julian got caught up in the fighting and took a spear to his abdomen. Mortally wounded he was carried to his tent, where, after conferring with some of his officers, he died. The date was 26 June 363.

Conclusion

Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.
Copyright (C) 2002, Walter E. Roberts and Michael DiMaio, Jr. Used by permission.

In reality, Julian worked to promote culture and philosophy in any manifestation. He tried to reduce taxes and the public debts of municipalities; he augmented administrative decentralisation; he promoted a campaign of austerity to reduce public expenditure (setting himself as the example). He reformed the postal service and eliminated the powerful secret police.
by Federico Morando; JULIAN II, The Apostate, See the Julian II Page on NumisWiki

Flavius Claudius Iulianus was born in 331 or maybe 332 A.D. in Constantinople. He ruled the Western Empire as Caesar from 355 to 360 and was hailed Augustus by his legions in Lutetia (Paris) in 360. Julian was a gifted administrator and military strategist. Famed as the last pagan emperor, his reinstatement of the pagan religion earned him the moniker "the Apostate." As evidenced by his brilliant writing, some of which has survived to the present day, the title "the Philosopher" may have been more appropriate. He died from wounds suffered during the Persian campaign of 363 A.D. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.

2 commentsCleisthenes

1ab Marcus Licinius CrassusFormed First Triumvirate with Caesar and Pompey in 60 BC, killed at Carrhae in Parthia in 53 BC.

Denarius, minted by son, P Licinius Crassus, ca 54 BC.
Bust of Venus, right, SC behind
Amazon with horse, P CRASSVS MF.

Seaby, Licinia 18

These coins were probably minted to pay Crassus' army for the invasion of Parthia, which led to its destruction. My synthesis of reviewing 90 examples of this issue revealed a female warrior wearing a soft felt Scythian cap with ear flaps; a fabric garment with a decorated skirt to the knees; probably trousers; an ornate war belt; a baldric; a cape, animal skin, or shoulder cord on attached to the left shoulder; and decorated calf-high boots. She matches the historically confirmed garb of the real amazons—Scythian horsewomen—and of course holds her steed. The horse’s tack is consistent with archeological discoveries of tack in use by Scythians and Romans.

Adrienne Mayor writes that amazon imagery on Greek vases suddenly appeared in 575-550 BC, initially depicting them in Greek-style armor. By the end of the century, as the Greeks learned more through direct and indirect contact with Scythians, they began to appear wearing archeologically confirmed Scythian-Sarmatian-Thracian patterned attire. (Adrienne Mayor, The Amazons: Lives and Legends of Warrior Women Across the Ancient World, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2014, 199-200). To this, artists added their own creative ideas regarding colors, fabric patterns, and decorations. “They dressed the warrior women in body-hugging ‘unitards’ or tunics, short chitons or belted dresses, sometimes over leggings or trousers. . . . In paintings and sculpture, pointed or soft Scythian caps with earflaps or ties (kidaris) soon replaced the Greek helmets, and the women wear a variety of belts, baldrics (diagonal straps), corselets, shoulder cords or bands, and crisscrossing leather straps attached to belt loops like those worn by the archer huntress Artemis. . . . Amazon footgear included soft leather moccasin-like shoes, calf-high boots (endromides), or taller laced boots (embades) with scallops or flaps and lined with felt or fur.” (Mayor, 202)

The artists apparently had detailed knowledge of gear used by real Scythian horsewomen to equip their imagined Amazons. “Archeological discoveries of well-preserved sets of clothing confirm that real horsewomen of ancient Scythian lands dressed much as did those described in Greek texts and illustrated in Scythian and Greek artwork.” (Mayor, 203)1 commentsBlindado

1ab_2 Marcus Licinius CrassusFormed First Triumvirate with Caesar and Pompey in 60 BC, killed at Carrhae in Parthia in 53 BC.

Denarius, minted by son, P Licinius Crassus, ca 54 BC.
Bust of Venus, right, SC behind
Amazon with horse, P CRASSVS MF.

Seaby, Licinia 18

These coins were probably minted to pay Crassus' army for the invasion of Parthia. My synthesis of reviewing 90 examples of this issue revealed a female warrior wearing a soft felt Scythian cap with ear flaps (visible in this example); a fabric garment with a decorated skirt to the knees; probably trousers; an ornate war belt; a baldric; a cape, animal skin, or shoulder cord on attached to the left shoulder; and decorated calf-high boots. She matches the historically confirmed garb of the real amazons—Scythian horsewomen—and of course holds her steed. The horse’s tack is consistent with archeological discoveries of tack in use by Scythians and Romans.

Adrienne Mayor writes that amazon imagery on Greek vases suddenly appeared in 575-550 BC, initially depicting them in Greek-style armor. By the end of the century, as the Greeks learned more through direct and indirect contact with Scythians, they began to appear wearing archeologically confirmed Scythian-Sarmatian-Thracian patterned attire. (Adrienne Mayor, The Amazons: Lives and Legends of Warrior Women Across the Ancient World, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2014, 199-200). To this, artists added their own creative ideas regarding colors, fabric patterns, and decorations. “They dressed the warrior women in body-hugging ‘unitards’ or tunics, short chitons or belted dresses, sometimes over leggings or trousers. . . . In paintings and sculpture, pointed or soft Scythian caps with earflaps or ties (kidaris) soon replaced the Greek helmets, and the women wear a variety of belts, baldrics (diagonal straps), corselets, shoulder cords or bands, and crisscrossing leather straps attached to belt loops like those worn by the archer huntress Artemis. . . . Amazon footgear included soft leather moccasin-like shoes, calf-high boots (endromides), or taller laced boots (embades) with scallops or flaps and lined with felt or fur.” (Mayor, 202)
The artists apparently had detailed knowledge of gear used by real Scythian horsewomen to equip their imagined Amazons. “Archeological discoveries of well-preserved sets of clothing confirm that real horsewomen of ancient Scythian lands dressed much as did those described in Greek texts and illustrated in Scythian and Greek artwork.” (Mayor, 203)

Plutarch wrote of Crassus: People were wont to say that the many virtues of Crassus were darkened by the one vice of avarice, and indeed he seemed to have no other but that; for it being the most predominant, obscured others to which he was inclined. The arguments in proof of his avarice were the vastness of his estate, and the manner of raising it; for whereas at first he was not worth above three hundred talents, yet, though in the course of his political life he dedicated the tenth of all he had to Hercules, and feasted the people, and gave to every citizen corn enough to serve him three months, upon casting up his accounts, before he went upon his Parthian expedition, he found his possessions to amount to seven thousand one hundred talents; most of which, if we may scandal him with a truth, he got by fire and rapine, making his advantages of the public calamities. . . . Crassus, however, was very eager to be hospitable to strangers; he kept open house, and to his friends he would lend money without interest, but called it in precisely at the time; so that his kindness was often thought worse than the paying the interest would have been. His entertainments were, for the most part, plain and citizen-like, the company general and popular; good taste and kindness made them pleasanter than sumptuosity would have done. As for learning he chiefly cared for rhetoric, and what would be serviceable with large numbers; he became one of the best speakers at Rome, and by his pains and industry outdid the best natural orators. . . . Besides, the people were pleased with his courteous and unpretending salutations and greetings, for he never met any citizen however humble and low, but he returned him his salute by name. He was looked upon as a man well-read in history, and pretty well versed in Aristotle's philosophy. . . . Crassus was killed by a Parthian, called Pomaxathres; others say by a different man, and that Pomaxathres only cut off his head and right hand after he had fallen. But this is conjecture rather than certain knowledge, for those that were by had not leisure to observe particulars. . . .1 commentsBlindado

1cq Trajan Decius249-251

Sestertius

Laureate, cuirassed bust, right, MP C M Q TRAIANVS DECIVS AVG
Dacia standing left holding draco standard, or staff surmounted by a donkey's head, DACIA SC

RIC 101b

The Byzantine historian Zosimus recorded in his New History: [Philip], thinking that he had by these means established himself in the possession of the empire, he made an expedition against the Carpi, who had plundered all the country about the Ister. . . . As there were at that time many disturbances in the empire, the eastern provinces, which were uneasy, partly, owing to the exactions of exorbitant tributes, and partly to their dislike of Priscus, their governor, who was a man of an intolerably evil disposition, wished for innovation, and set up Papianus for emperor, while the inhabitants of Moesia and Pannonia were more inclined to Marinus.

Philip, being disturbed by these events, desired the senate cither to assist him against such imminent dangers, or, if they were displeased with his government, to suffer him to lay it down and dismiss him quietly. No person making a reply to this, Decius, a person of illustrious birth and rank, and moreover gifted, with every virtue, observed, that he was unwise in being so much concerned at those events, for they would vanish of themselves, and could not possibly long subsist. And though the event corresponded with the conjecture of Decius, which long experience in the world had enabled him to make, Papianus and Marinus being taken off, yet Philip was still in fear, knowing how obnoxious the officers in that country were to the army. He therefore desired Decius to assume the command of the legions in Moesia and Pannonia. As he refused this under the plea that it was inconvenient both for Philip and himself, Philip made use of the rhetoric of necessity, as the Thessalians term it, and compelled him to go to Pannonia to punish the accomplices of Marinus. The army in that country, finding that Decius punished all that had offended, thought it most politic to avoid the present danger and to set up a sovereign who would better consult the good of the state, and who, being more expert both in civil and military affairs, might without difficulty conquer Philip.

For this purpose they clothed Decius in purple, and notwithstanding all his apprehensions of future mischances, compelled him to assume the supreme authority. Philip therefore, on hearing that Decius was thus made emperor, collected all his forces to overpower him. The supporters of Decius, though they knew that the enemy had greatly the advantage in numbers, still retained their confidence, trusting to the general skill and prudence of Decius in affairs. And when the two armies engaged, although the one was superior in number, yet the other so excelled it in discipline and conduct, that a great number of Philip's partisans were slain and he himself amongst them, together with his son, on whom he had conferred the title of Caesar. Decius thus acquired the empire.

The Scythians, taking advantage of the disorder which every where prevailed through the negligence of Philip, crossed the Tanais, and pillaged the countries in the vicinity of Thrace. But Decius, marching against them, was not only victorious in every battle, but recovered the spoils they had taken, and endeavoured to cut off their retreat to their own country, intending to destroy them all, to prevent their ever again, making a similar incursion. For this purpose he posted Gallus on the bank of the Tanais with a competent force, and led in person the remainder of his army against the enemy. This expedition exceeded to his utmost wish; but Gallus, who was disposed to innovation, sent agents to the Barbarians, requesting their concurrence in a conspiracy against Decius. To this they gave a willing assent, and Gallus retained his post on the bank of the Tanais, but the Barbarians divided themselves into three battalions, the first of which posted itself behind a marsh. Decius having destroyed a considerable number of the first battalion, the second advanced, which he likewise defeated, and discovered part of the third, which lay near the marsh. Gallus sent intelligence to him, that he might march against them across the fen. Proceeding therefore incautiously in an unknown place, he and his army became entangled in the mire, and under that disadvantage were so assailed by the missiles of the Barbarians, that not one of them escaped with life. Thus ended the life of the excellent emperor Decius.

Eutropius wrote: DECIUS, a native of Lower Pannonia, born at Budalia, assumed the government. . . . When he and his son had reigned two years, they were both killed in the country of the Barbarians, and enrolled among the gods. Blindado

1cu Trebonianus Gallus251-253

AE Viminacium

Laureate, draped bust, right, IMP C GALLVS P FELIX AVG
Moesia standing facing, head left, hands outstretched over a bull and a lion at her sides, PMS COL VIM

Moushmov 56

For Gallus' perfidy against Decius, see the Decius entry. Zosimus reports regarding Gallus' reign: Gallus, who declared his son Volusianus his associate in the empire, published an open declaration, that Decius and his army had perished by his contrivance. The Barbarians now became more prosperous than before. For Callus not only permitted them to return home with the plunder, but promised to pay them annually a sum of money, and allowed them to carry off all the noblest captives; most of whom had been taken at Philippopolis in Thrace.

Gallus, having made these regulations, came to Rome, priding himself on the peace he had made with the Barbarians. And though he at first spoke with approbation of Decius's mode of government, and adopted one of his sons, yet, after some time was elapsed, fearing that some of them who were fond of new projects might recur to a recapitulation of the princely virtues of Decius, and therefore might at some opportunity give the empire to his son, he concerted the young man's destruction, without regard either to his own adoption of him, or to common honour and justice.

Gallus was so supine in the administration of the empire, that the Scythians in the first place terrified all the neighbouring nations, and then laid waste all the countries as far by degrees as the sea coast; not leaving one nation subject to the Romans unpillaged, and taking almost all the unfortified towns, and many that were fortified. Besides the war on every side, which was insupportably burdensome to them, the cities and villages were infested with a pestilence, which swept away the remainder of mankind in those regions; nor was so great a mortality ever known in any former period.

At this crisis, observing that the emperors were unable to defend the state, but neglected all without the walls of Rome, the Goths, the Borani, the Urugundi, and the Carpi once more plundered the cities of Europe of all that had been left in them; while in another quarter, the Persians invaded Asia, in which they acquired possession of Mesopotamia, and proceeded even as far as Antioch in Syria, took that city, which is the metropolis of all the east, destroyed many of the inhabitants, and carried the remainder into captivity, returning home with immense plunder, after they had destroyed all the buildings in the city, both public and private, without meeting with the least resistance. And indeed the Persians had a fair opportunity to have made themselves masters of all Asia, had they not been so overjoyed at their excessive spoils, as to be contented with keeping and carrying home what they had acquired.

Meantime the Scythians of Europe were in perfect security and went over into Asia, spoiling all the country as far as Cappodocia, Pesinus, and Ephesus, until Aemilianus, commander of the Pannonian legions, endeavouring as much as possible to encourage his troops, whom the prosperity of the Barbarians had so disheartened that they durst not face them, and reminding them of the renown of Roman courage, surprised the Barbarians that were in that neighbourhood. Having destroyed great numbers of them, and led his forces into their country, removing every obstruction to his progress, and at length freeing the subjects of the Roman empire from their ferocity, he was appointed emperor by his army. On this he collected all the forces of that country, who were become more bold since his successes against the Barbarians, and directed his march towards Italy, with the design of fighting Gallus, who was as yet. unprepared to contend with him. For Gallus had never heard of what had occurred in the east, and therefore made only what accidental preparations were in his reach, while Valerianus went to bring the Celtic and German legions. But Aemilianus advanced with great speed into Italy, and the armies were very near to each other, when the soldiers of Gallus, reflecting that his force was much inferior to the enemy both in number and strength, and likewise that he was a negligent indolent man, put him and his son to death, and going over to the party of Aemilianus, appeared to establish his authority.Blindado

1cx Valerian253-260

Antoninianus

Radiate draped and cuirassed bust, right, IMP C P LIC VALERIANVS AVG
Victory standing left, holding wreath and palm, VICTORIA AVGG

RIC 125

Persians surrounded Valerian's army in the East in 260 and took the emperor prisoner. He died on an unknown date in captivity.

Zosimus noted: The nations subject to the Romans being unable to endure [Maximinus'] monstrous cruelty, and greatly distressed by the ravages he committed, the Africans proclaimed Gordianus and his son, of the same name, emperors, and sent ambassadors to Rome, one of whom was Valerianus, a man of consular rank, who afterwards himself became emperor. . . .

Aemilianus advanced with great speed into Italy, and the armies were very near to each other, when the soldiers of Gallus, reflecting that his force was much inferior to the enemy both in number and strength, and likewise that he was a negligent indolent man, put him and his son to death, and going over to the party of Aemilianus, appeared to establish his authority. But Valerianus brought into Italy from beyond the Alps a vast army, with which he deemed himself secure of conquering Aemilianus. The soldiers of Aemilianus, who saw that his conduct was more like that of a private sentinel than of an emperor, now put him to death as a person unfit for so weighty a charge.

By these means Valerianus became emperor with universal consent, and employed himself in the regulation of affairs. But the excursions of the Scythians, and of the Marcomanni, who made an inroad into all the countries adjacent to the empire, reduced Thessalonica to extreme danger; and though they were with muct difficulty compelled to raise the siege by the brave defence of those within, yet all Greece was in alarm. The Athenians repaired their walls, which they had never thought worth their care since Sylla threw them down. The Peloponnesians likewise fortified the Isthmus, and all Greece put itself upon its guard for the general security.

Valerianus, perceiving the empire in danger on every side, associated his son Gallienus with himself in the government! and went himself into the east to oppose the Persians. He entrusted to his son the care of the forces in Europe, thus leaving him to resist the Barbarians who poured in upon him in every direction. . . .

Valerianus had by this time heard of the disturbances in Bithynia, but his district would not allow him to confide the defence of it to any of his generals. He therefore sent Felix to Byzantium, and went in person from Antioch into Cappadocia, and after he had done some injury to every city by which he passed, he returned homeward. But the plague then attacked his troops, and destroyed most of them, at the time when Sapor made an attempt upon the east, and reduced most of it into subjection. In the mean time, Valerianus became so effeminate and indolent, that he dispaired of ever recovering from the present ill state of affairs, and would have concluded the war by a present of money; had not Sapor sent back the ambasadors who were sent to him with that proposal, without their errand, desiring the emperor to come and speak with him in person concerning the affairs he wished to adjust; To which he most imprudently consented, and going without consideration to Sapor with a small retinue, to treat for a peace, was presently laid hold of by the enemy, and so ended his days in the capacity of a slave among the Persians, to the disgrace of the Roman name in all future times.Blindado

1cy Gallienus253-268

Bronze antoninianus

Radiate, draped bust, right, GALLINVS AVG
Mars standing left, holding globe in right hand and spear in left hand, P in right field, VIRTVS AVG

RIC 317

Gallienus oversaw a period of disintegration of the empire and lost control over the East, Gaul, Spain, and Britain.

Zosimus observed: [When Valerian left for the East] As the Germans were the most troublesome enemies, and harrassed the Gauls in the vicinity of the Rhine, Gallienus marched against them in person, leaving his officers to repel with the forces under their command any others that should enter Italy, Illyricum, and Greece. With these designs, he possessed himself of and defended the passages of the Rhine, at one time preventing their crossing, and at another engaging them as soon as they had crossed it. But having only a small force to resist an immense number, he was at a loss how to act, and thought to secure himself by a league with one of the German princes. He thus not only prevented the other Barbarians from so frequently passing the Rhine, but obstructed the access of auxiliaries.

Eutropius recorded: Gallienus, who was made emperor when quite a young man, exercised his power at first happily, afterwards fairly, and at last mischievously. In his youth he performed many gallant acts in Gaul and Illyricum, killing Ingenuus, who had assumed the purple, at Mursa, and Regalianus. He was then for a long time quiet and gentle; afterwards, abandoning himself to all manner of licentiousness, he relaxed the reins of government with disgraceful inactivity and carelesness. The Alemanni, having laid waste Gaul, penetrated into Italy. Dacia, which had been added to the empire beyond the Danube, was lost. Greece, Macedonia, Pontus, Asia, were devastated by the Goths. Pannonia was depopulated by the Sarmatians and Quadi. The Germans made their way as far as Spain, and took the noble city of Tarraco. The Parthians, after taking possession of Mesopotamia, began to bring Syria under their power.

Zosimus resumes: Gallienus in the mean time still continued beyond the Alps, intent on the German war, while the Senate, seeing Rome in such imminent danger, armed all the soldiers that were in the city, and the strongest of the common people, and formed an army, which exceeded the Barbarians in number. This so alarmed the Barbarians, that they left Rome, but ravaged all the rest of Italy. At this period, when Illyricum groaned under the oppression of the Barbarians, and the whole Roman empire was in such a helpless state as to be on the very verge of ruin, a plague happened to break out in several of the towns, more dreadful than any that had preceded it. The miseries inflicted on them by the Barbarians were thus alleviated, even the sick esteeming themselves fortunate. The cities that had been taken by the Scythians were thus deserted.

Gallienus, being disturbed by these occurrences, was returning to Rome to relieve Italy from the war which the Scythians were thus carrying on. It was at this time, that Cecrops, a Moor, Aureolus and Antoninus, with many others, conspired against him, of whom the greater part were punished and submitted. Aureolus alone retained his animosity against the emperor.

The Scythians, who had dreadfully afflicted the whole of Greece, had now taken Athens, when Gallienus advanced against those who were already in possession of Thrace, and ordered Odonathus of Palmyra, a person whose ancestors had always been highly respected by the emperors, to assist the eastern nations which were then in a very distressed condition. . . .

While affairs were thus situated in the east, intelligence was brought to Gallienus, who was then occupied in the Scythian war, that Aurelianus, or Aureolus, who was commander of the cavalry posted in the neighbourhood of Milan to watch the motions of Posthumus, had formed some new design, and was ambitious to be emperor. Being alarmed at this he went immediately to Italy, leaving the command against the Scythians with Marcianus, a person of great experience in military affairs. . . . Gallienus, in his journey towards Italy, had a plot formed against him by Heraclianus, prefect of the court, who communicated his design to Claudius, in whom the chief management of affairs was vested. The design was to murder Gallienus. Having found a man very ready for such an undertaking, who commanded a troop of Dalmatians, he entrusted the action to him. To effect it, the party stood by Gallienus at supper and informed him that some of the spies had brought intelligence, that Aureolus and his army were close at hand. By this they considerably alarmed him. Calling immediately for his horse and arms, he mounted, ordering his men to follow him in their armour, and rode away without any attendance. Thus the captain finding him alone killed him.Blindado

1di Claudius Gothicus268-270

AE antoninianus

Radiate cuirassed bust right, IMP C CLAVDIVS AVG
Liberlitas stg, LIBERALITAS AVG

RIC 57

Zosimus recorded: When the troops were calmed by their commanders, Claudius was chosen emperor, having previously been designed for that dignity by general consent. Aureolus, who had for a long time kept himself out of the hands of Gallienus, presently sent agents to Claudius, to effect a peace. Surrendering himself, he was killed by the guards of the emperor, who still remembered the hatred they bore against him for his treachery.

The Scythians were by this time so elated by their former success, that they appointed a place of meeting with the Heruli, Peucae, and Gothi, near the river Tyra, which empties itself into the Pontus; where having built six thousand vessels, and put on board them three hundred and twenty thousand men, they sailed across the Pontus, and made an attempt on Tomes, a fortified town, but were repulsed from it. From thence they proceed to Marcianopolis, a city of Mysia, but failing there likewise in their attack on it, they took the opportunity of a favourable wind and sailed forward. . . . they passed through the Hellespont, and arrived at Mount Athos. Having there refitted and careened their vessels, they laid siege to Cassandria and Thessalonica, which they were near taking by means of machines which they raised against the walls. But hearing that the emperor was advancing with an army, they went into the interior, plundering all the neighbourhood of Doberus and Pelagonia. There they sustained a loss of three thousand men, who were met with by the Dalmatian cavalry, and with the rest of their force engaged the army of the emperor. Great numbers were slain in this battle on both sides, but the Romans, by a pretended flight, drew the Barbarians into an ambuscade and killed more than fifty thousand of them.

Egypt being thus reduecd by the Palmyrenians, the Barbarians, who survived the battle of Naissus between Claudius and the Scythians, defending themselves with their carriages which went before them, marched towards Macedon, but were so distressed by the want of necessaries, that many of them and of their beasts perished with hunger. They were met likewise by the Roman cavalry, who having killed many of them, drove the rest towards Mount Haemus; where being surrounded by the Roman army, they lost a vast number of men. But a quarrel ensuing between the Roman horse and foot soldiers, the emperor wishing the foot to engage the Barbarians, the Romans, after a smart engagement, were defeated with considerable loss, but the cavalry, coming up immediately, redeemed in some degree the miscarriage of the infantry. After this battle, the Barbarians proceeded on their march, and were pursued by the Romans. The pirates who cruized about Crete and Rhodes retired without doing any thing worthy of mention; and being attacked by the plague on their way home, some of them died in Thrace and some in Macedon. All that survived were either admitted into the Roman legions, or had lands assigned for them to cultivate and so become husbandmen. Nor was the plague confined to the Barbarians alone, but began to infest the Romans, many of whom died, and amongst the rest Claudius, a person adorned with every virtue. His death was a severe loss to his subjeets, and was consequently much regretted by them.Blindado

1dk Aurelian270-275

Radiate, cuirassed bust, right, IMP AVRELIANVS AVG
Aurelian & Severina or priest standing facing each other, each holding short sceptre, sacrificing at altar between them, S in ex, PIETAS AVG

Zosimus recorded: Aurelianus, having regulated the empire, went from Rome to Aquileia, and from thence into Pannonia, which he was informed the Scythians were preparing to invade. For this reason he sent orders to the inhabitants of that country to carry into the towns all their corn and cattle, and every thing that could be of use to the enemy, in order to distress them with famine, with which they were already afflicted. The Barbarians having crossed the river into Pannonia had an engagement, the result of which was nearly equal. But the same night, the Barbarians recrossed the river, and as soon as day appeared, sent ambassadors to treat for peace. |25

The Emperor, hearing that the Alemanni and the neighbouring nations intended to over-run Italy, was with just reason more concerned for Rome and the adjacent places, than for the more remote. Having therefore ordered a sufficient force to remain for the defence of Pannonia, he marched towards Italy, and on his route, on the borders of that country, near the Ister, slew many thousands of the Barbarians in one battle. Several members of the senate being at this time accused of conspiring against the emperor were put to death ; and Rome, which before had no walls, was now surrounded with them. This work was begun in the reign of Aurelianus, and was finished by Probus. At the same time Epitimius, Urbanus, and Domitianus, were likewise suspected as innovators, and were immediately apprehended and punished. During these occurrences in Italy and Pannonia, the emperor prepared to march against the Palmyrenians, who had subdued all Egypt, and the east, as far as Ancyra in Galatia, and would have acquired Bithynia even as far as Chalcedon, if the inhabitants of that country had not learned that Aurelianus was made emperor, and so shook off the Palmyrenian yoke. As soon as the emperor was on his march thither, Ancyra submitted to the Romans, and afterwards Tuana, and all the cities between that and Antioch. There finding Zenobia with a large army ready to engage, as he himself also was, he met and engaged her as honour obliged him [an defeated the enemy. . . .

[Having crushed Palmyra and razed it] He then entered Rome in triumph, where he was most magnificiently received by the senate and people. At this period also be erected that sumptuous temple of the sun, which he ornamented with all the sacred spoils that he brought from Palmyra; placing in it the statues of the sun and Belus. After this he easily reduced Tatricus with his rebellious accomplices, whom he brought to signal punishment. He likewise called in all the counterfeit money, and issued new, to avoid confusion in trade. Besides which he bestowed on the people a gift of bread, as a mark of his favour; and having arranged all affairs set out on a journey from Rome. . . .

During his stay at Perinthus, now called Heraclea, a conspiracy was thus formed against him. There was in the court a man named Eros, whose office was to carry out the answers of the emperor. This man had been for some fault threatened by the emperor, and put in great fear. Dreading therefore lest the emperor should realize his menaces by actions, he went to some of the guard, whom he knew to be the boldest men in the court; be told them a plausible story, and shewed them a letter of his own writing, in the character of the emperor (which he had long before learned to counterfeit), and persuading them first that they themselves were to be put to death, [h]e endeavoured to prevail on them to murder the emperor. The deception answered. Observing Aurelianus to go out of the city with a small retinue, they ran out upon him and murdered him.

RIC 138Blindado

1dm Tacitus275-276

AE antoninianus

Radiate, draped and cuirassed bust, right, IMP C M CL TACITVS AVG
Mars stg, MARTI PACIF

RIC 145

A rare emperor nominated by the Senate after the death of the widely revered Aurelianus.

Zonaras recorded: Tacitus, an elderly man, succeeded him. For it is written that he was seventy-five years old when he was chosen for monarchy. The army recognized him, though he was absent, for he was then residing in Campania. When he received the decision there, he entered Rome in private dress and, with the consent of the Senate and the People, donned the imperial garb.

The Scythians, having crossed Lake Maeotis and the Phasis River, attacked Pontus, Cappadocia, Galatia, and Cilicia. Tacitus, who had joined battle with them, and Florianus, who was prefect, slew many, and the remainder sought safety in flight. Tacitus appointed Maximinus, one of his kinsmen, as governor of Syria. But, when he behaved badly in his office, he was killed by his soldiers. Those who had killed him, frightened that the emperor would not leave them unpunished, set out after him too and killed him, not yet seven months after he had assumed sovereignty, but according to some not quite two years.

Zosimus, however, recorded, "Upon [Aurelianus'] death the empire fell into the hands of Tacitus, in whose time the Scythians crossed the Palus Maeotis, and made incursions through Pontus even into Cilicia, until he opposed them. Partly in person, and partly by Florianus, prefect of the court, whom he left in commission for that purpose, this emperor completely routed and destroyed them. He himself was going into Europe, but was thus circumvented and killed. He had committed the government of Syria to his cousin Maximinus, who treated the nobility of that country with such austerity, that he caused them both to hate and fear him. Their hatred became so excessive, that at length conspiring with the murderers of Aurelianus, they assaulted Maximinus, and having killed him, fell on and slew Tacitus also as he was upon his departure."Blindado

1dn Florianus276

AE antoninianus

Radiate, draped & cuirassed bust, right, IMP FLORIANVS AVG
Victory & Flor, CONCORDIA MILITVM

RIC 116Q

Half-brother to Tacitus, he reigned only two months before his troops killed him rather than fight an army under Probus. Concordia Militvm did not really work out for him. Zosimus recorded, "An universal civil disturbance now arose, those of the east chusing Probus emperor, and those at Rome Florianus. The former of these governed all Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, and Egypt; but the latter was in possession of all the countries from Cilicia to Italy; besides which the homage of all the nations beyond the Alps, the Gauls, Spaniards, Britons, and Africans was paid to him. When both therefore were ready for war, Florianus came to Tarsus, resolving to encamp there, leaving his victory over the Scythians at the Bosphorus unfinished, by which he gave them an opportunity of recovering themselves and returning home, though he had cut off their retreat. Probus protracted the time, because he came with less preparation for a battle. By these means it came to pass, that the weather, being exceedingly hot, a pestilential disorder broke out amongst the troops of Florianus, most of whom were Europeans, and consequently unaccustomed to such excessive heat, by which many were taken off. When Probus understood this, he thought it a proper time to attack the enemy. The soldiers of Florianus, attempting what exceeded their strength, fought some slight skirmishes before the city, but nothing being done worthy of notice, some of the troops of Probus deposed Florianus. Having performed this, he was kept in custody for some time, until his own soldiers said, that it was the will of Probus that he should share the empire. Florianus therefore assumed |32 the purple robe again, until the return of those who were sent to know the true resolution of Probus. On their arrival they caused Florianus to be killed by his own soldiers."Blindado

1eu Theodosius379-395

AE4

Pearl diademed, draped & cuirassed bust right, D N THEODOSIVS P F AVG
VOT V MVLT X within wreath, ASISC in ex

RIC 29d

Zosimus recorded: [Valentinian] commanded some legions from the stations in Pannonia and Moesia, to embark for Africa [to crush a rebellion]. On this the Sarmatians and the Quadi. . . , availing themselves, of the opportunity afforded by the departure of the legions for Africa, invaded the Pannonians and Moesians. . . . The barbarians therefore revenged themselves by plundering all the country along the Ister, carrying off all that they found in the towns. The Pannonians were by these means exposed to the cruelty of the barbarians, while the soldiers were extremely negligent in the defence of their towns, and committed as much mischief as the Barbarians themselves in all places on this side of the river. But Moesia was free from harm, because Theodosius, who commanded the forces there, courageously resisted the Barbarians, and routed them when they attacked him. By that victory he not only acquired great renown, but subsequently attained the imperial dignity. . . .

When the affairs of the empire were reduced to this low condition, Victor, who commanded the Roman cavalry, escaping the danger with some of his troops, entered Macedon and Thessaly. From thence he proceeded into Moesia and Pannonia, and informed Gratian, who was then in that quarter, of what had occurred, and of the loss of the emperor [Valens] and his army. Gratian received the intelligence without uneasiness, and was little grieved at the death of his uncle, a disagreement having existed between them. Finding himself unable to manage affairs, Thrace being ravaged by the Barbarians, as were likewise Pannonia and Moesia, and the towns upon the Rhine being infested by the neighbouring Barbarians without controul, he chose for his associate in the empire, Theodosius, who was a native of a town called Cauca, in the part of Spain called Hispania Callaecia, and who possessed great knowledge and experience of military affairs. Having given him the government of Thrace and the eastern provinces, Gratian himself proceeded to the west of Gaul, in order, if possible, to compose affairs in that quarter. . . .

During the stay of the new emperor, Theodosius, at Thesslonica, a great concourse arrived there from all parts of persons soliciting him on business, both public and private; who having obtained of him whatever he could conveniently grant, returned, to their homes. As a great multitude of the Scythians beyond the Ister, the Gotthi, and the Taiphali, and other tribes that formerly dwelt among them, had crossed the river, and were driven to infest the Roman dominions, because the Huns, had expelled them from their own country, the emperor Theodosius prepared for war with all his forces. . . . The army having made this good use of the occasion afforded by fortune, the affairs of Thrace, which had been on the brink of ruin, were now, the Barbarians being crushed beyond all hope, re-established in peace. . . .

Meanwhile, the emperor Theodosius, residing in Thessalonica, was easy of access to all who wished to see him. Having commenced his reign in luxury and indolence, he threw the magistracy into disorder, and increased the number of his military officers. . . . As he squandered the public money without consideration, bestowing it on unworthy persons, he consequently impoverished himself. He therefore sold the government of provinces to any who would purchase them, without regard to the reputation or ablity of the persons, esteeming him the best qualified who brought him the most gold or silver. . . .

Maximus, who deemed his appointments inferior to his merits, being only governor of the countries formerly under Gratian, projected how to depose the young Valentinian from the empire. . . . This so much surprised Valentinian, and rendered his situation so desperate, that his courtiers were alarmed lest he should be taken by Maximus and put to death. He, therefore, immediately embarked,and sailed to Thessalonica with his mother Justina. . . . [A]rriving at Thessalonica, they sent messengers to the emperor Theodosius, intreating him now at least to revenge the injuries committed against the family of Valentinian. . . . The emperor, being delivered from this alarm, marched with great resolution with his whole army against Maximus. . . . Theodosius, having passed through Pannonia and the defiles of the Appennines, attacked unawares the forces of Maximus before they were prepared for him. A part of his army, having pursued them with the utmost speed, forced their way through the gates of Aquileia, the guards being too few to resist them. Maximus was torn from his imperial throne while in the act of distributing money to his soldiers, and being stripped of his imperial robes, was brought to Theodosius, who, having in reproach enumerated some of his crimes against the commonwealth, delivered him to the common executioner to receive due punishment. . . . The emperor Theodosius, having consigned Italy, Spain, Celtica, and Libya to his son Honorius, died of a disease on his journey towards Constantinople. Blindado

3) The Tyrannicides: BrutusGold stater, BMCRR II p. 474, 48; RPC I 1701A (Thracian Kings); BMC Thrace p. 208, 1 (same); SNG Cop 123 (Scythian Dynasts), military mint, weight 8.39g, 44 - 42 B.C.; obverse Roman consul L. Junius Brutus (traditional founder of the Republic) in center, accompanied by two lictors, KOΣΩN in ex, BR (Brutus) monogram left; reverse eagle standing left on scepter, wings open, raising wreath in right talon; ex CNG Store

From the Elwood Rafn Collection.

2 commentsSosius

513. GratianFlavius Gratianus Augustus (April 18/May 23, 359 - August 25, 383), known as Gratian, was a Western Roman Emperor from 375 to 383. He was the son of Valentinian I by Marina Severa and was born at Sirmium in Pannonia.

On August 4, 367 he received from his father the title of Augustus. On the death of Valentinian (November 17, 375), the troops in Pannonia proclaimed his infant son (by a second wife Justina) emperor under the title of Valentinian II.

Gratian acquiesced in their choice; reserving for himself the administration of the Gallic provinces, he handed over Italy, Illyria and Africa to Valentinian and his mother, who fixed their residence at Milan. The division, however, was merely nominal, and the real authority remained in the hands of Gratian.

The Eastern Roman Empire was under the rule of his uncle Valens. In May, 378 Gratian completely defeated the Lentienses, the southernmost branch of the Alamanni, at the Battle of Argentovaria, near the site of the modern Colmar. Later that year, Valens met his death in the Battle of Adrianople on August 9.

In the same year, the government of the Eastern Empire devolved upon Gratian, but feeling himself unable to resist unaided the incursions of the barbarians, he promoted Theodosius I on January 19, 379 to govern that portion of the empire. Gratianus and Theodosius then cleared the Balkans of barbarians in the Gothic War (377–382).

For some years Gratian governed the empire with energy and success but gradually sank into indolence, occupying himself chiefly with the pleasures of the chase, and became a tool in the hands of the Frankish general Merobaudes and bishop Ambrose of Milan.

By taking into his personal service a body of Alani, and appearing in public in the dress of a Scythian warrior, he aroused the contempt and resentment of his Roman troops. A Roman general named Magnus Maximus took advantage of this feeling to raise the standard of revolt in Britain and invaded Gaul with a large army. Gratian, who was then in Paris, being deserted by his troops, fled to Lyon. There, through the treachery of the governor, Gratian was delivered over to one of the rebel generals and assassinated on August 25, 383.

RIC IX Antioch 46b S

DN GRATIA-NVS PF AVG
CONCOR-DIA AVGGG1 commentsecoli

Aeolis, Myrina. Pseudo-autonomous AE17. AD 253-268. Amazon MyrinaObv: MVPE-INA, draped, turreted bust of Amazon Myrina left.
Rev: ΜVΡEΙΝΑΩΝ, Tyche in long chiton with cornucopia in l. and rudder in r., standing left.

Myrina, mythological queen of the Amazons. According to Diodorus Siculus she led a military expedition in Libya and won a victory over the people known as the Atlantians, destroying their city Cerne; but was less successful fighting the Gorgons (who are described by Diodorus as a warlike nation residing in close proximity to the Atlantians), failing to burn down their forests. During a later campaign, she struck a treaty of peace with Horus, ruler of Egypt, conquered several peoples, including the Syrians, the Arabians, and the Cilicians (but granted freedom to those of the latter who gave in to her of their own will). She also took possession of Greater Phrygia, from the Taurus Mountains to the Caicus River, and several Aegean islands, including Lesbos; she was also said to be the first to land on the previously uninhabited island which she named Samothrace, building the temple there. The cities of Myrina (in Lemnos), possibly another Myrina in Mysia, Mytilene, Cyme, Pitane, and Priene were believed to have been founded by her, and named after herself, her sister Mytilene, and the commanders in her army, Cyme, Pitane and Priene, respectively. Myrina's army was eventually defeated by Mopsus the Thracian and Sipylus the Scythian; she, as well as many of her fellow Amazons, fell in the final battle. -Wikipedia1 commentsancientone

Amatokos II, AE23; Grapes/ Double axeThracian (Scythian) King Amatokos II, ca. 359 - 351 B.C. 16,6g. 23mm. Bronze. obs: AMATOKO. Double axe. Rev: Grapes. Peter, Dynasten S. 134. Jurukova, TC Tf. 9, 47.Podiceps

Amazon on HorseThe Amazon Queen Omphale?

AE20, Lydia, Mostene, ca 100 BC
Laureate head of Zeus right
ΛYΔΩN MOΣTHNΩN, Amazon on horseback right, holding bipennis axe over shoulder; EP (or EB) to left, monogram to right

SNG Copenhagen 284, Waddington 5101 (if EB)

Adrienne Mayor, in "The Amazons: Lives and Legends of Warrior Women across the Ancient World," records the following:

"In a legend preserved by Plutarch, when Heracles took [Amazon Queen] Hippolyte's golden belt, he also carried away her battle axe, which he presented to another powerful mythical queen, Omphale of Lydia. . . . Queen Hippolyte's axe, says Plutarch, was handed down from Omphale to the kings of Lydia. That is, until King Candaules (d. 718 BC) disrespected the Amazon's axe and carelessly gave it away. Hippolyte's precious axe ultimately ended up in the Temple of Zeus at Labranda in Caria. The original axe shape was not specified in the tale, but by the time it was placed in Zeus's temple it was described as a solid gold labors, the symmetrical double-headed ritual axe traditionally associated with Zeus and Minoan goddesses. . . . (219-220.)"

As Mayor points out, the actual Scythian women horse warriors, who were the original amazons, did not use such and axe in battle, but rather the single-headed sagaris. But the double-headed axe appears on various ancient coins depicting amazons. The coin is historically accurate, however, in portraying the amazon as a horse-mounted warrior.

Given the Lydian origin of the coin, the obverse of Zeus, and reverse of an amazon with an axe shaped like the one at Zeus's temple, it is reasonable to suggest that she is Omphale.
Blindado

Amazon on Horse 2AE 23, Eumeneia in Phrygia, minted MA as Caesar 139-161

Draped and cuirassed bust of Marcus Aurelius, Μ ΑΥΡΗΛΙ ΟΥΗΡΟΣ ΚΑΙ
Amazon on horseback r, holding labrys over shoulder, ΕΥΜΕΝΕΙΩΝ ΑΧΑΙΩΝ

BMC 59; RPC IV online 1992 (temp.); SNG Copenhagen 396; SNG Tübingen

Phrygia was a territory roamed by Scythian tribes, among whom rode the female horse warriors from whom the notion of amazons arose. Despite its Phrygian origin, the iconography of the amazon is similar to depictions on Roman sarcophagi and other sculptures that depict the warrior women in a thigh-length dress with sandals and often bareheaded. This one has a cape billowing behind her. The image is mythical insofar as the amazons did not use a double-headed axe in combat.Blindado

ArrowheadBronze (Greek or Scythian?)
Trilobate, socketed, with barb and hole
37mm, 2.92gWill J

Arrowhead Scythian 20 mmArrowhead scythian on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 11 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 20 mmArrowhead scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 20 mmPeter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 20 mmArrowhead scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 20 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 20 mmArrowhead scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 20 mmPeter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 20 mm_01Arrowhead scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 20 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 20 mm_02Arrowhead scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 20 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 20 mm_03Arrowhead scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 20 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 21 mm_1Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 21 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 21 mm_2Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 21 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 21 mm_3Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 21 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 21 mm_4Arrowhead scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 21 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 21 mm_5Arrowhead scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 21 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mm_01Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mm_02Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mm_03Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mm_1Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mmPeter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mm_2Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mmPeter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mm_3Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mmPeter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mm_4Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mm_5Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 23 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 26 mm_1Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 26 mmPeter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 26 mm_2Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 26 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 26 mm_3Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 26 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowhead Scythian 26 mm_4Arrowhead Scythians on the Balkans

Arrowhead Scythian 26 mm
Peter Wissing

Arrowheads scythians on the BalkansArrowheads scythians on the BalkansPeter Wissing

Azes II - AR tetradrachm - Indo-Scythian Kingdom, c.60BC - c.AD5 Obverse:
King on horseback riding right, holding whip - 'BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MAΓAΛOΥ AZOΥ'

Reverse:
Zeus/Poseidon standing right, trident in left over shoulder, right extended, monogram left, Kharosthi letter "SI"
- 'Maharajasa rajarajasa mahatasa Ayasa' (in Kharosthi)

Ref: Mitchiner vol. 6, p. 541, type 828; Smithsonian 237; BMC 1001 commentsXerxes King of Kings

Azes II BI tetradrachm, 30-5 BCAzes II
Indo-Scythian Kingdom
BI tetradrachm
35-5 BC
Azes II on horseback r, holding whip and raising r. hand
Zeus standing l, holding Nike and sceptre.
Mitchiner 24062 commentsArdatirion

Azes II Tetradrachmmitresh

Bactrian and Indo-Scythian Kingdoms, Apollodotos II (c.80-65 BC` Obv. BAΣIΛEΩΣ ΣΩTHPOΣ KAI ΦIΛOΠATOPOΣ / AΠOΛΛOΔOTOY
Diademed, draped bust right
Rev. Kharoshthi script (Maharajasa tratarasa / Apaladatasa)
Athena Alkidemos standing left, wearing aegis, seen from behind, shield on outstretched left arm, hurling thunderbolt with right hand
Tau-rho monogram in left fieldmSkyler

Baktria, HermaiosHermaios. 105-90 BC. AR Drachm (1.53 gm, 16mm, 12h) posthumous Indo-Scythian of 55-45 BC, Eastern Gandhara. Diademed bust r. ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ ΕΡΜΑΙΟΥ. / Zeus-Mithra enthroned, 3/4 l., hand extended, holding sceptre. Karosthi legend Maharajasa tratarasa Heramayasa (of Great King Hermaios the Savior). VF. Bt. Charles Coyle, 1999. Bopearachchi Série 17 #99-108; HGC 12 #305; MIG 3 Type 419; Sear Greek II #7740; SNG ANS 9 #1416-1418.
Anaximander

Baktria, HermaiosHermaios. 105-90 BC. AR Drachm (1.82 gm, 15mm, 12h) posthumous Indo-Scythian of 55-45 BC, Eastern Gandhara. Diademed bust r. ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ ΕΡΜΑΙΟΥ./ Zeus-Mithra enthroned, 3/4 l., hand extended, holding sceptre. Monograms ⋋inside □ and | inside ⊠. Karosthi legend Maharajasa tratarasa Heramayasa (of Great King Hermaios the Savior). VF/gF. Bt. Jim Farr, 1999. Bopearachchi Série 13A #81-83; HGC 12 #303; MIG 3 Type 419j?; RC Senior CHIS 30D-31D; Sear Greek II #7740; SNG ANS 9 #1394. Anaximander

Baktria, HermaiosHermaios. 105-90 BC. AR Drachm (1.94 gm, 15mm, 12h) posthumous Indo-Scythian of 55-45 BC. Diademed bust r. ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ ΕΡΜΑΙΟΥ. / Zeus-Mithra enthroned 3/4 l., hand extended, holding sceptre. Monogram to l. Karosthi legend Maharajasa tratarasa Heramayasa (of Great King Hermaios the Savior). gF. Bt. Steven Bancik, 1999. Bopearchchi Série 17B #100-105, Smithsonian 201; HGC 12 #305; MIG 3 Type 419h; Sear Greek II #7740; SNG ANS 9 #1416-1418.
Anaximander

Baktria, Indo-Scythian: King Azes II, Billon Drachm. Taxila 35 B.C. - 12 A.D. 2.31g - 15mm, Axis 1h.

Obv: BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩΝ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ AZOY - King on horseback right, holding whip; monogram before.

Rev: Karosthi legend Maharajasa rajarajasa mahatasa ayasa around Zeus standing left, holding Nike; PM monogram to left; karoshthi letters to right.

Ref: MIG 857l var.
Provenance: Chris Scarlioli Collection.Christian Scarlioli

Baktrian Kingdom, Eukratides I, ca. 171-145 BC, AR Tetradrachm Diademed bust of a youthful Eukratides right.
ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ EYKPATIΔOY (of King Eukratides) Dioskouroi on horseback charging right, carrying spears and palm branches, PK monogram to lower right.

Bopearachchi Series1B; SNG ANS 9, 431; Mitchiner 168(f); Qunduz 108-114; HGC 12, 130; Sear GCV 7568.

(32 mm, 16.75 g, 12h).
From LWHT Col.; CNG 73, 13 Sep. 2006, 535.

Eukratides I came to power in a revolt against the Euthydemid dynasty commencing around 171 BC and continuing for a decade. He extended his dominion to include all of Baktria and its realms both north and south of the Hindu Kush. Around 145 BC, Eukratides was murdered by his one of his own sons, probably Plato. By this time Baktria was weakened by the protracted struggle for power. The demise of Eukratides provided a catalyst for Scythian nomads to cross the Oxus, eventually to overrun Baktria. The city of Ai Khanoum appears to have been amongst the first to fall to invaders. This is evidenced by the fact that no coins later than those of Eukratides have been found in the excavations at Ai Khanoum. Within a decade Baktria had fragmented, overrun by Scythian nomads from the north, with the possible exception of a small Greek enclave in the eastern foothills of the Hindu Kush and the associated valley passes that led to the south and the Kabul Valley. A small remnant Greek civilization remained for another century to the south of the Hindu Kush before being overrun.
2 commentsn.igma

Cimmerian Bosporos. Panticapaeum. (Circa 325-310 BC)AE17 (4.07 gm)

Obverse: Head of bearded satyr left

Reverse: Î -A-N, head of bull left.

MacDonald 67. Anokhin 132.

Panticapaeum (Ancient Greek: Î Î±Î½Ï„Î¹ÎºÎ¬Ï€Î±Î¹Î¿Î½, translit. Pantikápaion, Russian: ÐŸÐ°Ð½Ñ‚Ð¸ÐºÐ°Ð¿ÐµÐ¹, translit. Pantikapei) was an ancient Greek city on the eastern shore of Crimea, which the Greeks called Taurica. The city was built on Mount Mithridat, a hill on the western side of the Cimmerian Bosporus. It was founded by Milesians in the late 7th or early 6th century BC.

This area eventually came to be ruled by the Spartocids, a Hellenized Thracian dynasty that ruled the Hellenistic Kingdom of Bosporus between the years 438–108 BC. They had usurped the former dynasty, the Archaeanactids, a Greek dynasty of the Bosporan Kingdom who were tyrants of Panticapaeum from 480 - 438 BC that were usurped from the Bosporan throne by Spartokos I in 438 BC, whom the dynasty is named after.

Spartokos I is often thought to have been a Thracian mercenary who was hired by the Archaeanactids, and that he usurped the Archaeanactids becoming "king" of the Bosporan Kingdom, then only a few cities, such as Panticapaeum. Spartokos was succeeded by his son, Satyros I, who would go on to conquer many cities around Panticapaeum such as Nymphaeum and Kimmerikon. Satyros's son, Leukon I, would go to conquer and expand the kingdom beyond boundaries his father ever thought of.

Ultimately, the Bosporan Kingdom entered into a decline due to numerous attacks from nomadic Scythian tribes in the subsequent centuries leading up to its fall.Nathan P

Datames, Satrap of Cilicia and Cappadocia, StaterCILICIA, Tarsos. Datames, Satrap of Cilicia and Cappadocia. 384-362 BC. AR Stater (21.3 x 25.6mm, 9.89 gm). Struck 378-372 BC.
O: Baaltars seated right, torso facing, holding grain ear and grape-bunch in left hand, eagle-tipped sceptre in right arm; 'BLTRZ' in Aramaic to left, thymiaterion to right; all within crenellated wall
R: Ana, nude, and Datames standing facing each other, both have their right arms raised; thymiaterion and 'TRDMW' (Datames) in Aramaic between them; all within square dotted border within linear border.
- SNG Levante 83; SNG France 292; BMC Lycaonia pg. 168, 35; SNG Copenhagen 300; SNG von Aulock 5943.

Datames, the son of Kamisares and a Scythian mother, served as a member of the Persian king's bodyguard before he became satrap of Cilicia and Cappadocia upon his father's death in 384 BC. Throughout his early career, he put down a revolt in Lydia, defeated the rebel governor Thyos in Paphlagonia, and briefly occupied the city of Sinope. Because of these successes, the Persian king placed him in charge of the second war against Egypt, along with Pharnabazos and Tithraustes, satrap of Caria.
When Datames' enemies in Artaxerxes' court accused him, perhaps falsely, of intending to revolt against the Great King, he then became, in fact, the first of the Satraps to revolt. His initial success in this endeavor prompted the revolt of other satraps across the empire. Datames' success, however, was short-lived. Distrust among the satraps disintegrated their rebellion and his own son's desertion to Artaxerxes was the beginning of the end. Datames himself was assassinated by Mithradates, the son of Ariobarzanes, satrap of Phrygia, in 362 BC.1 commentsNemonater

Fallen Horseman: Oversized Constantius II (7.67g, 25mm)Photo Credit: Bertolami Fine Arts.
Roman Imperial. Constantius II AE Centenionalis (7.67g, 25mm, 12h), Constantinople, 348-351 CE.
Obv: D N CONSTANTIVS P F AVG. Pearl-diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust, surrounded by border of dots.
Rev: FEL TEMP REPARATIO // Γ // CONSЄ*. Soldier standing left, holding long oval shield with circular boss, and spearing fallen horseman; bearded horseman astride fallen horse, turning and reaching back with left arm (FH3), wearing short-brimmed (Scythian?) helmet, ornate tunic, and trousers. "Centering dot" between soldier and horse. Border of dots.
Ref: RIC 82-E, LRBC 2026; cf. RIC 81 (FH4). NVMMVS BIBLE II NBD N° 61536 (this coin; LINK).
Prov: Ex-Bertolami Fine Arts 37 (19 Sep 2017), Lot 689 (corr. RIC 81) & e-92 (2 Oct 2020), Lot 1554 (corr. weight as 7.70g, RIC 81).

Note: Based on the weight distribution provided for "Large AE2" in RIC VIII, only 1 or 2 of 405 specimens are as heavy or heavier than this one (7.7g & 8.2g). Comparison to ACSearch records indicates specimens this heavy are even rarer than the RIC data suggest; one Constantius Gallus FH weighing 8.10g is reported (Roma 13, 939); Doug Smith reported a 9.5g (!) Cyzicus FH in his collection, c. 1997 (far & away the heaviest I've heard of).5 commentsCurtis JJ

Finger-ring_AE-Snake shape #19 Finger-ring_AE-Snake shape #19
Celtic Scythian copper trade ring, scarce! (by Kevin, "Mayadigger" thank you Kevin!)
size:26x26x4mm,
weight: 4,29g,
distribution: Black Sea Crimean Celtic Scythian,
date: ca. 1st - 2nd Century A.D.,
ref:???,
Q-001quadrans

GALLIENUS AE antoninianus - 257-258 AD (joint reign)obv: IMP GALLIENVS PF AVG GM (radiate head, right)
rev: ORIENS AVGG (Sol with globe in the left hand, right hand raised)
ref: RIC Vi 86 (R), RSC 710
mint: Rome
2.50 gms, 18 mm
Rare

History: When the empire of Rome was on all sides assailed by barbarian arms, Valerianus declared his son Gallienus Emperor, and leaving him to the defence of Gaul and Germany, he himself, having assembled together the legions from the neighbouring provinces, resolved to march and give battle in the East to the Scythians and to the Persians. For this reason Oriens Augustorum - (the rising Sun of the Emperors) - was struck on their coins.berserker

Greek, Indo-Scythian Kings, Azes II, TetradrachmIndo-Scythian Kings. Azes II. Ca. 35 B.C.-A.D. 5. AR Tetradrachm.

Obv: BASILEWS BASILEWN MEGALOU AZOU, Emperor on horse right.
Rev: Athena standing right with spear and shield. 1 comments

Hermaios - AE tetradrachmGondophares in the name of Hermaios
Indo-Scythian kingdom

Gandhara (Taxila?)
c. 30-10 BC
diademed and draped bust right
ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΩTHPOΣ / EPMAIOY
Zeus seated half left, wearing himation, raised hand, holding scepter
Maharaajasa tratarasa Heramayasa (of Great King Hermaios the Savior)
Senior Hermaios 42aT.1, Mitchiner IGIS 421b, Mitchiner ACW 2045, SNG ANS 1430 ff., Bopearachchi series 20, HGC 12 308
9,6g 22mm
ex SavocaJ. B.

INDIA, Indo-Scythian Kings. Azes I.AR Drachm, 2.1g, 15mm, 3h. Ca 57-30 BC.
Obv.: BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MEΓAΛOY / AZOY; Emperor on horseback right, holding whip and raising right hand, bow on his back. Karosthi letter in right field.
Rev.: MAHARAJASA RAJARAJASA MAHATASA AYASA; Zeus standing left, holding long scepter and Nike, monograms in right and left fields.
Reference: Senior type 105, 17-23-35John Anthony

INDIA, Indo-Scythian Kings. Azes I. Ca 57-30 BCAR Drachm, 2.3g, 15mm, 11h.
Obv.: BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MEΓAΛOY / AZOY; Emperor on horseback right, holding whip and raising right hand, bow on his back. Karosthi letter in right field.
Rev.: MAHARAJASA RAJARAJASA MAHATASA AYASA; Zeus standing left, holding long scepter and Nike, monograms in right and left fields.
Notes: Aleg1 commentsJohn Anthony

INDIA, Indo-Scythian Kings. Azes I. Ca 57-30 BC AR Drachm, 2.0g, 15mm, 9h.
Obv.: BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MEΓAΛOY / AZOY; Emperor on horseback right, holding whip and raising right hand, bow on his back. Karosthi letter in right field.
Rev.: MAHARAJASA RAJARAJASA MAHATASA AYASA; Zeus standing left, holding long scepter and Nike, monograms in right and left fields.
John Anthony

INDIA, Indo-Scythians, Azes II, AE Hexa-chalcon, 35 - 12 BC.Obv: BAÎ£IÎ›EÎ©Î£ BAÎ£IÎ›EÎ©N MEÎ“AÎ›OY / AZOY. Humped bukk standing right, monogram above.
Rev: Lion standing right, monograms above, Kharoshthi legend around.

Azes II (reigned c. 35–12 BC), may have been the last Scythian king in Gandhara, western Pakistan. However, due to new research by R. C. Senior, his actual existence is now seriously in doubt, and "his" coins, etc., are now thought to refer to those of Azes I.
Azes I (c.48 BC – 25 BC) was an Indo-Scythian ruler who completed the domination of the Scythians in Gandhara.

Indo Saka SealJupiter (?) with helmet crouching right.
1st-2nd Century CEBelisarius

Indo Scythian Azes II DrachmBelieved to be Indo Scythian, Azes II but still working on an ID
2.3g, 14.53mmSRukke

Indo Scythian, Aspavarma,Son of Indravarma 5-35ADObv. King on horseback right holding up hand
Rev. Pallas standing right holding shield
Mitchiner MAW 2489, Volume 7#8987i ; Senior 183.613
9.93 gr. 19 mm.
Skyler

Indo Scythian, Azes, AR drachm 20-1 BCObv. King on Horseback right holding up hand
Rev. Pallas standing right holding shield and spear
Mitchiner MAW 2353 Volume 6 # 847e; Senior 98.207;
1.86 gr. 14 mm.
Skyler

Indo Scythian, Azez, billon drachm Obv. BASILEWS BASILEON MEGALOU AZOU King on horseback right raising right hand
Rev. Zeus Nikephoros standing left holding wreath bearing Nike and a sceptre / monogram to rightSkyler

Indo Scythians, Azez, AE Tetradrachm 57-12 BC Obv. BASLIEWS BASILEWN MEGALOU AZOU, zebu (humped bull) standing right, Kh monogram to right
Rev. MAHARAJASA RAJARAJASA MAHATASA AYASA, in Karosthi, lion or leopard standing right (B in square) aboveSkyler

Indo-ScythianAzes II (35-5 BCE)
Zeus standing, left, with Nike on his arm. Altar or pomegranite in left field. Kharosthi "E" in field. Kharosthi legend./King on horseback, right. Corrupt Greek legend.
Billion drachm.
Senior ISCH 105 type
Belisarius

Indo-Scythian - Azes I (58-12 BCE)Metal/Size: AR 24 mm; Weight: 9.6 grams; Denomination: Tetradrachm; Mint: Uncertain Mint in Western Gandhara Region; Date: 58-15 BCE; Obverse: King on horseback riding right, wearing cataphractus and holding whip or according to Hoover an elephant goad - 'BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MAΓAΛOΥ AZOΥ' (King of Kings Azes the Great). Reverse: Diademed Zeus standing right holding scepter and making benediction gesture, monogram left, Kharosthi letter "SI"- 'Maharajasa rajarajasa mahatasa Ayasa' (in Kharosthi). References: Hoover #638; ISCH 2 #99T; Mitchiner, vol. 6, p. 54, type.museumguy

Indo-Scythian - Azes I (58-12 BCE)Metal/Size: AR 15 mm; Weight: 2.37 grams; Denomination: Drachm; Mint: Uncertain Mint in Western Gandhara Region; Date: 58-15 BCE; Obverse: King on horseback riding right, wearing cataphractus and holding whip or according to Hoover an elephant goad - 'BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MAΓAΛOΥ AZOΥ' (King of Kings Azes the Great). Reverse: Zeus Nikephoros standing left, holding Nike and scepter - Kharoshthi letter dhram right. References: Senior #105var.museumguy

Indo-Scythian - Azes I (58-12 BCE)Metal/Size: AR 15 mm; Weight: 2.19 grams; Denomination: Drachm; Mint: Uncertain Mint in Western Gandhara Region; Date: 58-12 BCE; Obverse: King on horseback riding right, wearing cataphractus and holding whip or according to Hoover an elephant goad - 'BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MAΓAΛOΥ AZOΥ' (King of Kings Azes the Great) - Kharoshthi letter to right. Reverse: Zeus Nikephoros standing left, holding Nike and scepter - Kharoshthi symbols to left and right. References: Senior #105var.museumguy

Indo-Scythian - Azes I (58-12 BCE)Metal/Size: AR 23 mm; Weight: 9.6 grams; Denomination: Tetradrachm; Mint: Uncertain Mint in Western Gandhara Region; Date: Probably struck under Vijayamitra c. 12 BC to AD 15; Obverse: King on horseback riding right, wearing cataphractus and holding elephant goad - 'BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MAΓAΛOΥ AZOΥ' (King of Kings Azes the Great). Reverse: Kharoshthi letters surround (Maharajasa rajadirajasa mahatmas Ayasa (of Great King, King of Kings Azes the Great) - Pallas Athena standing right holding spear and shield and making benediction gesture. Nandipada and Kharoshthi letter to left. Monogram to right. Legends generally corrupt. References: Hoover P. 253, #716; ISCH 2. 175.10-405T; Senior #98v; MIG #847d.museumguy

Indo-Scythian - Azilises (57-35 BCE)Metal/Size: AE 23 x 24 mm; Weight: 7.15 grams; Denomination: Trichalkon; Mint: Uncertain Mint in the paropamisadai or Gandhara; Date: 57-35 BCE; Obverse: Armored Scythian king mounted on horse, right, carrying whip and holding spear - name of king surrounds (Great King Azilises) - symbol in front of horse's chest and one behind head of rider. Reverse: Humped bull (zebu) standing right. Kharosthi letters surround - box-like symbol above bull. References: Senior #58.2; Mitchiner Volume 6, Type 769 (Western Mint) or Type 807 (Eastern Mint), MIG #807.
museumguy

Indo-Scythian - Azilises I (57-35 BCE)Metal/Size: AE 23.14 x 23.01 mm; Weight: 9.1 grams; Denomination: Unknown; Mint: Uncertain Mint in the Paropamisadai or Gandhara Region; Date: 57-35 BCE; Obverse: Armored Scythian king on horseback right with lowered spear. Kharoshthi letter to right - "King of Kings Azilises the Great". Reverse: Herakles seated left on rock; monograms to left. "Great King, King of Kings, Azilises the Great" in Kharoshthi script. References: Hoover #593?, p. 220; ISCH 2 #59.1, 59.2 and 59.5.museumguy

Indo-Scythian - Azilises I (57-35 BCE)Metal/Size: AR 17 mm; Weight: 1.9 grams; Denomination: Drachm; Mint: Uncertain Mint in the Paropamisadai or Western Gandhara Region; Date: 57-35 BCE; Obverse: Armored Scythian king on horseback right with lowered spear. Kharoshthi letter to right - "King of Kings Azilises the Great". Reverse: In Kharoshthi (Maharajasa rajarajasa mahatasa Ayalishasa) - "of Great King, King of Kings Azilises the Great" - Goddess standing left holding lotus and filleted palm branch - monogram to left - Kharoshthi letter to left and/or right. References: Hoover #568, p. 215; ISCH 2 #59.1, 59.2 and 59.5 2, 52T and 56T.museumguy

Indo-Scythian 1Tom R

Indo-Scythian 2Tom R

Indo-Scythian Kingdom, Azes I or II, c. 57 B.C. - 5 A.D. Silvered drachmIndo-Scythian Kingdom, Azes I or II, c. 57 B.C. - 5 A.D. Silvered drachm, F, porous, 1.550g, 15.0mm, 0o, obverse Karosthi legend, goddess standing left; reverse Greek legend, king on horseback walking right. Ex FORVM. photo credit FORVMPodiceps

Indo-Scythian Kings, Azes II, (35 B.C.-5 A.D.), AR-Tetradrachm, Mitchiner (MIG) VI, Azes II (G) Type 848h, Athena holding spear and shield, #1Indo-Scythian Kings, Azes II, (35 B.C.-5 A.D.), AR-Tetradrachm, Mitchiner (MIG) VI, Azes II (G) Type 848h, Athena holding spear and shield, #1
avers: BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MEΓAΛOY / AZOY (Greek legend "of the Great King of Kings Azes"), Azes II. in military dress, on a horse, holding whip and spear.
reverse: Athena standing right, holding spear and shield, monogram at left and right, Kharoshthi legend around: maharajasa rajadirasa mahatasa / ayasa.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 23,0-25,0mm, weight: 9,67g, axes: 3h,
mint: Azes II, date: 35 B.C.-5 A.D., ref: Mitchiner (MIG) VI, Azes II (G) Type 848h. Taxila Sirsukh B., Chapter 18, page 552, the 21st coin.
Q-0014 commentsquadrans

Indo-Scythian Kings, Azes II, (35 B.C.-5 A.D.), AR-Tetradrachm, Mitchiner VI, S. 573, Typ 867a., Athena holding spear and shield, #1Indo-Scythian Kings, Azes II, (35 B.C.-5 A.D.), AR-Tetradrachm, Mitchiner VI, S. 573, Typ 867a., Athena holding spear and shield, #1
avers: BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MEΓAΛOY / AZOY (Greek legend "of the Great King of Kings Azes"), Azes II. in military dress, on a horse, holding whip and spear.
reverse: Athena standing right, holding spear and shield, monogram at left and right, Kharoshthi legend around: maharajasa rajarajasa mahatasa / ayasa.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 22,0mm, weight: 9,773g, axes: 5h,
mint: Azes II, Taxila, Sirsukh, date: 35B.C.-5A.D., ref: Mitchiner VI, S. 5739, Typ 867a., HGC12 #716, MIG ???, Sen ???,
Probably struck under Vijayamitra c. 12 B.C.-A.D. 15.
Q-001
4 commentsquadrans

Indo-Scythian Kings, Azilises, (57-35 B.C.), AR-Drachm, Mitchiner VI, S. 519, Typ 806a., Athena holding spear and shield, #1Indo-Scythian Kings, Azilises, (57-35 B.C.), AR-Drachm, Mitchiner VI, S. 519, Typ 806a., Athena holding spear and shield, #1
avers: BAΣIΛEΩΣ BAΣIΛEΩN MEΓAΛOY / AZIΛICOY (Greek legend "of the Great King of Kings Azilises"), Azilises in military dress, on a horse, with a couched spear.
reverse: Athena holding spear and shield, monogram at left and right, Kharoshthi legend around: maharajasa rajarajasa mahatasa / ayilishasa.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 16,5-17,0mm, weight: 2,33g, axes: 0h,
mint: Azilizes, Hazara, date: 57-35 B.C., ref: Mitchiner VI, S. 519, Typ 806a., HGC12 #578., MIG ???, Sen ???,
Q-0012 commentsquadrans

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