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Search results - "Hispania"
Hispania_republican.JPG
21 viewsAntonivs Protti
Claudius_I,_Hispania.JPG
13 viewsAntonivs Protti
Augustus,_Colonia_Patricia,_Hispania.JPG
15 viewsAntonivs Protti
Augustus,_Julia_Traducta,_Hispania~0.JPG
14 viewsAntonivs Protti
Vindex_denarius.jpg
6.75 Revolt of Vindex54 viewsRevolt Against Nero, Gaius Iulius Vindex, Governor of Gallia Lugdunensis, c. Late 67 - May 68 A.D.

Struck by Gaius Iulius Vindex, the Roman governor of Gallia Lugdunensis, who rebelled against Nero's tax policy and declared allegiance to Galba, the governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, as the new emperor. Vindex was defeated and killed in battle near Vesontio (modern Besançon), but the military continued to support Galba. On 9 June 68, deserted by the Praetorian Guard, Nero stabbed himself in the throat.

Silver denarius, Unpublished, civil war restitution of Augustus, gF, porosity, marks, uncertain (Lugdunum?) mint, weight 3.167g, maximum diameter 19.0mm, die axis 180o, c. late 67 - May 68 A.D.; obverse CAESAR, bare head of Augustus right; reverse AVGVSTVS, young bull walking right, head turned facing; ex Roma Numismatics e-auction 6, lot 321; only two examples known to Forum

Purchased from FORVM
2 commentsSosius
hsb2.jpg
CASTULO, HISPANIA ULTERIOR, C. 165 - 80 BCE20 viewsHeart shaped Bronze SNG Spain II 427 ff.; SNG BM Spain 1314ff.; SNG Loruchs 374; Sng Cop 209, Burgos 545;f, Castulo mint.
Obverse: diademed male head right, crescent before.
Reverse: helmeted sphinx walking right,star before, KASTILO in Iberic script below ex. 29.75 mm., 16.0 g.
NORMAN K
Hadrian_RIC_305.jpg
15 Hadrian Denarius - Travel Series35 viewsHADRIAN
AR Denarius,134-138 A.D.
HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P, bare head left / HISPANIA, Hispania reclining on rock left, holding olive branch.
RSC 842a, RIC 305, Sear5 #3396 (variant – bust left)
RI0094
2 commentsSosius
augustus_iulia_trad.jpg
(02) AUGUSTUS10 views27 BC- 14 AD,  AE 23 mm, 6.61 g O: PERM CAES AVG. around bare head of
Augustus, left R: IVLIA TRADUCTA in two lines within
wreath. Hispania Baetica (Spain), Julia Traducta mint
RPC I, 108, SNG Copenhagen 459.
laney
tiberius_nero_drusus_resb.jpg
(03) TIBERIUS20 views14 - 37 AD
AE 28.5 mm; 11.46 g
O: His bare head left
R: Confronted heads of Caesars Nero and Drusus
Spain (Hispania Tarraconensis), Carthago Nova mint
cf RPC 179, SNG Cop 500 Scarce
laney
0012.jpg
0012 - Denarius Postumia 81 BC64 viewsObv/HISPAN, veiled head of Hispania r.
Rev/A ALBIN S N, togate figure standing l. between legionary eagle and consular fasces, POST A F in ex.

Ag, 20.0mm, 3.88g
Moneyer: Postumius Albinus.
Mint: Rome aux.
RRC 372/2 [dies o/r: 198/220] - Syd.746 - RCV 297 - RSC Postumia 8 - Calicó 1216 - Cohen Postumia 7 - BMCRR 2839
ex-Incineratio Roma (vcoins)
dafnis
0015.jpg
0015 - Denarius Annia 82-1 BC59 viewsObv/C ANNI T F T N PRO COS EX S C, draped bust of Anna Perenna r., hair in a knot, winged caduceus behind, scale before, dot below.
Rev/Victory in galloping quadriga r., Q above, L FABI L F HISP in ex.

Ag, 19.2mm, 3.82g
Moneyer: Annius Luscus, L Fabius Hispaniensis.
Mint: Hispania.
RRC 366/1b [dies o/r: 18/(20)] - Syd.748a - BMCRR 352 - - Cohen Annia 1 - Calicó 116 - RCV 289 - RSC Annia 2a
ex-Kuenker, auction 124, lot 8326
1 commentsdafnis
0040~0.jpg
0040 - Denarius Hadrian 136 AC16 viewsObv/HADRIANVS AVG COS III PP, Hadrian bare head r.
Rev/HISPANIA, Hispania reclining l., holding branch and resting l. arm on rock; in front of her, a rabbit.

Ag, 18.0mm, 3.25g
Mint: Rome.
RIC II/305a [C]
ex-Numismática Pliego, auction 38, lot 237
dafnis
RPC_I_108_Augusto_IVLIA_TRADUCTA.jpg
01-60 - Julia Traducta - AUGUSTO (27 A.C. - 14 D.C.)20 viewsAE AS 25 mm 13.3 gr.

Anv: "PERM CAES AVG" (Leyenda anti-horaria)- Busto a cabeza desnuda viendo a izquierda.
Rev: "IVLIA / TRAD" - Leyenda dentro de guirnalda.

Acuñada 15-04 A.C.
Ceca: Julia Traducta - Hispania

Referencias: RPC #108 - SNG Cop #459 - Sear GICTV #18 Pag.3 - Sear '88 #538 - Cohen Vol.1 #632 Pag.151 - Vives #164 Pag.13 - Heiss #2 Pag.336
mdelvalle
RPC_168_Semis_CARTAGONOVA_Augusto_2.jpg
01-61 - Cartago Nova - AUGUSTO (27 A.C. - 14 D.C.)20 viewsAE Semis 23 mm 6.5 gr.
C.Varius Rufus y Sex Iulius Pollio - duoviri.

Anv: "AVGVSTVS - DIVI F" (Leyenda anti-horaria)- Cabeza laureada viendo a derecha.
Rev: "C·VAR·RVF·SEX·IVL·POL·II·VIR·Q" (Leyenda anti-horaria),Implementos sacerdotales, Simpulum (Copa pequeña con mango), aspergillum/aspersorio (Instrumento para espolvorear o rociar), Securis/Segur (Hacha ritual) y Ápex (Gorro utilizado por los Sacerdotes o Flamines).

Acuñada 27 A.C. - 14 D.C.
Ceca: Cartago Nova, Hispania (Hoy Cartagena, España)

Referencias: RPC #168, SNG Cop #510, ACIP #3137, SNG München #130, Sim.NAH #992, Vives #131/132 Pl.CXXXI #12, Burgos (2008) #455, FAB #1451 P.180, Sim. Sear GICTV #12 Pag.2 (Semis en lugar de AS), Beltram #23
mdelvalle
ABH_1293_AS_BILBILIS_Augusto.jpg
01-63 - Augusta Bilbilis - Hispania - AUGUSTO (27 A.C. - 14 D.C.)29 viewsHoy en las cercanías de Calatayud (Zaragoza), España
M.Sempronius Tiberius y L.Licius Varus duumviri

AE AS 30 mm 14.8 gr.

Anv: "AVGVSTVS·DIV·F·PATER·PATRIAE" (Leyenda anti-horaria)- Busto laureado viendo a izquierda.
Rev: "MVN·AVGVSTA·BILBILIS·M·SEMP·TIBERI·L·LICI·VARO" - "II VIR" esta última leyenda dentro de guirnalda.

Acuñada 02 A.C. - 14 D.C.
Ceca: Colonia Augusta Bilbilis - Hispania

Referencias: RPC I #393a P.129, SNG München #22, Sear GICTV #7 Pag.2, Cohen Vol.1 #640 var. (Busto a der.) Pag.152, Vv Pl.CXXXIX #2, FAB #278, ACIP #3018, ABH #278, ABH (Ant) #1293 P.163/4, Ripolles #3392 P.392
mdelvalle
ABH_617_AS_CELSA_Augusto.jpg
01-64 - Celsa - Hispania - AUGUSTO (27 A.C. - 14 D.C.)30 viewsHoy Velilla del Ebro, Tarragona, España
CN.Domitius y C.Pompeius duoviri

AE AS 28 mm 8.9 gr.

Anv: "IMP CAESAR DIVI F AVGVSTVS COS XII" (Leyenda anti-horaria)- Busto laureado viendo a derecha.
Rev: Toro estante a derecha, "CN DOMIT" arriba, "C POMPEI" debajo, "II VIR" delante y "C V I CEL" detrás.

Acuñada 05 - 03 A.C.
Ceca: Colonia Lépida Victrix Iulia - Hispania

Referencias: RPC I #278, ACIP #3169e, SNG Cop #541, ABH #811/2, ABH (Ant) #1486 P.184, Vv Pl.CLXI #8, Cohen Vol.1 #700 Pag.156, Guadan #446, Ripolles #3159 P.368
mdelvalle
RPC_I_129_Augusto_COLONIA_PATRICIA.jpg
01-65 - Colonia Patricia - AUGUSTO (27 A.C. - 14 D.C.)24 viewsAE AS 26 mm 10.9 gr.

Anv: "PERM CAES AVG" (Leyenda anti-horaria)- Busto a cabeza desnuda viendo a izquierda.
Rev: "COLONIA / PATRICIA" - Leyenda dentro de guirnalda.

Acuñada 18-02 A.C.
Ceca: Colonia Patricia - Hispania

Referencias: RPC I #129 - SNG Cop #466 - Burgos #1563 - Sear GICTV #16 Pag.3 - Sear '88 #537 - Cohen Vol.1 #607 Pag.150 - Vives #165 Pag.13 - Lingren #87
mdelvalle
RPC_131_Cuadrante_Colonia_Patricia_AUGUSTO.jpg
01-67 - Colonia Patricia - AUGUSTO (27 A.C. - 14 D.C.)13 viewsAE Cuadrante 17 mm 2.7 gr.

Anv: "PER CAE AVG" (Leyenda anti-horaria)- Busto a cabeza desnuda viendo a izquierda.
Rev: "COLO PATRI", Implementos Sacerdotales, (Aspergilio, Preferículo, lituo y Pátera).

Acuñada 18-02 A.C.
Ceca: Colonia Patricia - Hispania

Referencias: RPC I #131, ABH #1993, Cohen I #608 P.150, Guadan #956, FAB #1717 P.209, Vv Pl.CXXV #7y8, Ripolles #2606 P.314, Chaves (1977) grupo I, ACIP #3359
mdelvalle
ABH_1581_Semis_IRIPPO.jpg
01-68 - Irripo, Hispania - AUGUSTO (27 A.C. - 14 D.C.)19 viewsHoy Alcalá de Guadaira - Sevilla - España
AE Semis 19/21 mm 3.5 gr.

Anv: "IRIPPO" (Leyenda anti-horaria frente al busto)- Busto a cabeza desnuda viendo a izquierda.
Rev: Figura femenina/Tyche sentada a izquierda, portando piña en la mano de su brazo derecho extendido y cornucopia en izquierda; Guirnalda rodeando la alegoría.

Acuñada 30 A.C.
Ceca: Irippo - Hispania

Referencias: RPC I #55 P.76, Burgos #1581, Sear GICTV #17 Pag.3, Villaronga CNH #4 P.422, ABH (Ant) #1109 P.141, Ripolles #1919 P.251, Vv Pl.110 #1 a 4, Heiss #1 P.318 - Calicó #935-937, Guadan #922, ACIP #2630
mdelvalle
Julio_Cesar_Denario.jpg
02 - 01 - Julio Cesar (49 - 44 A.C.)141 viewsAR Denario 18,35 mm de 3,42 gr.

Anv: Emblemas sacerdotales, Simpulum (Copa pequeña con mango), aspergillum/aspersorio (Instrumento para espolvorear o rociar), securix (Hacha sacrificial), apex (gorro/bonete usado por los sacerdotes de Júpiter).
Rev: Elefante pisando un carnix (Instrumento musical galo), CAESAR en exergo.

Acuñada durante los años 49 - 48 A.C.
Ceca: Movil legionaria durante sus campañas probablemente en la Galia, Italia y/o Hispania.

Referencias: Craw. 443/1 - Syd. #1006 - BMCRR #27 - RSC Caesar #49 - Sear RCTV Vol.I #1399

2 commentsmdelvalle
Craw_443_1_Denario_Julius_Caesar.jpg
02 - 01 - Julio Cesar (49 - 44 A.C.)36 viewsAR Denario 18,35 mm de 3,42 gr.

Anv: Emblemas sacerdotales, Simpulum (Copa pequeña con mango), aspergillum/aspersorio (Instrumento para espolvorear o rociar), securix (Hacha sacrificial), apex (gorro/bonete usado por los sacerdotes de Júpiter).
Rev: Elefante pisando un carnix (Instrumento musical galo), CAESAR en exergo.

Acuñada durante los años 49 - 48 A.C.
Ceca: Movil legionaria durante sus campañas probablemente en la Galia, Italia y/o Hispania.

Referencias: Craw. 443/1 - Syd. #1006 - BMCRR #27 - RSC Caesar #49 - Sear RCTV Vol.I #1399
mdelvalle
Denario_de_Julio_Cesar_TROFEO.jpg
02 - 03 - Julio Cesar (49 - 44 A.C.)63 viewsAR Denario 17 mm de 3,51 gr.

Anv: ANEPIGRAFA - Busto diademado de Venus a der. Cupido detrás de su hombro.
Rev: Dos cautivos sentados a los lados de un trofeo de armas Galo, con escudo ovalado y Carnix en cada brazo, CAESAR en exergo.

Acuñada durante los años 46 - 45 A.C.
Ceca: Movil legionaria durante sus campañas probablemente en la Galia, Italia y/o Hispania.

Referencias: Babelon Julia #11 - Sear CRI #58 - Craw. 468/1 - Syd. #1014 - BMCRR Spain #89 - RSC Vol.I Caesar #13 Pag.107 - Sear RCTV Vol.I #1404 Pag.269 - Cohen Vol.I #13 Pag.10

mdelvalle
Craw_468_1_Denario_Julius_Caesar.jpg
02 - 03 - Julio Cesar (49 - 44 A.C.)32 viewsAR Denario 17 mm de 3,51 gr.

Anv: ANEPIGRAFA - Busto diademado de Venus a der. Cupido detrás de su hombro.
Rev: Dos cautivos sentados a los lados de un trofeo de armas Galo, con escudo ovalado y Carnix en cada brazo, CAESAR en exergo.

Acuñada durante los años 46 - 45 A.C.
Ceca: Movil legionaria durante sus campañas probablemente en la Galia, Italia y/o Hispania.

Referencias: Babelon Julia #11 - Sear CRI #58 - Craw. 468/1 - Syd. #1014 - BMCRR Spain #89 - RSC Vol.I Caesar #13 Pag.107 - Sear RCTV Vol.I #1404 Pag.269 - Cohen Vol.I #13 Pag.10
mdelvalle
Mac_Escudo_Coronado__Potosi__2_R.jpg
02 - 06 - Virreynato FELIPE II (1556-1598) 112 views"Macuquina del Escudo Coronado"

2 Reales de Plata
27x25 mm

Anv: PHILIPPVS · D · G · HISPANIARVM alrededor del escudo de armas coronado, entre ceca P sobre ensayador R en campo izq. y valor II en campo der.
.
Rev: ET · INDIARVM · REX · alrededor del cuartelado de castillos y leones dentro de orla de ocho lóbulos.

Acuñada: 1572-1576
Ensayador: R - Alonso Rincón
Ceca: Potosí - Hoy ubicada en Bolivia

Referencias:
mdelvalle
0226_HISP_FerVI_Cy10345.jpg
0226 1 Real Fernando VI 1758 AC5 viewsObv/ Coat of arms, RI and crowned M on left, JB and dots on right. Around, FERDINANDUS - VI - D - G
Rev/ Castles and lions divided by cross, around HISPANIARUM REX 1758

Ag, 21.2 mm, 2.91 g
Mint: Madrid
Cy 98/9640 - Cy/10345
ex-Cayón, speed auction 55, lot 9613
dafnis
0228_HISP_J_C_Cy98_2891.jpg
0228 - 1 Real Juana & Carlos 1542-1555 AC3 viewsObv/ Crowned coat of arms, M with circle above to l., O to r.; around, CAROLUS o ET o IOHANA o REGS
Rev/ Pillars of Hercules on waves, PL VS VL in between, central dot; around, HISPANIARVM o ET o INDIARVM

Ag, 23.5 mm, 3.32 g
Mint: México
Cy98/2891
ex-Agora Auctions, auction 81, lot 250
dafnis
261-augustus as-ctmk02.jpg
027 BC-14 AD - AUGUSTUS AE As - struck by P LVRIVS AGRIPPA (7 BC)91 viewsobv: [CAESAR AVGVST PONT MAX TRIBVNIC POT] (bare head of Augustus left) (with ALAR countermark)
rev: [P LVRIVS AGRIPP]A IIIVIR AAA FF / S.C.
ref: RIC I 426
9.81gms, 24mm

ALAR = ALA II Hispanorum et Arvacorum. It was a cavalry from Hispania settled to Pannonia at the limes of Danube (near Aquincum, today Budapest)
berserker
augustus hisp as-.jpg
027 BC-14 AD - AUGUSTUS AE27 of Colonia Julia Traducta47 viewsobv: PERM.CAES.AVG (bare head of Augustus left)
rev: IVLIA.TRAD (in oak wreath)
ref: RPC99, C.151, S.0538, Burgos215
mint: Colonia Julia Traducta (Hispania)
10.77gms, 27mm

A rare coin from a colony of Hispania Baetica, Julia Traducta (today Algesiras)
berserker
Mac_Plus_Ultra__Potosi__1_R_1704_Y.jpg
03 - 04 - Virreynato FELIPE V (1700-1746) 79 views"Macuquina con PLVS VLTRA y Columnas sobre ondas de Mar"

1 Real de Plata Ley 917
20x18 mm

Anv: PHILIPPVS V D G HISPANIARVM REX (Felipe V por la gracia de Dios rey de las Españas) la leyenda, al tratarse de una macuquina, no es visible, alrededor de la cruz de Jerusalén con castillos y leones, con I (valor) encima, P (ceca) en campo izq., Y (Ensayador) en campo der. y 704 (fecha) debajo.
Rev: POTOSI EL PERV 1704 La leyenda, al tratarse de una macuquina, no es visible, alrededor de las 2 columnas y entre ellas en 3 líneas valor I entre P (marca de la ceca) e Y (ensayador), 2ª línea PLVS VLTRA, 3ª línea 704 entre Y (ensayador) y P (ceca).

Acuñada: 1704
Ensayador: Y - Diego de Ybarbouro
Ceca: Potosí - Hoy ubicada en Bolivia

Referencias: Maravedis.net #B-042-4
mdelvalle
Mac_Plus_Ultra__Potosi__2_R_1745.jpg
03 - 06 - Virreynato FELIPE V (1700-1746) 87 views"Macuquina con PLVS VLTRA y Columnas sobre ondas de Mar"

2 Reales de Plata Ley 917
22x25 mm

Anv: PHILIPPVS V D G HISPANIARVM REX (Felipe V por la gracia de Dios rey de las Españas) la leyenda, al tratarse de una macuquina, no es visible, alrededor de la cruz de Jerusalén con castillos y leones, con 2 (valor) encima, P (ceca) en campo izq., Q (Ensayador) en campo der. y 745 (fecha) debajo.
Rev: POTOSI AÑO 1745 EL PERV La leyenda, al tratarse de una macuquina, no es visible, alrededor de las 2 columnas y entre ellas en 3 líneas valor 2 entre P (marca de la ceca) e Q (ensayador), 2ª línea PLVS VLTRA, 3ª línea 745 entre Q (ensayador) y P (ceca).

Acuñada: 1745
Ensayador: Q - Luis de Quintanilla
Ceca: Potosí - Hoy ubicada en Bolivia

Referencias: Krause SCWC KM#29a Pag.112 - Maravedis.net #B-055-52
mdelvalle
032_Hadrianus_(117-138_A_D_),_RIC_II_0306,_HADRIANVS_AVG_COS_III_PP,_HISPANIA,_136_AD_Q-001_6h,_18,5mm,_g-s.jpg
032 Hadrianus (117-138 A.D.), RIC II 0306, Rome, AR-Denarius, HISPANIA, Hispania draped, reclining left, #1138 views032 Hadrianus (117-138 A.D.), RIC II 0306, Rome, AR-Denarius, HISPANIA, Hispania draped, reclining left, #1
avers: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P, Laureate head right.
reverse: HISPANIA, Hispania draped, reclining left, holding the olive branch and leaning on a rock.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 18,5mm, weight: g, axes: 6h,
mint: Rome, date: 136 A.D., ref: RIC II 306, RSC-349, BMC-361,
Q-001
8 commentsquadrans
Mac_Plus_Ultra__Potosi__2_R_1767.jpg
04 - 06 - Virreynato CARLOS III (1759-1788) 69 views"Macuquina con PLVS VLTRA y Columnas sobre ondas de Mar"

2 Reales de Plata Ley 917
20x22 mm

Anv: CAROLUS III D G HISPANIARVM REX (Carlos III por la gracia de Dios rey de las Españas) la leyenda, al tratarse de una macuquina, no es visible, alrededor de la cruz de Jerusalén con castillos y leones, con 2 (valor) encima, P (ceca) en campo izq., V (Ensayador) en campo der. y 767 (fecha) debajo.
Rev: POTOSI 1767 EL PERV La leyenda, al tratarse de una macuquina, no es visible, alrededor de las 2 columnas y entre ellas en 3 líneas valor 2 entre P (marca de la ceca) e V (ensayador), 2ª línea PLVS VLTRA, 3ª línea 767 entre V (ensayador) y P (ceca).

Acuñada: 1767
Ensayador: V - José de Vargas y Flores
Ceca: Potosí - Hoy ubicada en Bolivia

Referencias: Krause SCWC KM#43 Pag.112 - Maravedis.net #B-302-8
mdelvalle
RPC_65_AS_ITALICA_Tiberio.jpg
04-40 - Cnia. Itálica - TIBERIO (14 - 37 D.C.)18 viewsAE AS 27/29 mm 13.85 gr.

Anv: "TI CAESAR AVGVSTVS PONT MAX IMP" (Leyenda anti-horaria), Cabeza desnuda viendo a derecha.
Rev: "MVNIC ITALIC PERM DIVI AVG" (Leyenda anti-horaria), Altar en el que se inscribe en tres líneas "PROVIDE / NTIAE / AVGVSTI".

Acuñada 14 - 37 D.C.
Ceca: Cnia. Municipium Itálica, Hispania (Hoy Saltipontes, Sevilla, España)

Referencias: RPC #65, SNG Cop #417, ACIP #3333, Vives Pl.CLXVIII #9, ABH #1593, Burgos #1250, Chaves #115-263, GMI #A1049-1051, FAB #1683 P.205, Sear GICV #253 P.24, Cohen I #89 P.197, Heiss #8 P.380, Mionnet Vol.I #131 P.17/18
mdelvalle
RPC_71_Semis_Druso_ITALICA.jpg
05 - 40 - Cnia. Itálica - DRUSO (20 - 23 D.C.)28 viewsAE Semis 23 mm 4.95 gr.

Anv: "DRVSVS CAESAR TI AVG F" (Leyenda anti-horaria), Cabeza desnuda viendo a derecha.
Rev: Aquila (Águila Legionaria) y Vexillum (Estandarte) entre dos Signa (Insignias militares), "MUNIC ITALIC" (Leyenda anti-horaria), "PE-R / AV-G" en campo centro.

Acuñada 20 - 23 D.C.
Ceca: Cnia. Municipium Itálica, Hispania (Hoy Saltiponce, Sevilla, España)

Referencias: RPC #71, SNG Cop #419, ACIP #3340, Vives Pl.CLXVIII #12, ABH #1596, FAB #1685 P.205, Sear GICV #338 P.31, RAH #2012-20 Pag. 259/60 - DC y P #3 Pag.215, Cohen I #9 Pag.218, Heiss #10 Pag.380
mdelvalle
Galba,_RIC_204.jpg
07 01 Galba RIC 20449 viewsGalba. 8 June 68-15 Jan. 69 A.D. AR Denarius. Rome Mint. (3.22g, 19.3mm, 6 h). Obv: IMP SER GALBA CAESAR AVG, bust, laureate draped right. Rev: ROMA RENASCES, Roma standing left, holding Victory on globe and transverse eagle tipped scepter. RIC 204. Ex HBJ.

Galba’s reign marked the end of the Julio-Claudian’s rule of Rome. Rated R3 in the RIC, this type appears fairly scarce with 2 examples in the Reka Devnia hoard, and only 2 in Berk’s photofile. Galba, the first of the 4 emperors of 69 A.D, was governor of Hispania Tarraconensis during Nero’s reign. He was assassinated after 7 months of rule and succeeded by his former supporter, Otho
3 commentsLucas H
Galba_RIC_I_189.jpg
07 Galba RIC I 18937 viewsGalba April 3-Jan. 15, 69 A.D. AR Denarius. Rome Mint 69 A.D. (3.15g, 18.9m, 6h). Obv: [I]MP SER GALBA CAESAR AVG, laureate and draped bust right. Rev: [DI]VA AVGVSTA, Livia standing left, holding patera and scepter. RIC I 189, RSC 55a. ACCG IV, 59.

Upon Nero’s death, Galba was governor of Hispania Terraconensis, and marched to Rome. His short reign was ended by his murder in a plot hatched by Otho and the Praetorians. Many of his economic measures had been unpopular, including his refusal to “bribe” the Praetorians upon his ascension.
1 commentsLucas H
galba,_RIC_I_167.jpg
07 Galba, RIC I 16749 viewsGalba July, 68-Jan., 69. AR Denarius. Rome Mint. Aug-Oct 68 A.D. (3.07g, 17.8mm, 6h). Obv: IMP SER GALBA AVG, bare head right. Rev: SPQR OB CS in 3 lines within oak wreath. RIC I 167, RSC 287, Sear 2109.

Upon the death of Nero, Galba’s troops proclaimed him emperor on April 3, 68 A.D. Governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, he marched on Rome and assumed the throne, but was assassinated in a plot by Otho on January 15, 69 beginning the year of 4 emperors.
1 commentsLucas H
20Hadrian_RIC_852.jpg
0852 Hadrian As Roma 134-38 AD Hispania24 viewsReference.
RIC 852f

Obv. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Bust of Hadrian, laureate, draped, right

Rev. HISPANIA in ex. S C
Hispania, draped, reclining left, holding branch in extended right hand and resting left arm on rock; rabbit to left

11.65 gr
25 mm
12h
okidoki
684Hadrian_RIC955.jpg
0953 Hadrian AS Roma 134-38 AD Hadrian and Hispania18 viewsReference.
RIC 953; Cohen 1273; Strack 777

Obv. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Bare headed and draped bust right

Rev. RESTITVTORI HISPANIAE, S C in exergue
Hadrian, togate, stands on the left, facing right, holding a roll in his left hand and extending his right hand to raise up kneeling figure of Hispania, a draped woman before him. Hispania holds a branch in her left hand: in centre, a rabbit.

12.40 gr
25 mm
12h
okidoki
Augusto_COLONIA_PATRICIA.jpg
1-2-4 - AUGUSTUS (27 A.C. - 14 D.C.)51 viewsColonia Patricia
Hispania Ulterior Bética

AE AS 26 mm 10.9 gr

Anv: ”PERM CAES AVG” – Cabeza desnuda, viendo a izquierda.
Rev: ”COLONIA PATRICIA” – Leyenda en dos lineas, dentro de una corona de hojas de roble.

Acuñada: aproximadamente 18 A.C. - 14 D.C.

Referencias: RPC #129 – SNG Cop #466 - Alvarez Burgos #1563 - Sear GICV I #16, Pag.3 - Sear '88 #537 - Cohen #607, Pag.150 - Lindgren #87 - Vives #165.3 - Heiss #6, Pag.298
mdelvalle
Augusto_JULIA_TRADUCTA.jpg
1-3-4 - AUGUSTUS (27 A.C. - 14 D.C.)48 viewsColonia Julia Traducta
Hispania

AE AS 25 mm 13.3 gr

Anv: ”PERM CAES AVG” – Cabeza desnuda, viendo a izquierda.
Rev: ”IVLIA TRAD” – Leyenda en dos lineas, dentro de una corona de hojas de roble.

Acuñada: aproximadamente 15 A.C. - 14 D.C.

Referencias: RPC #108 – SNG Cop #459 - Sear GICV I #18, Pag.3 - Sear '88 #538 - Cohen #623, Pag.151 - Vives #164.13 - Heiss #2, Pag.336
mdelvalle
hadrian_RIC306d.jpg
117-138 AD - HADRIAN AR denarius - struck 134-138 AD54 viewsobv: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P (laureate head right)
rev: HISPANIA (Hispania reclining left, resting on rock, holding branch, rabbit at her feet)
ref: RIC II 306d, RSC 837 (5frcs)
mint: Rome
2.53gms, 18mm
Scarce
A scarce denarius - part of the famous 'travel series'. Hadrian visited to Hispania at the end of 122 AD, spent the winter at Tarraco (today Tarragona), and here he restored at his own expense the temple of Augustus. He was also in Gades (Cadiz) and Italica (Sevilla), where was the birthplace of emperor Trajan. Hadrian was generous to his settled town, which he made a colonia; he added temples, including a Trajaneum venerating Trajan, and rebuilt several public buildings.
berserker
spain_1737_2-reales_in-flip_rev_04.JPG
1737 2 Reales220 viewsSpain, Philippus V.
1737 jf Silver 2 Reales. VF-XF spot on obv.

1737
HISPANIARUM REX
rexesq
spain_1737_2-reales_in-flip_obv_01.JPG
1737 2 Reales154 viewsSpain, Philippus V.
1737 jf Silver 2 Reales. VF-XF spot on obv.

1737
HISPANIARUM REX

PHILIPPUS V D G
R II
M JF
(seperated by coat of arms)
rexesq
spain_1737_2-reales_in-flip_2007_rev_11.JPG
1737 2 Reales.79 views---
Spain, Philippus V.
1737 jf Silver 2 Reales. VF-XF.

1737
HISPANIARUM REX
-
---
-
**Photo discolored, also coin was inside of plastic coin flip when photo was taken.**
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-
rexesq
spain_1737_2-reales_in-flip_2007_rev_09.JPG
1737 2 Reales.80 views---
Spain, Philippus V.
1737 jf Silver 2 Reales. VF-XF.

1737
HISPANIARUM REX
-
---
-
**Photo discolored, also coin was inside of plastic coin flip when photo was taken.**
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rexesq
spain_1870_2-pesetas_rev_06.JPG
1870 Spain Silver 2 Pesetas45 views~
~~~
Spain, 1870 Silver Dos Pesetas.
"Hispania Reclining"
~~~
Weight: 10 Grams
.8350 Fine Silver
.2685 oz Actual Silver Weight.
~~~
~
rexesq
spain_1870_2-pesetas_obv_07_rev_05.JPG
1870 Spain Silver 2 Pesetas31 views~
~~~
Spain, 1870 Silver Dos Pesetas.
"Hispania Reclining"
~~~
Weight: 10 Grams
.8350 Fine Silver
.2685 oz Actual Silver Weight.
~~~
~
rexesq
spain_1870_2-pesetas_obv_04_rev_03.JPG
1870 Spain Silver 2 Pesetas31 views~
~~~
Spain, 1870 Silver Dos Pesetas.
"Hispania Reclining"
~~~
Weight: 10 Grams
.8350 Fine Silver
.2685 oz Actual Silver Weight.
~~~
~
rexesq
GratianAE3GlorRom.jpg
1es Gratian39 views367-383

AE3

Pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right, D N GRATIANVS P F AVG
Gratian standing right, holding labarum with Chi-rho on banner, and holding captive by hair, GLORIA ROMANORVM; Q to left, K over P to right, DSISCR in ex.

RIC 14c

Zosimus reports: [T] he emperor Valentinian, having favourably disposed the affairs of Germany, made provisions for the future security of the Celtic nations. . . . Valentinian was now attacked by a disease which nearly cost him his life. Upon his recovery the countries requested him to appoint a successor, lest at his decease the commonwealth should be in danger. To this the emperor consented, and declared his son Gratian emperor and his associate in the government, although he was then very young, and not yet capable of the management of affairs. . . .

When the affairs of the empire were reduced to this low condition, Victor, who commanded the Roman cavalry, escaping the danger with some of his troops, entered Macedon and Thessaly. From thence he proceeded into Moesia and Pannonia, and informed Gratian, who was then in that quarter, of what had occurred, and of the loss of the emperor [Valens] and his army. Gratian received the intelligence without uneasiness, and was little grieved at the death of his uncle, a disagreement having existed between them. Finding himself unable to manage affairs, Thrace being ravaged by the Barbarians, as were likewise Pannonia and Moesia, and the towns upon the Rhine being infested by the neighbouring Barbarians without controul, he chose for his associate in the empire, Theodosius, who was a native of a town called Cauca, in the part of Spain called Hispania Callaecia, and who possessed great knowledge and experience of military affairs. Having given him the government of Thrace and the eastern provinces, Gratian himself proceeded to the west of Gaul, in order, if possible, to compose affairs in that quarter. . . .

While the affairs of Thrace were, thus situated, those of Gratian were in great perplexity. Having accepted the counsel of those courtiers who usually corrupt the manners of princes, he gave a reception to some fugitives called Alani, whom he not only introduced into his army, but honoured with valuable presents, and confided to them his most important secrets, esteeming his own soldiers of little value. This produced among his soldiers a violent hatred against him, which being gradually inflamed and augmented incited in them a disposition for innovation, and most particulary in that part of them which was in Britain, since they were the most resolute and vindictive. In this spirit they were encouraged by Maximus, a Spaniard, who had been the fellow-soldier of Theodosius in Britain. He was offended that Theodosius should be thought worthy of being made emperor, while he himself had no honourable employment. He therefore cherished the animosity of the soldiers towards the emperor. They were thus easily induced to revolt and to declare Maximus emperor. Having presented to him the purple robe and the diadem, they sailed to the mouth of the Rhine. As the German army, and all who were in that quarter approved of the election, Gratian prepared to contend against Maximus, with a considerable part of the army which still adhered to him. When the armies met, there were only slight skirmishes for five days; until Gratian, |115 perceiving that the Mauritanian cavalry first deserted from him and declared Maximus Augustus, and afterwards that the remainder of his troops by degrees espoused the cause of his antagonist, relinquished all hope, and fled with three hundred horse to the Alps. Finding those regions without defence, he proceeded towards Rhaetia, Noricum, Pannonia, and the Upper Moesia. When Maximus was informed of his route, he was not negligent of the opportunity, but detached Andragathius, commander of the cavalry, who was his faithful adherent, in pursuit of Gratian. This officer followed him with so great speed, that he overtook him when he was passing the bridge at Sigidunus, and put him to death.
Blindado
TheodosAE4VotMult~0.jpg
1eu Theodosius25 views379-395

AE4

Pearl diademed, draped & cuirassed bust right, D N THEODOSIVS P F AVG
VOT V MVLT X within wreath, ASISC in ex

RIC 29d

Zosimus recorded: [Valentinian] commanded some legions from the stations in Pannonia and Moesia, to embark for Africa [to crush a rebellion]. On this the Sarmatians and the Quadi. . . , availing themselves, of the opportunity afforded by the departure of the legions for Africa, invaded the Pannonians and Moesians. . . . The barbarians therefore revenged themselves by plundering all the country along the Ister, carrying off all that they found in the towns. The Pannonians were by these means exposed to the cruelty of the barbarians, while the soldiers were extremely negligent in the defence of their towns, and committed as much mischief as the Barbarians themselves in all places on this side of the river. But Moesia was free from harm, because Theodosius, who commanded the forces there, courageously resisted the Barbarians, and routed them when they attacked him. By that victory he not only acquired great renown, but subsequently attained the imperial dignity. . . .

When the affairs of the empire were reduced to this low condition, Victor, who commanded the Roman cavalry, escaping the danger with some of his troops, entered Macedon and Thessaly. From thence he proceeded into Moesia and Pannonia, and informed Gratian, who was then in that quarter, of what had occurred, and of the loss of the emperor [Valens] and his army. Gratian received the intelligence without uneasiness, and was little grieved at the death of his uncle, a disagreement having existed between them. Finding himself unable to manage affairs, Thrace being ravaged by the Barbarians, as were likewise Pannonia and Moesia, and the towns upon the Rhine being infested by the neighbouring Barbarians without controul, he chose for his associate in the empire, Theodosius, who was a native of a town called Cauca, in the part of Spain called Hispania Callaecia, and who possessed great knowledge and experience of military affairs. Having given him the government of Thrace and the eastern provinces, Gratian himself proceeded to the west of Gaul, in order, if possible, to compose affairs in that quarter. . . .

During the stay of the new emperor, Theodosius, at Thesslonica, a great concourse arrived there from all parts of persons soliciting him on business, both public and private; who having obtained of him whatever he could conveniently grant, returned, to their homes. As a great multitude of the Scythians beyond the Ister, the Gotthi, and the Taiphali, and other tribes that formerly dwelt among them, had crossed the river, and were driven to infest the Roman dominions, because the Huns, had expelled them from their own country, the emperor Theodosius prepared for war with all his forces. . . . The army having made this good use of the occasion afforded by fortune, the affairs of Thrace, which had been on the brink of ruin, were now, the Barbarians being crushed beyond all hope, re-established in peace. . . .

Meanwhile, the emperor Theodosius, residing in Thessalonica, was easy of access to all who wished to see him. Having commenced his reign in luxury and indolence, he threw the magistracy into disorder, and increased the number of his military officers. . . . As he squandered the public money without consideration, bestowing it on unworthy persons, he consequently impoverished himself. He therefore sold the government of provinces to any who would purchase them, without regard to the reputation or ablity of the persons, esteeming him the best qualified who brought him the most gold or silver. . . .

Maximus, who deemed his appointments inferior to his merits, being only governor of the countries formerly under Gratian, projected how to depose the young Valentinian from the empire. . . . This so much surprised Valentinian, and rendered his situation so desperate, that his courtiers were alarmed lest he should be taken by Maximus and put to death. He, therefore, immediately embarked,and sailed to Thessalonica with his mother Justina. . . . [A]rriving at Thessalonica, they sent messengers to the emperor Theodosius, intreating him now at least to revenge the injuries committed against the family of Valentinian. . . . The emperor, being delivered from this alarm, marched with great resolution with his whole army against Maximus. . . . Theodosius, having passed through Pannonia and the defiles of the Appennines, attacked unawares the forces of Maximus before they were prepared for him. A part of his army, having pursued them with the utmost speed, forced their way through the gates of Aquileia, the guards being too few to resist them. Maximus was torn from his imperial throne while in the act of distributing money to his soldiers, and being stripped of his imperial robes, was brought to Theodosius, who, having in reproach enumerated some of his crimes against the commonwealth, delivered him to the common executioner to receive due punishment. . . . The emperor Theodosius, having consigned Italy, Spain, Celtica, and Libya to his son Honorius, died of a disease on his journey towards Constantinople.
Blindado
761Hadrian_RIC225var_.jpg
227 var. Hadrian Denarius Roma 134-38 AD Hadrian & Roma standing26 viewsReference.
Strack 218; RIC cf 227; C.cf 94; BMCR cf 584

Obv. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Bare head right

Rev. ADVENTVS AVGVSTI
Roma standing left, holding spear, and parazonium on hip?? and clasping hands with Hadrian standing right, holding a roll.

3.35 gr
18 mm
7h

Note.
Strack saw two similar coins in Vienna and Sofia with same die pair.

This denarius was Rome struck during the latter part of Hadrian’s reign, and which fall into three classes or categories: 1) a series of coins commemorating the visit or arrival (adventus) of the emperor to each province; 2) another series which commemorates the restoration (restitutor) of the province by the emperor; and 3) an additional series which commemorates the military strength (exercitus) of province, for those provinces which had legions stationed within them. In addition to these three categories of commemorative issues that are collectively known as Hadrian’s ‘travel’ series, there are a further two related groups of coins. The first is quite extensive and simply commemorates the various provinces, with the provinces of Egypt, Africa, Hispania and Gallia being the most common. Then there is a much smaller issue which commemorates the emperor’s final return (adventus) to Rome, after his subjugation of the Jewish zealots under Simon Bar Kochba led to the pacification of the province of Judaea, of which this coin is a particularly handsome specimen. After spending more than half his reign on the road, and especially after having just inflicted such a crushing defeat on the recalcitrant Jews, Hadrian’s homecoming was a momentous occasion in the capital which was warmly welcomed by the citizens. The reverse shows the city of Rome personified as the goddess Roma, helmeted and draped in military attire, holding a spear and clasping the hand of the now elderly emperor who is depicted togate and holding a roll in the guise of a citizen, standing before her. The legend which appears on the obverse of this coin was only employed ca. A.D. 134-138. As Hadrian returned to Italy during A.D. 136 and died not two years later, this coin belongs to the very last issue of coinage struck at Rome during his principate.
1 commentsokidoki
722Hadrian_RIC326.jpg
326 Hadrian Denarius Roma 134-38 AD Hadrian & Hispania16 viewsReference.
RIC 326; C.1270; Strack 322

Obv. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Head of Hadrian, laureate, right.

Rev. RESTITVTORI HISPANIAE
Hadrian, togate, standing right, holding roll in left hand and extending right hand to raise up Hispania, kneeling in front of him and holding branch in left hand; rabbit center.

3.37 gr
18 mm
6h
okidoki
971Hadrian_RIC327.jpg
327 Hadrian Denarius Roma 134-38 AD Hadrian & Hispania40 viewsReference.
RIC 327; C.1260; Strack 321; var. no rabbit

Obv. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Head of Hadrian, laureate, right.

Rev. RESTITVTORI HISPANIAE
Hadrian, togate, standing right, holding roll in left hand and extending right hand to raise up Hispania, kneeling in front of him and holding branch in left hand; "No rabbit center."

3.23 gr
18 mm
8h
3 commentsokidoki
Hispan_black_Done.jpg
372/2 A. Postumius A.f. Sp. n. Albinus28 viewsPostumius Albinus. AR Denarius Serrate. c. 81 BC. Obv: [HI]SPAN Veiled head of Hispania right with disheveled hair. Rev: ALBIN [S N] Togate figure standing left between Roman legionary eagle and fasces, POST [A F] in exergue.
Syd 746; Postumia 8; Crawford 372/2
Paddy
Hispania_Bronze_As.jpg
4 Hispania AE Ases20 viewsJulia Traducta, Colonia Patricia, _4750Antonivs Protti
4_Maravedis.jpg
4 Maravedis13 viewsSpanish Empire - King Philip IV

1621 - 1665 AD

Obverse: PHILIPPVS IIII DG

Reverse: HISPANIARVM REX 1622
Pericles J2
98170.jpg
502. CONSTANTINE II156 viewsFlavius Claudius Constantinus, known in English as Constantine II, (316 - 340) was Roman Emperor (337 - 340). The eldest son of Constantine I and Fausta, he was born at Arles, and was raised as a Christian.

On March 1, 317, Constantine was made Caesar, and at the age of seven, in 323, took part in his father's campaign against the Sarmatians.

At the age of ten became commander of Gaul, after the death of his half-brother Crispus. An inscription dating to 330 records the title of Alamannicus, so it is probable that his generals won a victory over Alamanni. His military career continued when Constantine I elected his son field commander during the 332 campaign against the Goths.

Following the death of his father in 337, Constantine II became Emperor jointly with his brothers Constantius II and Constans. His section of the Empire was Gaul, Britannia and Hispania.

At first, he was the guardian of his younger brother Constans, whose portion was Italia, Africa and Illyricum. As Constans came of age, Constantine would not relinquish the guardianship and in 340 he marched against Constans in Italy, but was defeated at Aquileia and died in battle. Constans came to control his deceased brother's realm.

CONSTANTINE II, as Caesar. 317-337 AD. Æ Reduced Follis (18mm, 2.74 gm). Siscia mint. Struck 321-324 AD. Laureate head right / VOT / X in two lines across field; all within wreath; SIS sunburst. RIC VII 182. Ex-CNG
ecoli73
56167.jpg
504. CONSTANTIUS II148 viewsFlavius Iulius Constantius, known in English as Constantius II, (7 August 317 - 3 November 361) was a Roman Emperor (337 - 361) of the Constantinian dynasty

Constantius was the second of the three sons of Constantine I and his second wife Fausta. Constantius was born in Sirmium (in Illyricum) and named Caesar by his father. When Constantine died in 337, Constantius II led the massacre of his relatives decended from the second marriage of his grandfather Constantius Chlorus and Theodora, leaving himself, his older brother Constantine II, his younger brother Constans and two cousins (Gallus and his half-brother Julian) as the only surviving adult males related to Constantine. The three brothers divided the Roman Empire among them, according to their father's will. Constantine II received Britannia, Gaul and Hispania; Constans ruled Italia, Africa, and Illyricum; and Constantius ruled the East.

This division changed when Constantine II died in 340, trying to overthrow Constans in Italy, and Constans become sole ruler in the Western half of the empire. The division changed once more in 350 when Constans was killed in battle by forces loyal to the usurper Magnentius. Until this time, Constantius was preoccupied with fighting the Sassanid Empire, and he was forced to elevate his cousin Gallus to Caesar of the East to assist him, while he turned his attention to this usurper.

Constantius eventually met and crushed Magnentius in the Battle of Mursa Major, one of the bloodiest battles in Roman history, in 351. Magnentius committed suicide in 353, and Constantius soon after put his cousin Gallus to death. However, he still could not handle the military affairs of both the Eastern and German frontiers by himself, so in 355 he elevated his last remaining relative, Julian, to Caesar. As Julian was hailed Augustus by the army in Gaul, Constantius saw no alternative but to face the usurper with violent force. As the two armies sought engagement, Constantius died from a fever near Tarsus on November 3, 361, and Julian was hailed Augustus in the whole of the Roman empire.

Constantius took an active part in the affairs of the Christian church, frequently taking the side of the Arians, and he called the Council of Rimini in 359.

Constantius married three times, first to a daughter of Julius Constantius, then to Eusebia, and last to Faustina, who gave birth to a posthumous daughter, Faustina Constantia, who later married Emperor Gratian.

CONSTANTIUS II. 337-361 AD. Æ 18mm (2.41 gm). Siscia mint. Struck 351-355 AD. D N CONSTAN-TIVS P F AVG, diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right / FEL TEMP REPARATIO, soldier spearing falling enemy horseman who wears conical hat; at right, shield on ground; ASIS. RIC VIII 350. Good VF, green patina. Ex CNG
1 commentsecoli73
coin275.JPG
510. Valentinian I55 viewsFlavius Valentinianus, known in English as Valentinian I, (321 - November 17, 375) was a Roman Emperor (364 - 375). He was born at Cibalis, in Pannonia, the son of a successful general, Gratian the Elder.

He had been an officer of the Praetorian guard under Julian and Jovian, and had risen high in the imperial service. Of robust frame and distinguished appearance, he possessed great courage and military capacity. After the death of Jovian, he was chosen emperor in his forty-third year by the officers of the army at Nicaea in Bithynia on February 26, 364, and shortly afterwards named his brother Valens colleague with him in the empire.

The two brothers, after passing through the chief cities of the neighbouring district, arranged the partition of the empire at Naissus (Nissa) in Upper Moesia. As Western Roman Emperor, Valentinian took Italia, Illyricum, Hispania, the Gauls, Britain and Africa, leaving to Eastern Roman Emperor Valens the eastern half of the Balkan peninsula, Greece, Aegyptus, Syria and Asia Minor as far as Persia. They were immediately confronted by the revolt of Procopius, a relative of the deceased Julian. Valens managed to defeat his army at Thyatria in Lydia in 366, and Procopius was executed shortly afterwards.

During the short reign of Valentinian there were wars in Africa, in Germany and in Britain, and Rome came into collision with barbarian peoples never of heard before, specifically the Burgundians, and the Saxons.

Valentinian's chief work was guarding the frontiers and establishing military positions. Milan was at first his headquarters for settling the affairs of northern Italy. The following year (365) Valentinian was at Paris, and then at Reims, to direct the operations of his generals against the Alamanni. These people, defeated at Scarpona (Charpeigne) and Catelauni (Châlons-en-Champagne) by Jovinus, were driven back to the German bank of the Rhine, and checked for a while by a chain of military posts and fortresses. At the close of 367, however, they suddenly crossed the Rhine, attacked Moguntiacum (Mainz) and plundered the city. Valentinian attacked them at Solicinium (Sulz am Neckar, in the Neckar valley, or Schwetzingen) with a large army, and defeated them with great slaughter. But his own losses were so considerable that Valentinian abandoned the idea of following up his success.

Later, in 374, Valentinian made peace with their king, Macrianus, who from that time remained a true friend of the Romans. The next three years he spent at Trier, which he chiefly made his headquarters, organizing the defence of the Rhine frontier, and personally superintending the construction of numerous forts.

During his reign the coasts of Gaul were harassed by the Saxon pirates, with whom the Picts and Scots of northern Britain joined hands, and ravaged the island from the Antonine Wall to the shores of Kent. In 368 Count Theodosius was sent to drive back the invaders; in this he was completely successful, and established a new British province, called Valentia in honour of the emperor.

In Africa, Firmus, raised the standard of revolt, being joined by the provincials, who had been rendered desperate by the cruelty and extortions of Comes Romanus, the military governor. The services of Theodosius were again requisitioned. He landed in Africa with a small band of veterans, and Firmus, to avoid being taken prisoner, committed suicide.

In 374 the Quadi, a Germanic tribe in what is now Moravia and Slovakia, resenting the erection of Roman forts to the north of the Danube in what they considered to be their own territory, and further exasperated by the treacherous murder of their king, Gabinius, crossed the river and laid waste the province of Pannonia. The emperor in April, 375 entered Illyricum with a powerful army. But during an audience to an embassy from the Quadi at Brigetio on the Danube (near Komárom, Hungary), Valentinian suffered a burst blood vessel in the skull while angrily yelling at the people gathered. This injury resulted in his death on November 17, 375.

His general administration seems to have been thoroughly honest and able, in some respects beneficent. If Valentinian was hard and exacting in the matter of taxes, he spent them in the defence and improvement of his dominions, not in idle show or luxury. Though himself a plain and almost illiterate soldier, Valentinian was a founder of schools. He also provided medical attendance for the poor of Rome, by appointing a physician for each of the fourteen districts of the city.

Valentinian was a Christian but permitted absolute religious freedom to all his subjects. Against all abuses, both civil and ecclesiastical, Valentinian steadily set his face, even against the increasing wealth and worldliness of the clergy. His chief flaw was his temper, which at times was frightful, and showed itself in its full fierceness in the punishment of persons accused of witchcraft, fortune-telling or magical practices.

Valentinian I; RIC IX, Siscia 15(a); C.37; second period: 24 Aug. 367-17 Nov. 375; common. obv. DN VALENTINI-ANVS PF AVG, bust cuir., drap., r., rev. SECVRITAS-REI PVBLICAE, Victory advancing l., holding wreath and trophy. l. field R above R with adnex, r. field F, ex. gamma SISC rev.Z dot (type xxxv)
ecoli
GalbaAEAs.jpg
707a, Galba, 3 April 68 - 15 January 69 A.D.66 viewsGalba AE As, 68-69 AD; cf. SRC 727, 729ff; 27.85mm, 12g; Rome: Obverse: GALBA IMP CAESAR…, Laureate head right; Reverse: S P Q R OB CIV SER in oak wreath; gF+/F Ex. Ancient Imports.

De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families

Galba (68-69 A.D.)

John Donahue
College of William and Mary


Introduction
The evidence for the principate of Galba is unsatisfactory. The sources either concentrate on the personality of the man, thereby failing to offer a balanced account of his policies and a firm chronological base for his actions; or, they focus on the final two weeks of his life at the expense of the earlier part of his reign. As a result, a detailed account of his principate is difficult to write. Even so, Galba is noteworthy because he was neither related to nor adopted by his predecessor Nero. Thus, his accession marked the end of the nearly century-long control of the Principate by the Julio-Claudians. Additionally, Galba's declaration as emperor by his troops abroad set a precedent for the further political upheavals of 68-69. Although these events worked to Galba's favor initially, they soon came back to haunt him, ending his tumultuous rule after only seven months.

Early Life and Rise to Power
Born 24 December 3 BC in Tarracina, a town on the Appian Way, 65 miles south of Rome, Servius Galba was the son of C. Sulpicius Galba and Mummia Achaica. Galba's connection with the noble house of the Servii gave him great prestige and assured his acceptance among the highest levels of Julio-Claudian society. Adopted in his youth by Livia, the mother of the emperor Tiberius, he is said to have owed much of his early advancement to her. Upon her death, Livia made Galba her chief legatee, bequeathing him some 50 million sesterces. Tiberius, Livia's heir, reduced the amount, however, and then never paid it. Galba's marriage proved to be a further source of disappointment, as he outlived both his wife Lepida and their two sons. Nothing else is known of Galba's immediate family, other than that he remained a widower for the rest of his life.

Although the details of Galba's early political career are incomplete, the surviving record is one of an ambitious Roman making his way in the Emperor's service. Suetonius records that as praetor Galba put on a new kind of exhibition for the people - elephants walking on a rope. Later, he served as governor of the province of Aquitania, followed by a six-month term as consul at the beginning of 33. Ironically, as consul he was succeeded by Salvius Otho, whose own son would succeed Galba as emperor. Over the years three more governorships followed - Upper Germany (date unknown), North Africa (45) and Hispania Tarraconensis, the largest of Spain's three provinces (61). He was selected as a proconsul of Africa by the emperor Claudius himself instead of by the usual method of drawing lots. During his two-year tenure in the province he successfully restored internal order and quelled a revolt by the barbarians. As an imperial legate he was a governor in Spain for eight years under Nero, even though he was already in his early sixties when he assumed his duties. The appointment showed that Galba was still considered efficient and loyal. In all of these posts Galba generally displayed an enthusiasm for old-fashioned disciplina, a trait consistent with the traditional characterization of the man as a hard-bitten aristocrat of the old Republican type. Such service did not go unnoticed, as he was honored with triumphal insignia and three priesthoods during his career.

On the basis of his ancestry, family tradition and service to the state Galba was the most distinguished Roman alive (with the exception of the houses of the Julii and Claudii) at the time of Nero's demise in 68. The complex chain of events that would lead him to the Principate later that year began in March with the rebellion of Gaius Iulius Vindex, the governor of Gallia Lugdunensis. Vindex had begun to sound out provincial governors about support for a rebellion perhaps in late 67 or early 68. Galba did not respond but, because of his displeasure with Neronian misgovernment, neither did he inform the emperor of these treasonous solicitations. This, of course, left him dangerously exposed; moreover, he was already aware that Nero, anxious to remove anyone of distinguished birth and noble achievements, had ordered his death. Given these circumstances, Galba likely felt that he had no choice but to rebel.

In April, 68, while still in Spain, Galba "went public," positioning himself as a vir militaris, a military representative of the senate and people of Rome. For the moment, he refused the title of Emperor, but it is clear that the Principate was his goal. To this end, he organized a concilium of advisors in order to make it known that any decisions were not made by him alone but only after consultation with a group. The arrangement was meant to recall the Augustan Age relationship between the emperor and senate in Rome. Even more revealing of his imperial ambitions were legends like LIBERTAS RESTITUTA (Liberty Restored), ROM RENASC (Rome Reborn) and SALUS GENERIS HUMANI (Salvation of Mankind), preserved on his coinage from the period. Such evidence has brought into question the traditional assessment of Galba as nothing more than an ineffectual representative of a bygone antiquus rigor in favor of a more balanced portrait of a traditional constitutionalist eager to publicize the virtues of an Augustan-style Principate.
Events now began to move quickly. In May, 68 Lucius Clodius Macer, legate of the III legio Augusta in Africa, revolted from Nero and cut off the grain supply to Rome. Choosing not to recognize Galba, he called himself propraetor, issued his own coinage, and raised a new legion, the I Macriana liberatrix. Galba later had him executed. At the same time, 68, Lucius Verginius Rufus, legionary commander in Upper Germany, led a combined force of soldiers from Upper and Lower Germany in defeating Vindex at Vesontio in Gallia Lugdunensis. Verginius refused to accept a call to the emperorship by his own troops and by those from the Danube, however, thereby creating at Rome an opportunity for Galba's agents to win over Gaius Nymphidius Sabinus, the corrupt praetorian prefect since 65. Sabinus was able to turn the imperial guard against Nero on the promise that they would be rewarded financially by Galba upon his arrival. That was the end for Nero. Deposed by the senate and abandoned by his supporters, he committed suicide in June. At this point, encouraged to march on Rome by the praetorians and especially by Sabinus, who had his own designs on the throne, Galba hurriedly established broad-based political and financial support and assembled his own legion (subsequently known as the legio VII Gemina). As he departed from Spain, he abandoned the title of governor in favor of "Caesar," apparently in an attempt to lay claim to the entire inheritance of the Julio-Claudian house. Even so, he continued to proceed cautiously, and did not actually adopt the name of Caesar (and with it the emperorship) until sometime after he had left Spain.

The Principate of Galba
Meanwhile, Rome was anything but serene. An unusual force of soldiers, many of whom had been mustered by Nero to crush the attempt of Vindex, remained idle and restless. In addition, there was the matter concerning Nymphidius Sabinus. Intent on being the power behind the throne, Nymphidius had orchestrated a demand from the praetorians that Galba appoint him sole praetorian prefect for life. The senate capitulated to his pretensions and he began to have designs on the throne himself. In an attempt to rattle Galba, Nymphidius then sent messages of alarm to the emperor telling of unrest in both the city and abroad. When Galba ignored these reports, Nymphidius decided to launch a coup by presenting himself to the praetorians. The plan misfired, and the praetorians killed him when he appeared at their camp. Upon learning of the incident, Galba ordered the executions of Nymphidius' followers. To make matters worse, Galba's arrival was preceded by a confrontation with a boisterous band of soldiers who had been formed into a legion by Nero and were now demanding legionary standards and regular quarters. When they persisted, Galba's forces attacked, with the result that many of them were killed.
Thus it was amid carnage and fear that Galba arrived at the capital in October, 68, accompanied by Otho, the governor of Lusitania, who had joined the cause. Once Galba was within Rome, miscalculations and missteps seemed to multiply. First, he relied upon the advice of a corrupt circle of advisors, most notably: Titus Vinius, a general from Spain; Cornelius Laco, praetorian prefect; and his own freedman, Icelus. Second, he zealously attempted to recover some of Nero's more excessive expenditures by seizing the property of many citizens, a measure that seems to have gone too far and to have caused real hardship and resentment. Third, he created further ill-will by disbanding the imperial corps of German bodyguards, effectively abolishing a tradition that originated with Marius and had been endorsed by Augustus. Finally, he seriously alienated the military by refusing cash rewards for both the praetorians and for the soldiers in Upper Germany who had fought against Vindex.

This last act proved to be the beginning of the end for Galba. On 1 January 69 ("The Year of the Four Emperors"), the troops in Upper Germany refused to declare allegiance to him and instead followed the men stationed in Lower Germany in proclaiming their commander, Aulus Vitellius, as the new ruler. In response, Galba adopted Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus to show that he was still in charge and that his successor would not be chosen for him. Piso, although an aristocrat, was a man completely without administrative or military experience. The choice meant little to the remote armies, the praetorians or the senate, and it especially angered Otho, who had hoped to succeed Galba. Otho quickly organized a conspiracy among the praetorians with the now-familiar promise of a material reward, and on 15 January 69 they declared him emperor and publicly killed Galba; Piso, dragged from hiding in the temple of Vesta, was also butchered.

Assessment
In sum, Galba had displayed talent and ambition during his lengthy career. He enjoyed distinguished ancestry, moved easily among the Julio-Claudian emperors (with the exception of Nero towards the end of his principate), and had been awarded the highest military and religious honors of ancient Rome. His qualifications for the principate cannot be questioned. Even so, history has been unkind to him. Tacitus characterized Galba as "weak and old," a man "equal to the imperial office, if he had never held it." Modern historians of the Roman world have been no less critical. To be sure, Galba's greatest mistake lay in his general handling of the military. His treatment of the army in Upper Germany was heedless, his policy towards the praetorians short sighted. Given the climate in 68-69, Galba was unrealistic in expecting disciplina without paying the promised rewards. He was also guilty of relying on poor advisors, who shielded him from reality and ultimately allowed Otho's conspiracy to succeed. Additionally, the excessive power of his henchmen brought the regime into disfavor and made Galba himself the principal target of the hatred that his aides had incited. Finally, the appointment of Piso, a young man in no way equal to the challenges placed before him, further underscored the emperor's isolation and lack of judgment. In the end, the instability of the post-Julio-Claudian political landscape offered challenges more formidable than a tired, septuagenarian aristocrat could hope to overcome. Ironically, his regime proved no more successful than the Neronian government he was so eager to replace. Another year of bloodshed would be necessary before the Principate could once again stand firm.

Copyright (C) 1999, John Donahue.
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.


Cleisthenes
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708a, Otho64 viewsOtho (69 A.D.)
John Donahue
College of William and Mary

Introduction
In January 69 Otho led a successful coup to overthrow the emperor Galba. Upon advancing to the throne, he hoped to conciliate his adversaries and restore political stability to the Empire. These ambitions were never to be realized. Instead, our sources portray a leader never fully able to win political confidence at Rome or to overcome military anarchy abroad. As a result, he was defeated in battle by the forces of Vitellius, his successor, and took his own life at the conclusion of the conflict. His principate lasted only eight weeks.
Early Life and Career
Marcus Salvius Otho was born at Ferentium on 28 April 32 A. D. His grandfather, also named Marcus Salvius Otho, was a senator who did not advance beyond the rank of praetor. Lucius Otho, his father, was consul in 33 and a trusted administrator under the emperors Tiberius, Gaius and Claudius. His mother, Albia Terentia, was likely to have been nobly born as well. The cognomen "Otho" was Etruscan in origin, and the fact that it can be traced to three successive generations of this family perhaps reflects a desire to maintain a part of the Etruscan tradition that formed the family's background.
Otho is recorded as being extravagant and wild as a youth - a favorite pastime involved roving about at night to snare drunkards in a blanket. Such behavior earned floggings from his father, whose frequent absences from home on imperial business suggest little in the way of a stabilizing parental influence in Otho's formative years. These traits apparently persisted: Suetonius records that Otho and Nero became close friends because of the similarity of their characters; and Plutarch relates that the young man was so extravagant that he sometimes chided Nero about his meanness, and even outdid the emperor in reckless spending.
Most intriguing in this context is Otho's involvement with Nero's mistress, Poppaea Sabina, the greatest beauty of her day. A relationship between the two is widely cited in the ancient sources, but the story differs in essential details from one account to the next. As a result, it is impossible to establish who seduced whom, whether Otho ever married Poppaea, and whether his posting to Lusitania by Nero should be understood as a "banishment" for his part in this affair. About the only reliable detail to emerge is that Otho did indeed become governor of Lusitania in 59, and that he assumed the post as a quaestor, a rank below that of praetor or consul, the minimum usually required for the office. From here he would launch his initial thrust towards the imperial throne.
Overthrow of Galba
Nero's suicide in June 68 marked the end of the Julio-Claudian dynasty and opened up the principate to the prerogatives of the military beyond Rome. First to emerge was Servius Sulpicius Galba, governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, who had been encouraged to revolt by the praetorians and especially by Nymphidius Sabinus, the corrupt and scheming praetorian prefect at Rome. By this time Otho had been in Spain for close to ten years. His record seems to have been a good one, marked by capable administration and an unwillingness to enrich himself at the expense of the province. At the same time, perhaps seeing this as his best chance to improve his own circumstances, he supported the insurrection as vigorously as possible, even sending Galba all of his gold and his best table servants. At the same time, he made it a point to win the favor of every soldier he came in contact with, most notably the members of the praetorian guard who had come to Spain to accompany Galba to Rome. Galba set out from Spain in July, formally assuming the emperorship shortly thereafter. Otho accompanied him on the journey.
Galba had been in Rome little more than two months when on 1 January 69 the troops in Upper Germany refused to declare allegiance to him and instead followed the men stationed in Lower Germany in proclaiming their commander, Aulus Vitellius, as the new ruler. To show that he was still in charge Galba adopted his own successor, Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus, an aristocrat completely without administrative or military experience. The choice meant little to the remote armies, the praetorians or the senate and particularly angered Otho, who had hoped to succeed Galba. Otho quickly organized a conspiracy among the praetorians with promise of a material reward, and on 15 January 69 they declared him emperor and publicly killed Galba; Piso, dragged from hiding in the temple of Vesta, was also butchered. On that same evening a powerless senate awarded Otho the imperial titles.
Otho's Principate in Rome
It is not possible to reconstruct a detailed chronology of Otho's brief eight and a half weeks as princeps in Rome (15 January-15 March). Even so, Galba's quick demise had surely impressed upon Otho the need to conciliate various groups. As a result, he continued his indulgence of the praetorian guard but he also tried to win over the senate by following a strict constitutionalist line and by generally keeping the designations for the consulship made by Nero and Galba. In the provinces, despite limited evidence, there are some indications that he tried to compensate for Galba's stinginess by being more generous with grants of citizenship. In short, Otho was eager not to offend anyone.
Problems remained, however. The praetorians had to be continually placated and they were always suspicious of the senate. On the other hand, the senate itself, along with the people, remained deeply disturbed at the manner of Otho's coming to power and his willingness to be associated with Nero. These suspicions and fears were most evident in the praetorian outbreak at Rome. Briefly, Otho had decided to move from Ostia to Rome a cohort of Roman citizens in order to replace some of Rome's garrison, much of which was to be utilized for the showdown with Vitellius. He ordered that weapons be moved from the praetorian camp in Rome by ship to Ostia at night so that the garrison replacements would be properly armed and made to look as soldierly as possible when they marched into the city. Thinking that a senatorial counter-coup against Otho was underway, the praetorians stormed the imperial palace to confirm the emperor's safety, with the result that they terrified Otho and his senatorial dinner guests. Although the praetorians' fears were eventually calmed and they were given a substantial cash payment, the incident dramatically underscored the unease at Rome in the early months of 69.
Otho's Offensive against Vitellius
Meanwhile, in the Rhineland, preparations for a march on Rome by the military legions that had declared for Vitellius were far advanced. Hampered by poor intelligence gathering in Gaul and Germany and having failed to negotiate a settlement with Vitellius in early 69, Otho finally summoned to Italy his forces for a counterattack against the invading Vitellian army. His support consisted of the four legions of Pannonia and Dalmatia, the three legions of Moesia and his own imperial retinue of about 9,000. Vitellius' own troops numbered some 30,000, while those of his two marshals, Aulus Caecina Alienus and Fabius Valens, were between 15,000 and 20,000 each.
Otho's strategy was to make a quick diversionary strike in order to allow time for his own forces to assemble in Italy before engaging the enemy. The strategy worked, as the diversionary army, comprised of urban cohorts, praetorians and marines all from Rome or nearby, was successful in Narbonese Gaul in latter March. An advance guard sent to hold the line on the Po River until the Danubian legions arrived also enjoyed initial success. Otho himself arrived at Bedriacum in northern Italy about 10 April for a strategy session with his commanders. The main concern was that the Vitellians were building a bridge across the Po in order to drive southward towards the Apennines and eventually to Rome. Otho decided to counter by ordering a substantial part of his main force to advance from Bedriacum and establish a new base close enough to the new Vitellian bridge to interrupt its completion. While en route, the Othonian forces, strung out along the via Postumia amid baggage and supply trains, were attacked by Caecina and Valens near Cremona on 14 April. The clash, know as the Battle of Bedriacum, resulted in the defeat of the Othonian forces, their retreat cut off by the river behind them. Otho himself, meanwhile, was not present, but had gone to Brixellum with a considerable force of infantry and cavalry in order to impede any Vitellian units that had managed to cross the Po.
The plan had backfired. Otho's strategy of obtaining victory while avoiding any major battles had proven too risky. Realizing perhaps that a new round of fighting would have involved not only a significant re-grouping of his existing troops but also a potentially bloody civil war at Rome, if Vitellius' troops reached the capital, Otho decided that enough blood had been shed. Two weeks shy of his thirty-seventh birthday, on 16 April 69, he took his own life.
Assessment
To be sure, Otho remains an enigma - part profligate Neronian wastrel and part conscientious military commander willing to give his life for the good of the state. Our sources are at a loss to explain the paradox. Perhaps, like Petronius, he saw it was safer to appear a profligate in Nero's court? In the final analysis, Otho proved to be an organized and efficient military commander, who appealed more to the soldier than to the civilian. He also seems to have been a capable governor, with administrative talents that recalled those of his father. Nevertheless, his violent overthrow of Galba, the lingering doubts that it raised about his character, and his unsuccessful offensive against Vitellius are all vivid reminders of the turbulence that plagued the Roman world between the reigns of Nero and Vespasian. Regrettably, the scenario would play itself out one more time before peace and stability returned to the empire.
Copyright (C) 1999, John Donahue
Edited by J.P.Fitzgerald, Jr.

Cleisthenes
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710a, Vespasian, 1 July 69 - 24 June 79 A.D.134 viewsSilver denarius, RIC II, 10, aVF, 3.5 g, 18mm, Rome mint, 69-71 AD; Obverse: IMP CAESA[R] VESPASIANV[S AV]G - Laureate head right; Reverse: COS ITER [T]R POT - Pax seated left holding branch and caduceus. Ex Imperial Coins.


De Imperatoribus Romanis:
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families

Titus Flavius Vespasianus (A.D. 69-79)

John Donahue
College of William and Mary

Introduction

Titus Flavius Vespasianus (b. A.D. 9, d. A.D. 79, emperor A.D. 69-79) restored peace and stability to an empire in disarray following the death of Nero in A.D. 68. In the process he established the Flavian dynasty as the legitimate successor to the Imperial throne. Although we lack many details about the events and chronology of his reign, Vespasian provided practical leadership and a return to stable government - accomplishments which, when combined with his other achievements, make his emperorship particularly notable within the history of the Principate.

Early Life and Career

Vespasian was born at Falacrina near Sabine Reate on 17 November, A.D. 9, the son of T. Flavius Sabinus, a successful tax collector and banker, and Vespasia Polla. Both parents were of equestrian status. Few details of his first fifteen years survive, yet it appears that his father and mother were often away from home on business for long periods. As a result, Vespasian's early education became the responsibility of his paternal grandmother, Tertulla. [[1]] In about A.D. 25 Vespasian assumed the toga virilis and later accepted the wearing of the latus clavus, and with it the senatorial path that his older brother, T. Flavius Sabinus, had already chosen. [[2]] Although many of the particulars are lacking, the posts typically occupied by one intent upon a senatorial career soon followed: a military tribunate in Thrace, perhaps for three or four years; a quaestorship in Crete-Cyrene; and the offices of aedile and praetor, successively, under the emperor Gaius. [[3]]

It was during this period that Vespasian married Flavia Domitilla. Daughter of a treasury clerk and former mistress of an African knight, Flavia lacked the social standing and family connections that the politically ambitious usually sought through marriage. In any case, the couple produced three children, a daughter, also named Flavia Domitilla, and two sons, the future emperors Titus and Domitian . Flavia did not live to witness her husband's emperorship and after her death Vespasian returned to his former mistress Caenis, who had been secretary to Antonia (daughter of Marc Antony and mother of Claudius). Caenis apparently exerted considerable influence over Vespasian, prompting Suetonius to assert that she remained his wife in all but name, even after he became emperor. [[4]]

Following the assassination of Gaius on 24 January, A.D. 41, Vespasian advanced rapidly, thanks in large part to the new princeps Claudius, whose favor the Flavians had wisely secured with that of Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius' freedmen, especially Narcissus. [[5]] The emperor soon dispatched Vespasian to Argentoratum (Strasbourg) as legatus legionis II Augustae, apparently to prepare the legion for the invasion of Britain. Vespasian first appeared at the battle of Medway in A.D. 43, and soon thereafter led his legion across the south of England, where he engaged the enemy thirty times in battle, subdued two tribes, and conquered the Isle of Wight. According to Suetonius, these operations were conducted partly under Claudius and partly under Vespasian's commander, Aulus Plautius. Vespasian's contributions, however, did not go unnoticed; he received the ornamenta triumphalia and two priesthoods from Claudius for his exploits in Britain. [[6]]

By the end of A.D. 51 Vespasian had reached the consulship, the pinnacle of a political career at Rome. For reasons that remain obscure he withdrew from political life at this point, only to return when chosen proconsul of Africa about A.D. 63-64. His subsequent administration of the province was marked by severity and parsimony, earning him a reputation for being scrupulous but unpopular. [[7]] Upon completion of his term, Vespasian returned to Rome where, as a senior senator, he became a man of influence in the emperor Nero's court. [[8]] Important enough to be included on Nero's tour of Greece in A.D. 66-67, Vespasian soon found himself in the vicinity of increasing political turbulence in the East. The situation would prove pivotal in advancing his career.

Judaea and the Accession to Power

In response to rioting in Caesarea and Jerusalem that had led to the slaughter in the latter city of Jewish leaders and Roman soldiers, Nero granted to Vespasian in A.D. 66 a special command in the East with the objective of settling the revolt in Judaea. By spring A.D. 67, with 60,000 legionaries, auxiliaries, and allies under his control, Vespasian set out to subdue Galilee and then to cut off Jerusalem. Success was quick and decisive. By October all of Galilee had been pacified and plans for the strategic encirclement of Jerusalem were soon formed. [[9]] Meanwhile, at the other end of the empire, the revolts of Gaius Iulius Vindex, governor of Gallia Lugdunensis, and Servius Sulpicius Galba , governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, had brought Nero's reign to the brink of collapse. The emperor committed suicide in June, A.D. 68, thereby ensuring chaos for the next eighteen months, as first Galba and then Marcus Salvius Otho and Aulus Vitellius acceded to power. Each lacked broad-based military and senatorial support; each would be violently deposed in turn. [[10]]

Still occupied with plans against Jerusalem, Vespasian swore allegiance to each emperor. Shortly after Vitellius assumed power in spring, A.D. 69, however, Vespasian met on the border of Judaea and Syria with Gaius Licinius Mucianus, governor of Syria, and after a series of private and public consultations, the two decided to revolt. [[11]] On July 1, at the urging of Tiberius Alexander, prefect of Egypt, the legions of Alexandria declared for Vespasian, as did the legions of Judaea two days later. By August all of Syria and the Danube legions had done likewise. Vespasian next dispatched Mucianus to Italy with 20,000 troops, while he set out from Syria to Alexandria in order to control grain shipments for the purpose of starving Italy into submission. [[12]] The siege of Jerusalem he placed in the hands of his son Titus.

Meanwhile, the Danubian legions, unwilling to wait for Mucianus' arrival, began their march against Vitellius ' forces. The latter army, suffering from a lack of discipline and training, and unaccustomed to the heat of Rome, was defeated at Cremona in late October. [[13]] By mid-December the Flavian forces had reached Carsulae, 95 kilometers north of Rome on the Flaminian Road, where the Vitellians, with no further hope of reinforcements, soon surrendered. At Rome, unable to persuade his followers to accept terms for his abdication, Vitellius was in peril. On the morning of December 20 the Flavian army entered Rome. By that afternoon, the emperor was dead. [[14]]

Tacitus records that by December 22, A.D. 69, Vespasian had been given all the honors and privileges usually granted to emperors. Even so, the issue remains unclear, owing largely to a surviving fragment of an enabling law, the lex de imperio Vespasiani, which conferred powers, privileges, and exemptions, most with Julio-Claudian precedents, on the new emperor. Whether the fragment represents a typical granting of imperial powers that has uniquely survived in Vespasian's case, or is an attempt to limit or expand such powers, remains difficult to know. In any case, the lex sanctioned all that Vespasian had done up to its passing and gave him authority to act as he saw fit on behalf of the Roman people. [[15]]

What does seem clear is that Vespasian felt the need to legitimize his new reign with vigor. He zealously publicized the number of divine omens that predicted his accession and at every opportunity he accumulated multiple consulships and imperial salutations. He also actively promoted the principle of dynastic succession, insisting that the emperorship would fall to his son. The initiative was fulfilled when Titus succeeded his father in A.D. 79.[[16]]

Emperorship

Upon his arrival in Rome in late summer, A.D. 70, Vespasian faced the daunting task of restoring a city and a government ravaged by the recent civil wars. Although many particulars are missing, a portrait nevertheles emerges of a ruler conscientiously committed to the methodical renewal of both city and empire. Concerning Rome itself, the emperor encouraged rebuilding on vacated lots, restored the Capitol (burned in A.D. 69), and also began work on several new buildings: a temple to the deified Claudius on the Caelian Hill, a project designed to identify Vespasian as a legitimate heir to the Julio-Claudians, while distancing himself from Nero ; a temple of Peace near the Forum; and the magnificent Colosseum (Flavian Amphitheatre), located on the site of the lake of Nero 's Golden House. [[17]]

Claiming that he needed forty thousand million sesterces for these projects and for others aimed at putting the state on more secure footing, Vespasian is said to have revoked various imperial immunities, manipulated the supply of certain commodities to inflate their price, and increased provincial taxation. [[18]] The measures are consistent with his characterization in the sources as both obdurate and avaricious. There were occasional political problems as well: Helvidius Priscus, an advocate of senatorial independence and a critic of the Flavian regime from the start, was exiled after A.D. 75 and later executed; Marcellus Eprius and A. Alienus Caecina were condemned by Titus for conspiracy, the former committing suicide, the latter executed in A.D. 79.
As Suetonius claims, however, in financial matters Vespasian always put revenues to the best possible advantage, regardless of their source. Tacitus, too, offers a generally favorable assessment, citing Vespasian as the first man to improve after becoming emperor. [[19]] Thus do we find the princeps offering subventions to senators not possessing the property qualifications of their rank, restoring many cities throughout the empire, and granting state salaries for the first time to teachers of Latin and Greek rhetoric. To enhance Roman economic and social life even further, he encouraged theatrical productions by building a new stage for the Theatre of Marcellus, and he also put on lavish state dinners to assist the food trades. [[20]]

In other matters the emperor displayed similar concern. He restored the depleted ranks of the senatorial and equestrian orders with eligible Italian and provincial candidates and reduced the backlog of pending court cases at Rome. Vespasian also re-established discipline in the army, while punishing or dismissing large numbers of Vitellius ' men. [[21]]
Beyond Rome, the emperor increased the number of legions in the East and continued the process of imperial expansion by the annexation of northern England, the pacification of Wales, and by advances into Scotland and southwest Germany between the Rhine and the Danube. Vespasian also conferred rights on communities abroad, especially in Spain, where the granting of Latin rights to all native communities contributed to the rapid Romanization of that province during the Imperial period. [[22]]

Death and Assessment

In contrast to his immediate imperial predecessors, Vespasian died peacefully - at Aquae Cutiliae near his birthplace in Sabine country on 23 June, A.D. 79, after contracting a brief illness. The occasion is said to have inspired his deathbed quip: "Oh my, I must be turning into a god!" [[23]] In fact, public deification did follow his death, as did his internment in the Mausoleum of Augustus alongside the Julio-Claudians.

A man of strict military discipline and simple tastes, Vespasian proved to be a conscientious and generally tolerant administrator. More importantly, following the upheavals of A.D. 68-69, his reign was welcome for its general tranquility and restoration of peace. In Vespasian Rome found a leader who made no great breaks with tradition, yet his ability ro rebuild the empire and especially his willingness to expand the composition of the governing class helped to establish a positive working model for the "good emperors" of the second century.

Bibliography

Since the scholarship on Vespasian is more comprehensive than can be treated here, the works listed below are main accounts or bear directly upon issues discussed in the entry above. A comprehensive modern anglophone study of this emperor is yet to be produced.

Atti congresso internazionale di studi Flaviani, 2 vols. Rieti, 1983.

Atti congresso internazionale di studi Vespasianei, 2 vols. Rieti, 1981.

Bosworth, A.B. "Vespasian and the Provinces: Some Problems of the Early 70s A.D." Athenaeum 51 (1973): 49-78.

Brunt, P. A. "Lex de imperio Vespasiani." JRS (67) 1977: 95-116.

D'Espèrey, S. Franchet. "Vespasien, Titus et la littérature." ANRW II.32.5: 3048-3086.

Dudley, D. and Webster, G. The Roman Conquest of Britain. London, 1965.

Gonzalez, J. "The Lex Irnitana: A New Copy of the Flavian Municipal Law." JRS 76 (1986): 147-243.

Grant, M. The Roman Emperors: A Biographical Guide to the Rulers of Rome, 31 B.C. - A.D. 476. New York, 1985.

Homo, L. Vespasien, l'Empereur du bons sens (69-79 ap. J.-C.). Paris, 1949.

Levi, M.A. "I Flavi." ANRW II.2: 177-207.

McCrum, M. and Woodhead, A. G. Select Documents of the Principates of the Flavian Emperors Including the Year of the Revolution. Cambridge, 1966.

Nicols, John. Vespasian and the Partes Flavianae. Wiesbaden, 1978.

Scarre, C. Chronicle of the Roman Emperors. The Reign-by-Reign Record of the Rulers of Imperial Rome. London, 1995.

Suddington, D. B. The Development of the Roman Auxiliary Forces from Caesar to Vespasian, 49 B.C. - A.D. 79. Harare: U. of Zimbabwe, 1982.

Syme, R. Tacitus. Oxford, 1958.

Wardel, David. "Vespasian, Helvidius Priscus and the Restoration of the Capitol." Historia 45 (1996): 208-222.

Wellesley, K. The Long Year: A.D. 69. Bristol, 1989, 2nd ed.


Notes

[[1]] Suet. Vesp. 2.1. Suetonius remains the major source but see also Tac. Hist. 2-5; Cass. Dio 65; Joseph. BJ 3-4.

[[2]] Suetonius (Vesp. 2.1) claims that Vespasian did not accept the latus clavus, the broad striped toga worn by one aspiring to a senatorial career, immediately. The delay, however, was perhaps no more than three years. See J. Nicols, Vespasian and the Partes Flavianae (Wiesbaden, 1978), 2.

[[3]] Military tribunate and quaestorship: Suet. Vesp. 2.3; aedileship: ibid., 5.3, in which Gaius, furious that Vespasian had not kept the streets clean, as was his duty, ordered some soldiers to load him with filth;,they complied by stuffing his toga with as much as it could hold. See also Dio 59.12.2-3; praetorship: Suet. Vesp. 2.3, in which Vespasian is depicted as one of Gaius' leading adulators, an account consistent with Tacitus' portrayal (Hist 1.50.4; 2.5.1) of his early career. For a more complete discussion of these posts and attendant problems of dating, see Nicols, Vespasian, 2-7.

[[4]] Marriage and Caenis: Suet. Vesp. 3; Cass. Dio 65.14.

[[5]] Nicols, Vespasian, 12-39.

[[6]] Suet. Vesp. 4.1 For additional details on Vespasian's exploits in Britain, see D. Dudley and G. Webster, The Roman Conquest of Britain (London, 1965), 55 ff., 98.

[[7]] Concerning Vespasian's years between his consulship and proconsulship, see Suet. Vesp. 4.2 and Nicols, Vespasian, 9. On his unpopularity in Africa, see Suet. Vesp. 4.3, an account of a riot at Hadrumentum, where he was once pelted with turnips. In recording that Africa supported Vitellius in A.D. 69, Tacitus too suggests popular dissatisfaction with Vespasian's proconsulship. See Hist. 2.97.2.

[[8]] This despite the fact that the sources record two rebukes of Vespasian, one for extorting money from a young man seeking career advancement (Suet. Vesp. 4.3), the other for either leaving the room or dozing off during one of the emperor's recitals (Suet. Vesp. 4.4 and 14, which places the transgression in Greece; Tac. (Ann. 16.5.3), who makes Rome and the Quinquennial Games of A.D. 65 the setting; A. Braithwaite, C. Suetoni Tranquilli Divus Vespasianus, Oxford, 1927, 30, who argues for both Greece and Rome).

[[9]] Subjugation of Galilee: Joseph. BJ 3.65-4.106; siege of Jerusalem: ibid., 4.366-376, 414.

[[10]] Revolt of Vindex: Suet. Nero 40; Tac. Ann. 14.4; revolt of Galba: Suet. Galba 10; Plut. Galba, 4-5; suicide of Nero: Suet. Nero 49; Cass. Dio 63.29.2. For the most complete account of the period between Nero's death and the accession of Vespasian, see K. Wellesley, The Long Year: A.D. 69, 2nd. ed. (Bristol, 1989).

[[11]] Tac. Hist. 2.76.

[[12]] Troops in support of Vespasian: Suet. Vit. 15; Mucianus and his forces: Tac. Hist. 2.83; Vespasian and grain shipments: Joseph. BJ 4.605 ff.; see also Tac. Hist. 3.48, on Vespasian's possible plan to shut off grain shipments to Italy from Carthage as well.

[[13]] On Vitellius' army and its lack of discipline, see Tac. Hist. 2.93-94; illness of army: ibid., 2.99.1; Cremona: ibid., 3.32-33.

[[14]] On Vitellius' last days, see Tac. Hist. 3.68-81. On the complicated issue of Vitellius' death date, see L. Holzapfel, "Römische Kaiserdaten," Klio 13 (1913): 301.

[[15]] Honors, etc. Tac. Hist. 4.3. For more on the lex de imperio Vespasiani, see P. A. Brunt, "Lex de imperio Vespasiani," JRS (67) 1977: 95-116.

[[16]] Omens: Suet. Vesp. 5; consulships and honors: ibid., 8; succession of sons: ibid., 25.

[[17]] On Vespasian's restoration of Rome, see Suet. Vesp. 9; Cass. Dio 65.10; D. Wardel, "Vespasian, Helvidius Priscus and the Restoration of the Capitol," Historia 45 (1996): 208-222.

[[18]] Suet. Vesp. 16.

[[19]] Ibid.; Tac. Hist. 1.50.

[[20]] Suet. Vesp. 17-19.

[[21]] Ibid., 8-10.

[[22]] On Vespasian's exploits in Britain, see esp. Tac., Agricola, eds. R. M. Ogilvie and I. A. Richmond (1967), and W. S. Hanson, Agricola and the Conquest of the North (1987); on the granting of Latin rights in Spain, see, e.g., J. Gonzalez, "The Lex Irnitana: a New Copy of the Flavian Municipal Law." JRS 76 (1986): 147-243.

[[23]] For this witticism and other anecdotes concerning Vespasian's sense of humor, see Suet. Vesp. 23.

Copyright (C) 1998, John Donahue. Published on De Imperatoribus Romanis, an Online Encyplopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families.
http://www.roman-emperors.org/vespasia.htm
Used by permission.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.





Cleisthenes
RIC_Incierta_Minimus_Claudio_II_Altar_1.jpg
94-35 - CLAUDIO GOTICO (268 - 270 D.C.)7 viewsANTIGUA FALSIFICACIÓN ó ACUÑACIÓN NO OFICIAL
AE Minimus? (Pequeño módulo) 17 mm 2.0 gr.

Anv: "DIVO CLAVDIO" - Cabeza radiada viendo a derecha.
Rev: "[CONSECRATIO]" - Altar llameante decorado.

IMITACIÓN ITALIANA, Después de la revuelta de Mont Caelius (Una de las 7 colinas de Roma, hoy Celio) de Roma en 271 D.C., los monetarios de la ciudad perdieron su estatus de monetarios oficiales, sin embargo continuaron acuñando moneda, en Italia del norte, así pasaron a ser simples falsificadores.
También se acuñaron en Las Galias e Hispania.

Acuñada después de 271 D.C.
Ceca: No oficial

Referencias: Sim. RIC Va #261 P.233, Sim. Sear RCTV '88 #3228, Sim. Sear RCTV III #11462 P.412, Sim.Cohen VI #50 P.135 (Nota), Sim.DVM #44/1 Pag.256
mdelvalle
RIC_Incierta_Minimus_Claudio_II.jpg
94-36 - CLAUDIO GOTICO (268 - 270 D.C.)8 viewsAE Minimus? (Pequeño módulo) 15 x 16 mm 1.2 gr.

ANTIGUA FALSIFICACIÓN ó ACUÑACIÓN NO OFICIAL
AE Minimus? (Pequeño módulo) 15 mm 1.2 gr.

Anv: "DIV[O CLAVDIO]" - Cabeza radiada viendo a derecha.
Rev: "[CONSEC]RATIO" - Altar llameante decorado con cuatro cajones y un punto en cada cajon.

IMITACIÓN ITALIANA, Después de la revuelta de Mont Caelius (Una de las 7 colinas de Roma, hoy Celio) de Roma en 271 D.C., los monetarios de la ciudad perdieron su estatus de monetarios oficiales, sin embargo continuaron acuñando moneda, en Italia del norte, así pasaron a ser simples falsificadores.
También se acuñaron en Las Galias e Hispania.

Acuñada después de 271 D.C.
Ceca: No oficial

Referencias: Sim. RIC Va #261 P.233, Sim. Sear RCTV '88 #3228, Sim. Sear RCTV III #11462 P.412, Sim.Cohen VI #50 P.135 (Nota), Sim.DVM #44/1 Pag.256
mdelvalle
RIC_Incierta_Minimus_Claudio_II_Fides.jpg
94-40 - CLAUDIO GOTICO (268 - 270 D.C.)9 viewsANTIGUA FALSIFICACIÓN ó ACUÑACIÓN NO OFICIAL
AE Minimus? (Pequeño módulo) 14 mm 1.7 gr.

Anv: "[DI]VO CL[AVDIO]" - Cabeza radiada viendo a derecha.
Rev: "FIDES [MILITVM]" - Fides (La Fidelidad) de pié de frente, viendo a izquierda, portando un estandarte militar en mano derecha y una lanza en la izquierda.

IMITACIÓN ITALIANA, Después de la revuelta de Mont Caelius (Una de las 7 colinas de Roma, hoy Celio) de Roma en 271 D.C., los monetarios de la ciudad perdieron su estatus de monetarios oficiales, sin embargo continuaron acuñando moneda, en Italia del norte, así pasaron a ser simples falsificadores.
También se acuñaron en Las Galias e Hispania.

Acuñada después de 271 D.C.
Ceca: No oficial

Referencias: Sim. RIC Va #273 Pag.235 - Cohen Vol.VI #94 Pag.139 - Sear RCTV III Nota Pag.413
mdelvalle
RIC_Incierta_Minimus_Claudio_II_Aguila_1.jpg
94-45 - CLAUDIO GOTICO (268 - 270 D.C.)9 viewsANTIGUA FALSIFICACIÓN ó ACUÑACIÓN NO OFICIAL
AE Minimus? (Pequeño módulo) 14 x 13 mm 2.2 gr.

Anv: "[DIVO CLAVDIO]", Cabeza radiada viendo a derecha.
Rev: "[CON]SEC[RATIO]", Aguila parada de frente con su cabeza hacia la derecha y sus alas extendidas

IMITACIÓN ITALIANA, Después de la revuelta de Mont Caelius (Una de las 7 colinas de Roma, hoy Celio) de Roma en 271 D.C., los monetarios de la ciudad perdieron su estatus de monetarios oficiales, sin embargo continuaron acuñando moneda, en Italia del norte, así pasaron a ser simples falsificadores.
También se acuñaron en forma irregular en Las Galias e Hispania.

Acuñada después de 271 D.C.
Ceca: No oficial

Referencias: Sim.RIC Va #266 P.234, Sim.Sear RCTV III #11459 P.412 y Nota P.413, Sim.Cohen VI #41 P.134, Sim.DVM #44/2 P.256
mdelvalle
RIC_Incierta_Minimus_Claudio_II_Aguila.jpg
94-46 - CLAUDIO GOTICO (268 - 270 D.C.)9 viewsANTIGUA FALSIFICACIÓN ó ACUÑACIÓN NO OFICIAL
AE Minimus? (Pequeño módulo) 14 x 13 mm 2.2 gr.

Anv: "[DIVO CLAVDIO]" - Cabeza radiada viendo a derecha.
Rev: "[CONSE]CRATIO" - Aguila parada de frente con su cabeza hacia la derecha y sus alas extendidas.

IMITACIÓN ITALIANA, Después de la revuelta de Mont Caelius (Una de las 7 colinas de Roma, hoy Celio) de Roma en 271 D.C., los monetarios de la ciudad perdieron su estatus de monetarios oficiales, sin embargo continuaron acuñando moneda, en Italia del norte, así pasaron a ser simples falsificadores.
También se acuñaron en forma irregular en Las Galias e Hispania.

Acuñada después de 271 D.C.
Ceca: No oficial

Referencias: Sim.RIC Va #266 P.234, Sim.Sear RCTV III #11459 P.412 y Nota P.413, Sim.Cohen VI #41 P.134, Sim.DVM #44/2 P.256
mdelvalle
499Hadrian_RIC952.jpg
952 Hadrian Sestertius Roma 134-38 AD Hispania39 viewsReference.
Strack 777; RIC 952; Spink 3633; C. 1272.

Obv. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Bust of Hadrian, laureate, draped, right

Rev. RESTITVTORI HISPANIAE in ex.S C
Hadrian, togate, standing left, on right, holding roll in left hand and extending right hand to raise up Hispania, kneeling, facing him, on left, holding branch in left hand; rabbit in center

25.40 gr
1 commentsokidoki
ivlia.jpg
a typical IVLIA TRAD of Augustus the obverse is very worn, but identifiable.19 viewsMost collectors are familiar with these. Coins were struck at this site in Hispania only for a short time around the time of a visit by Augustus, a scarce coin. 1 commentsRyan C
A_Postumius_Albinus_Hispan.jpg
A. Postumius A.f. S.n. Albinus - AR serratus denarius10 views²Sardinia
¹Rome
¹²81 BC
veiled head of Hispania right
HISPAN
togate figure standing left, extending hand toward legionary eagle right; fasces with axe right
A· // (AL)BIN // N·S·
POST·A·F
¹Crawford 372/2, Sydenham 746, RSC I Postumia 8, BMCRR I Rome 2839, SRCV I 297
²Mark Passehl - Roman moneyer & coin type chronology, 150 – 50 BC
3,8g
ex Solidus

Refers to the praetorship of L. Postumius Albinus over Spain and his successful expeditions against the Vaccaei and Lusitani, and the levying of troops for this campaign.
Johny SYSEL
L__Postumia_Albinus.jpg
A. Postumius A.f. Sp.n. - Postumia-8128 viewsA. Postumius A.f. Sp.n. Denarius (3.93 gm) 81 BC. HISPAN, veiled head of Hispania / A ALBIN S N, togate figure standing left between legionary eagle and fasces, POST A F in ex. Sydenham 746, Crawford 372/2, RCV 2974 commentsBud Stewart
A_Postumius_Hispan.png
A. Postumius A.f. Sp.n. Albinus12 viewsA. Postumius A. f. Sp. n. Albinus AR Serrate Denarius. Rome, 81 BC.
20mm, 3.8 g
Veiled head of Hispania right, HISPAN behind / Togate figure standing left, raising hand; legionary eagle to left; fasces with axe to right. Crawford 372/2; RSC Postumia 8.
Rob D
A__POSTUMIUS_A_F__SP_N__ALBINUS.jpg
A. POSTUMIUS A.F. SP.N. ALBINUS AR Denarius Cr372/2, Legionary Eagle36 viewsOBV: HISPAN, veiled head of Hispania
REV: A ALBIN S N, togate figure standing left between legionary eagle and fasces, POST A F in ex
3.34g; 20mm

Minted at Rome, 81 BC
Legatus
rep33.jpg
A. Postumius A.f. Sp.n. Albinus. 81 BC. AR Serrate Denarius (19.4mm, 3.96 g, 11h).34 viewsRome mint. Veiled head of Hispania right / Togate figure standing left, raising hand, between aquila and fasces. Crawford 372/2; Sydenham 746; Postumia 8; Type as RBW 1393. Good VF, toned, obverse die bulge with resulting depression.

From the Andrew McCabe Collection. Ex Roma Special Auction May 2013 (21 May 2013), lot 1237; Bolaffi Ambassador (26 May 2011), lot 37.
The depression on the obverse shows signs of the struck design within the incuse. This may be the result of a die that bulged after it was engraved; impurities in the metal of the die itself caused it to “bubble,” creating the die bulge. Or perhaps the bulge was already on the face of the die, and instead of planing off the face of the die, the engraver simply engraved over it. [KKW]
1 commentsBritanikus
203.jpg
A. Postumius Albinus Denarius Serratus - Hispania, Togate Figure with Legionary Eagle (Crawf. 372/2)16 viewsAR Denarius Serratus
Rome, 81 BC
3.90g

Obv: Veiled head of Hispania (R), HISPAN upward in field behind.

Rev: Togate figure standing (L), raising hand to legionary 'aquila' eagle, fasces with axe to right.

Crawford 372/2; Postumia 8; Sydenham 746; RBW 1393

NAC Auction 114 - Part II, 07/05/2019, Lot 1315
1 commentsOptimo Principi
0068.jpg
A. Postumius Albinus. Denarius41 viewsRRC 372/2
81 BC

Obverse: HISPAN, Veiled head of Hispania r
Reverse: ·S·N – ALBIN Togate figure standing l., raising hand; to l., legionary eagle and to r., fasces with axe.

Issued when Rome had won the supremacy in Italy but was still fighting the last of the Marians in Spain.

....and so the magistrate has been iddentified as the praetor Lucius Postumius Albinus who had gone to further Spain in 180 and had his term prorogued into 179. He fought two major battles with the Vaccaei, killing a reported 35,000. (....) If the magistrate on the coin is the victorious praetor, his century old triumph over the Lusitanians was especially relevant in 81, for ir was among the Lusitanians where Sertorius found the greatest support. (Harlan)

The moneyer is assumed to be a grandson of the consul of 110 and a son of the moneyer of 96 (Crawford)
--
Ex Numismatica Ars Classica, Auction 78; Lot 635, 26 - 27 May 2014
3 commentsNorbert
iber_2_res.jpg
ANONYMOUS REPUBLICAN BARBAROUS SEMIS, HISPANIA 23 viewsafter 211 BC
AE 16 mm, 2.11 g
O: Laureate head of Saturn right, inverted S behind.
R: Prow of galley right, S above, ROMA in exergue
laney
iber_1_res.jpg
ANONYMOUS REPUBLICAN SEMIS, HISPANIA 21 viewsafter 211 BC
AE 20 mm, 3.78 g
O: Laureate head of Saturn right, S behind.
R: Prow of galley right, S above, ROMA in exergue
laney
Ara_Pacis_Rom.jpg
Ara Pacis39 viewsThe Ara Pacis Augustae (Latin, "Altar of Augustan Peace"; commonly shortened to Ara Pacis) is an altar in Rome dedicated to Pax, the Roman goddess of Peace. The monument was commissioned by the Roman Senate on July 4, 13 B.C. to honor the return of Augustus to Rome after three years in Hispania and Gaul, and consecrated on January 30, 9 B.C. Originally located on the northern outskirts of Rome, a Roman mile from the boundary of the pomerium on the west side of the Via Flaminia, it stood in the northeastern corner of the Campus Martius, the former flood plain of the Tiber River and gradually became buried under 4 metres (13 ft) of silt deposits. It was reassembled in its current location, now the Museum of the Ara Pacis, in 1938.

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ara_Pacis
Joe Sermarini
Hispania_Repiblican2.JPG
AS OF IRIPPO. Hispania, Irippo (area of Seville), 28 views25 mm, 5.07 g. Semis. ca.30 BC. IRIPPO,
inscription before bare head of Augustus (Octavian) right / female seated left holding pine cone and cornucopiae.
RPC 55; Burgos 1238; Mionnet 402. _2050
Antonivs Protti
claudius_As_cf_ric100.jpg
As (struck in Hispania or Gaul; possibly unofficial); Minerva; cf. RIC I 10014 viewsClaudius, 25 January 41 - 13 October 54 A.D. Copper as, cf. RIC I 100, SRCV I 1861 and BMCRE I 149 (Rome mint), VF, green patina, western provincial mint, 9.744g, 29.3mm, 180o, 41 - 42 A.D.; obverse TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG P M TR P IMP, bare head left; reverse S C, Minerva advancing right brandishing javelin in right, shield in left; double-struck, old cut on obverse, possibly an unofficial imitative. Many Claudius sestertii and asses, such as this coin, were clearly not products of the Rome mint. They appear to have been struck in Hispania or Gaul. The coins may have been official or perhaps unofficial imitations. Ex FORVMPodiceps
Obulco,_Hispania,_Augustus.JPG
AS de Augusto SPAIN19 viewsRPC 271 Augustus AE As Lepida-Celsa, Tarraconensis. AVGVSTVS DIVI F, bare head right / C V I CEL L SVRA L BVCCO IIVIR, bull standing right.Antonivs Protti
9eEGYk7pfdF6Q8yFj45BKo32mZ4wbA.jpg
AUGUSTUS AE as. Carthago Nova, Hispania. Duovirs M Postumius Albinus & L Porcius Capito. Priest standing holding branch.18 viewsAUGUSTUS AE as. Struck at Carthago Nova, Hispania, under Duovirs Marcus Postumius Albinus & Lucius Porcius Capito. AVGVSTVS DIVI F, laureate head of Augustus right. Reverse - M POSTVM ALBIN LPORC CAPIT II VIR Q, Priest standing, holding vase & branch. RPC 170. 28mm, 13.2g. Antonivs Protti
coin146a.jpg
Augustus As RPC 135 29mm 12.2 gms18 viewsAugustus As RPC 135 29mm 12.2 gms Acci (Hispania
Tarraconensis) Obv. Bust right laureate AVGVSTVS
DIVI F. Rev. C I G ACCI L I II, two aquilae between
two signa. Coin #146
cars100
octavian_spanish_mint_caetra.jpg
Augustus As, Caetra9 viewsObverse: IMP AVG DIVI F. Bust of Augustus. Palm branch in the left field and caduceus in the right.
Reverse: Iberian shield, called caetra.
Mint: Northwestern Hispania (Lucus?). Minted around the time of the Cantabrian campaign.

Weight: 9,78 g. Diameter: 25 mm. Axis: 0º.

Reference: RPC I 4.
Manuel
Augustus_Carteia_Tyche_and_Neptune.JPG
Augustus Carteia Tyche and Neptune71 viewsAugustus, Carteia Spain, AE Semis, 27 BC - 14 AD, 21.36mm, 7.2g, RPC I 122, Villaronga 71, Burgos 662,
OBV: CARTEIA, Turreted bust of Tyche right
REV: D D, Neptune standing left, foot on rock, holding dolphin and trident

The Latin colony of Carteia was founded in 171 B.C. In 27 B.C., when Augustus had become emperor, Hispania Ulterior was divided into Baetica (modern Andalusia) and Lusitania (modern Portugal, Extremadura, and part of Castilla-León). Cantabria and Basque country were also added to Hispania Citerior.
3 commentsRomanorvm
augusto-5.jpg
Augustus RPC 10840 views Julia Traducta, Hispania.

PERM CAES AVG

IVLIA TRAD
1 commentsxokleng
coeliuscaldus.jpg
C. COELIUS CALDUS142 viewsAR denarius. 51 BC. 3.91 gm, 8h . Bare head of the Consul C. Coelius Caldus right; C. COEL. CALDVS before, COS below, tablet inscribed L D behind / Radiate head of Sol right; S above oval shield ornamented with thunderbolt behind ; round shield below chin. CALDVS III VIR before . Crawford 437/1b; Sydenham 892; RSC Coelia 5.

The ancestor of the monneyer ,also named Gaius Coelius Caldus was a prominent political figure in the late 2nd century BC.Governor of Hispania as proconsul,Consul in 94 BC.He also won significant victories over the Gallic Salluvii in 90 BC,as alluded to by the shields.
As TR P ( Tribunus plebis) he passed the 'Lex Coelia Tabellaria' . The new law allowed jurors serving on cases of treason to decide by secret ballot, rather than 'viva voce' ,(word of mouth.). A tablet would be inscribed with either 'L' (Libero, I absolve) or a" D" (Damno - I condemn).
Himself a monneyer,see RSC Coelia 2 and 3.
benito
Cloelius_Caldus.jpg
C. Coelius Caldus - AR denarius7 viewsRome
²52 BC
¹51 BC
head of Coelius Caldus (moneyer's grandfather) right; standard inscribed HIS (Hispania) behind, standard in the form of a boar (emblem of of Clunia, Hispania) before
C·COEL·CALDVS
COS
statue of god seated left between two trophies of arms, all on a high lectisternium with front inscribed L·CALDVS / VII·(VIR)·EP(VL) (Lucius Caldus Septemvir Epulo)
C/·/C/A/L/D/V/S on left
I/MP/·/(AV)/·/X (Imperator, Augur, Decemvir) on right
C(ALD)VS III VIR below
¹Crawford 437/2a, Sydenham 894, RSC I Coelia 7, BMCRR II 3837, SRCV I 404
²Mark Passehl - Roman moneyer & coin type chronology, 150 – 50 BC
3,9g
ex Aurea

scarce

Coin commemorates three moneyer's ancestors.

The first, moneyer's grandfather C. Coelius Caldus, was consul in 94 BC. In 107 BC, he was elected tribune of the plebs and passed a lex tabellaria, requiring a secret ballot to determine the verdict in cases of high treason. He was a praetor in 100 or 99 BC, and proconsul of Hispania Citerior the following year. This is represented by standard on the obverse along with emblem of the conquered town Clunia. He was also moneyer in 104 BC.

The second, L. Coelius Caldus, was member of septemviri epulones who prepared lectisternium - propitiatory ceremony, consisting of a meal offered to gods and goddesses (depicted on the reverse). He was responsible for sacrificial feast (epulare sacrificium) during Plebeian games (Ludi Plebeii) in Rome.

The third, C. Coelius Caldus, was augur, member of decemviri sacris faciundis, and governor who gained the title Imperator. The trophies on the reverse commemorates his military campains.
Johny SYSEL
Caldus.jpg
C. Coelius Caldus - AR denarius3 viewsRome
²101 BC
¹104 BC
helmet head of Roma left
Victory in biga left
CALD
G
¹Crawford 318/1b, RSC I Coelia 3, Sydenham 582a, SRCV I 196 var.
²Mark Passehl - Roman moneyer & coin type chronology, 150 – 50 BC
3,9g
ex Naumann

Moneyer was consul in 94 BC. In 107 BC, he was elected tribune of the plebs and passed a lex tabellaria, which ordained that in the courts of justice the votes should be given by means of tables in cases of high treason. He was a praetor in 100 or 99 BC, and proconsul of Hispania Citerior the following year. This is represented by standard on the obverse along with emblem of the conquered town Clunia.
Johny SYSEL
spain_carissa.jpg
Carissa, Hispania31 views Obv. Male head right
Rev. Horseman galloping left with large shield
Skyler
022.JPG
Carmo (Seville) Hispania Ulterior Early 1st Century BC Bronze As 15 viewsBronze as, Villaronga 24, SNG BM Spain 1588 ff., Burgos 459, F, 16.2g, 25mm,
Carmo (Seville) mint, male head right; reverse CARMO, legend between two heads of grain ; scarce!!!
Hispania is the Latin term given to the Iberian peninsula. Hispania Ulterior (Further Hispania) was a region of Hispania during the Roman Republic, roughly located in Baetica and in the Guadalquivir valley of modern Spain and extending to all of Lusitania (modern Portugal, Extremadura and a small part of Salamanca province) and Gallaecia (modern Northern Portugal and Galicia). Its capital was Corduba.
Antonivs Protti
ABH_315_Calco_CARTAGO_NOVA.jpg
CARTAGO NOVA - Hispania 22 viewsHispano-Cartaginés, acuñada durante la II Guerra Púnica en Cartago Nova (Hoy Cartagena).

AE Calco 18 mm 9.7 gr.

Anv: Cabeza de Tanit a izquierda.
Rev: Cabeza de caballo a derecha, delante letra fenicia aleph.

Tanit fue la diosa más importante de la mitología cartaginesa, la consorte de Baal y patrona de Cartago. Era equivalente a la diosa fenicia Astarté; también fue una deidad bereber. Fue la diosa de Ibiza (Islas Baleares, España). Wikipedia

Acuñada: 220 - 215 A.C.
Ceca: Hispano-Cartaginesa, muy probablemente Cartago Nova (Hoy Cartagena - España)

Referencias: ABH #515 - Villaronga CNH #45 Pag.69
1 commentsmdelvalle
ABH_1407_Semis_CARTEIA.jpg
CARTEIA - Hispania16 viewsHoy Guarranqué - San Roque - España

AE Semis 18/19 mm 4.8 gr.

Anv: "CARTEIA" (leyenda horaria), Tyche vistiendo corona mural, viendo a derecha.
Rev: "D D" en campo izquierdo. Neptuno estante a izquierda, apoyando su pié derecho en una roca?, portando delfín en la mano de su brazo derecho extendido y tridente en izquierdo.

Acuñada: En tiempos de Augusto 27 A.C. - 12 D.C.

Referencias: SNG Cop #443, Vv Pl. CXXIX #2, ABH #663, Villaronga CNH #71 P.420, MBR #48, RPC I #122, Guadan #957, ACIP #2615, ABH(Ant) #1407 P.176, Ripolles #2320/2412 P.289/97, Chaves IV (1979) #29, NAH #949
mdelvalle
ABH_688_Semis_CARTEIA.jpg
CARTEIA - Hispania7 viewsHoy Guarranqué - San Roque - España

AE Semis 19 mm 4.8 gr.

Anv: "S" detrás de cabeza c/yelmo viendo a derecha.
Rev: "M·ARGA" sobre proa de galera, en campo izquierdo. "CARTE" en exergo.

Acuñada: 70 A.C.

Referencias: ABH #688 a 690, Villaronga CNH #47 P.417 (R5), Ripolles #2263/4 P.284, Chaves II (1979) #17b
mdelvalle
Spain_carteia_dolphin.jpg
Carteia, Hispania18 views Obv. [CARTEIA] turreted head of city goddess right
Rev. Winged Genius riding dolphin right. EX D dot D in exergue
Sear 68
Skyler
Castulo~0.jpg
Castulo - AE semis18 viewsearly 2nd century BC
diademed head right
Bull right
crescent above
KASTILO retrograde in southern hispanian script
CNH p. 331, 2-3; SNG BM Spain 1223-6
5,69g
Johny SYSEL
035~0.JPG
Castulo AE AS. Hispania17 viewsAntonivs Protti
Castulo_large_AS.JPG
Castulo AE AS. Hispania 19.40 grams22 viewsAntonivs Protti
029~0.JPG
Castulo AE Semis. Hispania.19 viewsCastulo, Spain, AE Semis 6,26 gr. 22 mm. CN VOC S T F, Bare, male head right / Bull right over CN and crescent. Burgos (2008), 728.Antonivs Protti
spain-castulo-malehead-bull.jpg
Castulo Spain - Male head, bull right.14 viewsAncient Greek, Castulo, Spain, AE14, 1.3g, 14mm

Obverse: Male head right.

Reverse: Bull right, crescent above.

Reference: Unknown

Ex: Holding History Coins+photo
Gil-galad
CASTULO,_HISPANIA.jpg
CASTULO, HISPANIA ULTERIOR, C. 165 - 80 B.C.E.339 viewsHeart shaped Bronze AE 26, SNG Spain II 427 ff.;
SNG BM Spain 1314ff.; SNG Loruchs 374; Sng Cop 209,
Burgos 545;f, Castulo mint. 30mm die,
Obverse diademed male head right, crescent before;
reverse helmeted sphinx walking right,star before,
sold1-2018
KASTILO in Iberic script below ex.
NORMAN K
castulo_k.jpg
Castulo, Hispania Ulterior, c. 165 - 80 BC4 viewsÆ26, 14.2g, 3h; Castulo mint.
Obv.: Diademed male head right; hand to right.
Rev.: Helmeted sphinx walking right, star before; KASTILO in Iberic script below exergual line.
Reference: SNG BM Spain 1323-37.
John Anthony
66236p00.jpg
Castulo, Hispania Ulterior, c. Mid 2nd - Early 1st Century B.C.16 viewsBronze semis, VF, 4.370g, 18.5mm, 180o, Castulo mint, c. Mid 2nd - Early 1st Century B.C.
Obv: Diademed male head right.
Rev: Bull standing right, crescent above, "Kastilo" in Iberian script in ex.
Ref: cf. SNG BM Spain 1353, SNG Cop 216, Villaronga-Benages 2146 (R6), Lindgren II 44
VF
Scarce
mjabrial
castulo_sphynx.jpg
Castulo, Hispania, AE22 viewsObv. Laureate head of young male right
Rev. Helmeted Sphinx walking right
33 mm
31.7 gr.
1 commentsSkyler
Castulo_sphynx~0.jpg
Castulo, Hispania, AE 34 views Obv. Diademed male head right
Rev. Helmeted sphinx walking right before eight rays star
Burgos 545
2 commentsSkyler
CASTULO__SERIE_PESADA.JPG
Castulo, Hispania. AE As20 views34 mm. 34,6 g. _3102

Burgos 540 Castulo, Spain, AE34. Ca 1st century BC. Male head (resembling Augustus) right / helmeted sphinx advancing right, star before. SGI 15v.
Antonivs Protti
CASTULO__MEDIA_LUNA_+_ESTRELLA.JPG
Castulo, Hispania. AE As. half moon/star23 views28 mm. 15,1 g.
Serie media luna + estrella de 6 puntas. _4473

Burgos 545 Castulo, Spain, AE29. Ca 1st century BC. Male head (resembling Augustus) right, crescent before / helmeted sphinx advancing right, * before, Iberian legend in ex. SGI 15.
Antonivs Protti
IBERICA_-_CASTULO_-_Serie_de_la_mano.JPG
Castulo, Hispania. AE As. Hand25 views26 mm. 13.9 g. _3103

Burgos 544 Spain, Castulo. Late 2nd Century BC. AE 28mm. Diademed male head right; hand before / helmeted sphinx walking right; star before, Iberian 'KASTILO' below. Villaronga 39.
Antonivs Protti
Castulo_Ns.jpg
Castulo, Spain, AE As - 2nd century BC84 viewsVirile head right, a hand before
Sphinx walking right. Iberian for KASTILO at exergue
15.9 gr
Ref : Sear GIC #15, Catalogue 38 and 39 CNH (CORPVS NVMMUM HISPANIAE, L. Villaronga)

looks like a can opener, which it is NOT
3 commentsPotator II
Hispania_Republica1.JPG
Castulo, Spain, AE17, (2.76g) 1st century BC, 33 viewsYoung male head right, Phoenician letter before. / Bull right, crescent above, two Phoenicial letters below. Burgos 897 2 commentsAntonivs Protti
CivilWarRIC12.jpg
Civil Wars RIC 12174 viewsCivil Wars 68-69 CE. AR Denarius (17.50 mm, 3.39 g). Spanish mint, April-June 68 CE.
O: BONI EVENTVS, Female bust right, wearing fillet; hair rolled and looped above neck
R: VICTORIA P R, Victory standing left on globe, holding wreath in right hand and palm in left
- BMCRE I 292 Note + Taf 50.2; P.-H. Martin, the anonymous coins of the year 68 AD (1974) 82 # 99 PL 9; E. P. Nicolas, De Néron à Vespasien (1979) 1308 No. 31; 1435 f 1456 # 107 Taf 14.107 B; RIC I² Nr. 12 (Spain, 68 n. Chr.) R5 (Group I). Evidently the second known. The above references are all to one example found in Münzkabinett Berlin.

Likely struck by Galba in Spain between April 6 and early June, 68 AD, that is, between the dates of his acceptance of the offer from Vindex and of his receiving news of his recognition by the Senate.

The civil wars at the end of Nero’s reign began with the revolt of the governor of Gallia Lugdunensis, Gaius Julius Vindex, probably around the beginning of March of AD 68. Vindex had claimed that he had a force of 100,000 men, and a substantial coinage was certainly needed to pay them.

Vindex offered the leadership of the revolt to Servius Sulpicius Galba, then governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, who was hailed imperator by the Spanish legions at Carthago Nova in April of the same year. The title was cautiously refused, but Galba did declare himself the legatus of the senate and people of Rome. Just a month later, Galba’s confidence would be shaken by the crushing defeat of Vindex near Besançon by the general Lucius Verginius Rufus, governor of Germania Superior. By 9 June Nero was dead, having taken his own life. Galba began his march to Rome, and his brief reign was underway.

Without an emperor to strike in the name of (save for that in honor of the “model emperor” of Roman history, Augustus) the coinage was struck with messages suiting the political climate. The coinage under Vindex possesses a more aggressive air that underscores the militant nature of his revolt, while Galba’s tends to be more constitutional and optimistic in tone. Originally struck in large numbers, as indicated by the number of types employed, the coins of the civil wars are all rare today, having been recalled after the final victory of Vespasian in 69 AD.
5 commentsNemonater
Constantiae_2.JPG
Claudius AE As Constantiae26 viewsClaudius (41 - 54 AD)

AE As imitation minted in Hispania (41 - 50 AD)

First time Constantia is depicted in a coin

Anv: TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG CAESAR AVG P M TR P IMP. Bust left.
Rev: CONSTANTIAE AVGVSTI S-C, Constantia standing front with sceptre.
RIC 68, Cohen 14.

Weight: 9.7g
Diameter: 26mm.
Jose Polanco
Libertas_2.JPG
Claudius AE As Libertas31 viewsClaudius (41 - 54 AD)

AE As imitation minted in Hispania (41 - 50 AD)

Anv: TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG P M TR P IMP PP Bust left
Rev: LIBERTAS AVGVSTA S-C, Libertas standing front with pileus
RIC I 97

Weight: 7.9g.
Diiameter: 26mm.
1 commentsJose Polanco
Minerva_2.JPG
Claudius I AE As Minerva26 viewsClaudius (41 - 54 AD)

AE As imitation minted in Hispania (41 - 50 AD)

Anv: TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG P M TR IMP Bust left
Rev: S-C Minerva advancing rigth with shield and spear
RIC I 100

Weight: 13,4g.
Diameter: 25mm.
Jose Polanco
Minerva1~0.JPG
Claudius I. As Minerva. Spanish imitation3 viewsClaudius I AE As

Obv: TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG P M TR IMP, bare head left
Rev: S-C across field, Minerva standing right, brandishing spear and holding shield on left arm.
RIC 100, Cohen 84v, BMC 149

Imitation minted in Hispania (AD 41 - 50)

Weigth: 10.2g.
Diameter: 28mm.
Sergio Orata
Claudio_Bárbaro~0.JPG
Claudius I. As Minerva. Spanish imitation2 viewsClaudius I AE As

Obv: TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG P M TR IMP, bare head left
Rev: S-C across field, Minerva standing right, brandishing spear and holding shield on left arm.
RIC 100, Cohen 84v, BMC 149

Imitation minted in Hispania (AD 41 - 50)

Weigth: 6.2g.
Diameter: 23mm.
Sergio Orata
Minerva_2.JPG
Claudius I. As Minerva. Spanish imitation2 viewsClaudius I AE As

Obv: TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG P M TR IMP, bare head left
Rev: S-C across field, Minerva standing right, brandishing spear and holding shield on left arm.
RIC 100, Cohen 84v, BMC 149

Imitation minted in Hispania (AD 41 - 50)

Weigth: 13.4g.
Diameter: 25mm.
Sergio Orata
coin12_quart.jpg
CONSTANTINVS IVN NOB C (the 2nd) / GLORIA EXERCITVS AE3 follis (317-337 A.D.) 23 viewsCONSTANTINVS IVN NOB C, laureate, cuirassed bust right / GLOR-IA EXERC-ITVS, two soldiers facing each other, holding spears and shields, with one standard between them, devices on banners not very clear, but probably dots or "o". Mintmark: Epsilon SIS in exergue.

AE3, 18-19mm, 1.65g, die axis 2 (turned medal alignment), material: bronze/copper-based alloy

IVN = IVNIOR = Junior, NOB C = Nobilitas Caesar, Gloria Exercitus (noun + genitive) "The Glory of the Army", officina Epsilon (workshop #5), SIScia mint (now Sisak, Croatia).

Siscia mint combined with two standards and IVN NOB C variety points to only two types, RIC VII Siscia 220 and RIC VII Siscia 236, both of Constantine II, with possible officinas A, delta, gamma and epsilon. So even though the name is not very clear and theoretically the officina letter may be B rather than E, we can be sure that it is Constantine and that officina is E. Type 236 should have dots before and after the
mintmark, and it doesn't seem the case here, so this must be RIC VII Siscia 220, officina epsilon. Minting dates according to some sources: 330-335 AD.

Flavius Claudius Constantinus Augustus, born January/February 316, was the elder son if Constantine the Great and his second wife Fausta. Constantine II was born in Arles (south of modern France) and raised a Christian. On 1 March 317, he was made Caesar. A child general: in 323, at the age of seven, he took part in his father's campaign against the Sarmatians. At age ten, he became commander of Gaul, following the death of Crispus. An inscription dating to 330 records the title of Alamannicus, so it is probable that his generals won a victory over the Alamanni. His military career continued when Constantine I made him field commander during the 332 campaign against the Goths.

Following the death of his father in 337, Constantine II initially became augustus jointly with his brothers Constantius II and Constans, with the Empire divided between them and their cousins, the Caesars Dalmatius and Hannibalianus. This arrangement barely survived Constantine I’s death, as his sons arranged the slaughter of most of the rest of the family by the army. As a result, the three brothers gathered together in Pannonia and there, on 9 September 337, divided the Roman world between themselves. Constantine, proclaimed Augustus by the troops received Gaul, Britannia and Hispania. He was soon involved in the struggle between factions rupturing the unity of the Christian Church. The Western portion of the Empire, under the influence of the Popes in Rome, favored Catholicism (Nicean Orthodoxy) over Arianism, and through their intercession they convinced Constantine to free Athanasius, allowing him to return to Alexandria. This action aggravated Constantius II, who was a committed supporter of Arianism.

Constantine was initially the guardian of his younger brother Constans, whose portion of the empire was Italia, Africa and Illyricum. Constantine soon complained that he had not received the amount of territory that was his due as the eldest son. Annoyed that Constans had received Thrace and Macedonia after the death of Dalmatius, Constantine demanded that Constans hand over the African provinces, to which he agreed in order to maintain a fragile peace. Soon, however, they began quarreling over which parts of the African provinces belonged to Carthage, and thus to Constantine, and which belonged to Italy, and therefore to Constans. Further complications arose when Constans came of age and Constantine, who had grown accustomed to dominating his younger brother, would not relinquish the guardianship. In 340 Constantine marched into Italy at the head of his troops. Constans, at that time in Dacia, detached and sent a select and disciplined body of his Illyrian troops, stating that he would follow them in person with the remainder of his forces. Constantine was engaged in military operations and was killed in an ambush outside Aquileia. Constans then took control of his deceased brother's realm.
Yurii P
LouisXIV1700.JPG
Divo 286. 1700, Union de la France et de l'Espagne.238 viewsObv. Bust right LUDOVICUS MAGNUS REX CHRISTIANISSIMUS
Rev. Personficiations of France and Spain, each holding a shield, clasping hands CONCORDIA FRANCIAE ET HISPANIAE MDCC

Commemorating the alliance between France and Spain.
LordBest
EB0159b_scaled.JPG
EB0159 Youth / CARMO2 viewsCarmo, HISPANIA, AE 23, 200-100 BC.
Obverse: Youthful male head right.
Reverse: Corn ears (or wheat) right above & below CARMO on tablet.
References: Heiss 4.
Diameter: 23.5mm, Weight: 12.534g.
EB
EB0160b_scaled.JPG
EB0160 Helmeted Head / Lastigi3 viewsLastigi, HISPANIA. Mid-late 2nd century B.C. Æ quadrans.
Obverse: Helmeted male head right within laurel border.
Reverse: LAS within laurel border.
Diameter: 15mm, Weight: 3.504g.
EB
EB0161b_scaled.JPG
EB0161 Head / Warrior on Horseback8 viewsBriviesca, HISPANIA, AE 24, 200-100 BC.
Obverse: Beardless male head right. Behind the head, uparrow (Iberian "U").
Reverse: Northern Iberian script UIROUN / IAS (Uironias), Warrior on horseback with spear charging right.
References: Catalogo del Monetario Iberico del Museo de Navarra #348.
Diameter: 24.5mm, Weight: 9.191g.
Regarding Uironias, here is a footnote from The Selected Essays of Julio Caro Baroja:
"Among the Autrigonians, Deobriga and Uironias ... were important names".
EB
EB0351_scaled.JPG
EB0351 Hispania / A ALBIN S N, Eagle and Fasces18 viewsPostumius Albinus serrate denarius c. 81 BC.
Obv: HISPAN, veiled head of Hispania right.
Rev: A ALBIN S N, togate figure standing left between legionary eagle and fasces, POST A F in ex.
References: Syd 746; Cr372/2.
Diameter: 19mm, Weight: 3.54 grams.
EB
EB0527_scaled.JPG
EB0527 Augustus / Bull / VALEAT16 viewsAugustus, AE 28, Celsa, Hispania, L. Baggius and Mn. Flavius Festus, 15-14 BC.
Obverse: AVGVSTVS DIVI F Laureate head right.
Reverse: L BAGGI(O) C V ICEL MNFESTO Bull standing right, II VIR before, with countermark anagram VALEAT.
References: RPC I 273; SNG Munich I, 87-90;
Diameter: 28mm, Weight: 10.222 grams
EB
Gades,_Hispania_.JPG
GADES (Cadiz), Spain AE 'as'. Pre Roman Spain, circa 237 BC. Two tuna fish, Punic legend. Head of Herakles in lion skin. 49 viewsGADES (Cadiz), Spain, AE as. Head of Hercules to left, club behind. Reverse - Two tuna to left, Punic legend above and below, crescent between dot and letter alef, point between tuna. 25mm, 13.0g. FAB-1339. Scarce. 1 commentsAntonivs Protti
gades_hercules.jpg
Gades, Hispania, AE 21 viewsObv. Head of young Herakles left, wearing lionskin
Rev. Punic legends, 2 tunny fish swimming left. Unknown countermark Ivy leaf?
Skyler
Spain_gades_quarto_de_calco.jpg
Gades, Hispania, Quarter calco, 2nd century bc31 views Obv. Face of helios
Rev. Two tunny swimming left
3 commentsSkyler
Galba_Hispania_RIC_I_21.jpg
Galba Hispania RIC I 2129 viewsGalba, Silver denarius, Tarraco Mint, April to late 68 AD, 18.5mm, 3.335g, die axis 180°, RIC I 21 (R2), RSC II 80, BMCRE I 174, BnF III 10, Hunter I -, SRCV I -, F,
OBV: GALBA IMP, laureate head right, globe at tip of neck
REV: HISPANIA, Hispania standing left, draped, poppy and two stalks of grain in extended right hand, two vertical spears and round shield behind in left hand. This is the first example of this type handled by Forum.

VERY RARE
EX: Forum Ancient Coins. Ex: Jyrki Muona Collection

On the death of Caligula, Galba refused the invitation of his friends to make a bid for the empire,
and loyally served Claudius. For the first half of Nero's reign he lived in retirement, until 61, when the emperor bestowed on him the province of Hispania Tarraconensis. In the spring of 68,
at the time of Julius Vindex' insurrection in Gaul, Galba was informed of Nero's intention to put him to death. Learning of Vindex's defeat and suicide Galba hesitated to claim the throne.
He took the title caesar only after Nero's suicide and after he was told that Nymphidius Sabinus, the Praetorian Prefect, had given him his favor.
This type was struck to for Hispania to thank the province for supporting his bid for the purple.
3 commentsSRukke
galba_ric_193.jpg
Galba RIC 019391 viewsGalba AR denarius,  VF, Rome mint, ( 3.512g, 19.0mm,  180o), Nov 68 - Jan 69 A.D.; 
elegant style, light toning on nice surfaces, high-points flatly struck,
Obv: IMP SER GALBACAESAR AVG, laureate head right; 
Rev: HISPANIA (counterclockwise starting on left), Hispania advancing left, draped, poppy and two stalks of grain in extended right hand, round shield and two transverse spears in left hand;
RIC I 193 (R2), BMCRE I 16, RSC II 83, BnF III 89, Hunter I 1 var. (no CAESAR, Aug - Oct 68), SRCV I 2103 var. (same)
Ex: the Jyrki Muona Collection; Ex: Forum Ancient Coins


This is one of my favourite coins. I love the portrait on the obverse and the depiction of Hispania on the reverse. Galba was the first ruler in the 'year of the four emperors' in 69 CE.
3 commentsorfew
1postumia_unita.jpg
Gens Postumia, denarius (81 a.C.)35 viewsGens Postumia, denarius. Roma, A. Postumius A.f. Sp.n. Albinus (81 BC)
AR, 3.75 gr, 19 mm, qBB
Al D/ HISPAN; Testa velata della Hispania a destra.
Al R/ A POST A F S N ALBIN (legato); Figura togata stante a sinistra, con il braccio destra levato verso l'aquila legionaria poggiata ad ali spiegate su sostegno. A destra un fascio con scure.
Crawford 372/2
Provenienza: collezione Berardengo (Roma, Italia, 9 aprile 2017, numero catalogo 274); ex collezione Alessandro Vanni, Tinia Numismatica (Follonica, Grosseto Italia, fino all'aprile 2017)
1 commentspaolo
pompeyhispan~0.jpg
GNAEUS POMPEY14 viewsAR denarius. Spanish mint, 46-45 BC. 3,79 grs. Helmeted head of Roma right. M POBLICI LEG PRO PR / Hispania standing right, holding shield and two spears, presenting palm to Cn. Pompey who is standing left on prow. CN MAGNVS IMP.
Crawford 469/1a. RSC (Pompey the Great) 1.
benito
009.jpg
GNAEUS POMPEY24 viewsAR denarius. Spanish mint, 46-45 BC. 3,79 grs. Helmeted head of Roma right. M POBLICI LEG PRO PR / Hispania standing right, holding shield and two spears, presenting palm to Cn. Pompey who is standing left on prow. CN MAGNVS IMP.
Crawford 469/1a. RSC (Pompey the Great) 1.

1 commentsbenito
IB08016.jpg
GREEK, Phoenicia, As (GON 4; CM 40)32 viewsAs. s. II a.C. GON 4; CM 40. 10,62 grs. 22 mm.
Anv: Cabeza barbada de Vulcabo a derecha, detrás tenazas, delante leyenda neopúnica MLK'
Rev: Busto radiado de Helios rodeado de gráfila de puntos.
1 commentsManfrotto
Hadrian_852.jpg
Hadrian - AE as28 viewsRome
134-138 AD
laureate head right
HADRIANVS__AVG COS III P P
Hispania reclining left, holding branch, rabbit at her feet
HISPAN_IA
S C
RIC II 852d; BMCRE 1752; Cohen 838
10,2g 24,5-25 mm
Johny SYSEL
576520l.jpg
Hadrian - Hispania92 viewsHadrian Denarius
c. 134-138

OBV: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
REV: HISPANIA
Hispania reclining left, holding branch with rabbit at feet

RIC 305, RSC 822

Hadrianus (117-138)
(D) Denarius (3,17g), Roma, 134-138 n.Chr. Av.: HADRIANVS - AVG COS III P P. Kopf n.r. Rv.: HIS-PANI-A, Hispania mit Zweig liegt an Felsen gestützt n.l., zu Füßen Kaninchen. RIC 305, RSC 822.
s.sch.

Ex HD Rauch



3 commentsmarcvs_traianvs
HadrianRestHispaniae.jpg
Hadrian - Restitutori Hispaniae96 viewsHadrian Denarius
c. 134-138

OBV: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P PP
REV: RESTITVTORI HISPANIAE
Hadrian raising a kneeling Spain with rabbit

BMC 889, C. 1260, RIC 327(d), Strack 321

RÖMISCHE KAISERZEIT. Hadrian, 117 - 138 n. Chr. Denar (3,55g). 134 - 138 n. Chr. Mzst. Rom. Vs.: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P, Kopf mit Lorbeerkranz n. r. Rs.: RESTITVT-ORI HISPANIAE, Hadrian n. l. reicht der knienden Hispania die Hand, dazwischen Hase. BMC 889; C. 1260; RIC 327(d); Strack 321. Zarte Tönung, ss

Ex Gorny & Mosch
1 commentsmarcvs_traianvs
Hadrian1.jpg
Hadrian Denarius24 viewsHadrian Denarius.
Obv: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P, laureate head right
Rev: RESTITVTORI HISPANIAE, Hadrian standing left, raising up Hispania kneeling right & holding branch, rabbit between them.

RIC 327 , RSC 1260.

Scarce

Tanit
97.jpg
Hadrian Denarius - Hispania (RIC II 306)94 viewsAR Denarius
Rome 136AD
2.98g

Obv: Bare bust of Hadrian (R)
HADRIANUS AUG COS III PP

Rev: HISPANIA (Spain) reclining (L) holding olive branch, leaning on rock. Rabbit in front.
HISPANIA

RIC II 306 RSC 384
6 commentsKained but Able
Hadrian_Denarius_Hispania.jpg
Hadrian Denarius Hispania70 viewsObv.
HADRIANVS AVG COS III PP
Bare head right

Rev.
HISPANIA
Hispania reclining left holding branch, rabbit in front
1 commentsancientdave
hadrian_306.jpg
Hadrian RIC II, 30643 viewsHadrian AD 117-138
AR - Denarius, 3.48g
Rome c. AD 132
obv. HADRIANVS - AVG COS III PP
Bare head r.
rev. HISPANIA
Hispania, draped, reclining l., holding olive-branch in outstretched r. hand and leaning
with l. arm on rock; rabbit behind her
RIC II, 306; C. 834; BMCR 849 note
EF

The rev. was probably the model of the provincial coin AMNG 755 from Markianopolis.
Jochen
hadrian2.jpg
Hadrian, 117 - 138 A.D. Ar Denarius27 viewsHadrian, 117 - 138 A.D. Ar Denarius. Obv. Bare head right. HADRIANVS . AVGVSTVS . COS . III . PP., Rev. HISPANIA, Hispania reclining left, resting on rock, holding olive branch. Rome mint. 134 - 138 A.D. R.S.C. II 842a. B.M.C. 846. Note this is the scarcer type without the rabbit either before or behind Hispania.Philoromaos
hadrdu12-2.jpg
Hadrian, RIC 852, Dupondius of AD 13210 viewsÆ Dupondius (13.21g, , 6h). Rome mint. Struck AD 132.
Obv.: HADRIANVS - AVG, laureate head right.
Rev.: HISPANIA around, S C in ex., Hispania reclining left holding branch, rabbit to right in front of the rock.
RIC 852 (S); BMC 1754 note; Cohen 841 (5 fr.); Strack 717
Ex Harlan J. Berk, Buy/Bid Sale 132, May 2003
Charles S
Hadrse29-2.jpg
Hadrian, RIC 952, Sestertius of AD 136 (Hispania)17 viewsÆ Sestertius (28.0g, Ø33mm, 6h). Rome mint. Struck AD 136.
Obv.: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P, laureate draped bust right.
Rev.: RESTITVTORI HISPANIAE around, S C in ex., Hadrian, togate, standing left on right, raising kneeling Spain holding an olive branch (in the centre usually a rabbit).
RIC 952; BMCRE III 1816; Cohen 1263 (15 fr.); Strack 777; Sear (Roman Coins and their Values II) 3633; Foss (Roman Historical Coins) 115/49
Charles S
0120-305.jpg
Hadrian, Sestertius - 006573 viewsHADRIANVS AVG COS III P P , laureate and draped bust right
RESTITVTORI HISPANIAE, Hadrian raising kneeling figure of Hipania
24.3 gr
Ref : RCV # 3633, scarce

Très usée mais pas courante
Potator II
1baetica_unite.jpg
Hispania Baetica (105 a.C.), asse27 viewsHispania Baetica, periodo metà II-I sec. a.C. (probabilmente 105 a.C.), asse
Zecca di Castulo o Iliberri/Ilturir (Granada)
AE,21,01 gr., 32 mm, B (per il tipo)
D/ Testa ibercia (divinità, magistrato, ma più probabilmente muliebre)
R/ Chimera o grifone
Nota: leggibile anche una parte dell'etnico, in caratteri iberici (cosa inusuale per queste monete). Modulo particolarmente largo per il tipo (De Guadan 140, ma di modulo più ampio).
Provenienza: collezione Berardengo, Roma Italia (17 novembre 2007, numero catalogo 47), ex collezione Gionata Barbieri, Napoli Italia (fino al 2007)
paolo
1ribaetica__unite.jpg
Hispania Baetica, asse (tempo di Augusto)41 viewsHispania Baetica, zecca di Castulo, tempo di Augusto
AE, 14,96 gr. , mm 28, B+
D/ testa elmata a dx (Augusto?)
R/ sfinge a dx
NOTA: patina desertica, piccola frattura sulla moneta
Provenienza: collezione Berardengo, Roma Italia (17 novembre 2007, numero catalogo 47bis), ex collezione Gionata Barbieri, Napoli Italia (fino al 2007)
paolo
hadrian_hispania.jpg
Hispania denarius21 viewsRobert R8
_T2eC16V,!zcE9s4g3L5ZBRkPmr8ELQ~~60_57.jpg
Hispania, and Rome. Augustus, Claudius, Adrianus, Gallienus, _390025 viewsAntonivs Protti
castulo_k~0.jpg
Hispania, Castulo7 viewsAE Semis, 24mm, 8.2g, 2h; c. mid-2nd Century BC.
Obv.: CN VOC S T F, Laureate male head right.
Rev.: Toro standing right, crescent above, FL CN before; in exergue KaSTiLO in Iberian script.
Reference: cf. CNH p. 331, 2; Burgos 709 (CN on reverse, before crescent)
John Anthony
009~1.JPG
Hispania, Colonia Patricia. Augustus. 27 B.C.-A.D. 14 17 views(23 mm, 8.60 g, 10 h). Bare head of Augustus left / City ethnic in two lines within oak wreath. ACIP 3357; RPC I 129.Antonivs Protti
013.JPG
Hispania, Corduba. Colonia Patricia. Augustus. Semis.18 viewsReign: Emperor, 27 B.C. - A.D. 14.
Denomination: ¿ Semis.
Diameter: 23 mm.
Weight: 4.21 grams.
Obverse: Bare head l.
Reverse: Apex and simpulum.
Reference: RPC I, 130. SNG Copenhagen 468.
Antonivs Protti
011~0.JPG
Hispania, Corduba. Colonia Patricia. Augustus. Semis.19 viewsReign: Emperor, 27 B.C. - A.D. 14.
Denomination: ¿ Semis.
Diameter: 23 mm.
Weight: 4.21 grams.
Obverse: Bare head l.
Reverse: Apex and simpulum.
Reference: RPC I, 130. SNG Copenhagen 468.
Antonivs Protti
032.JPG
Hispania, Corduba. Colonia Patricia. Augustus. Semis.16 viewsReign: Emperor, 27 B.C. - A.D. 14.
Denomination: ¿ Semis.
Diameter: 21 mm.
Weight: 4.11 grams.
Obverse: Bare head l.
Reverse: Apex and simpulum.
Reference: RPC I, 130. SNG Copenhagen 468.
Antonivs Protti
015~1.JPG
Hispania, Corduba. Colonia Patricia. Augustus. Semis.14 viewsReign: Emperor, 27 B.C. - A.D. 14.
Denomination: Semis.
Diameter: 23 mm.
Weight: 4.12 grams.
Obverse: Bare head l.
Reverse: Apex and simpulum.
Reference: RPC I, 130. SNG Copenhagen 468
Antonivs Protti
Hispania.JPG
Hispania, Corduba. Colonia Patricia. Augustus. Semis.17 viewsReign: Emperor, 27 B.C. - A.D. 14.
Denomination: ¿ Semis.
Diameter: 21 mm.
Weight: 4.11 grams.
Obverse: Bare head l.
Reverse: Apex and simpulum.
Reference: RPC I, 130. SNG Copenhagen 468.
Antonivs Protti
phoenecian_melqart.jpg
Hispania, Gades38 viewsHispania, Gades
AE Quadrans, 100-20 BC
Ob: Head of Herakles/Melqart in lionskin left, club behind
Rv: Dolphin with trident swimming left, Phoenician/Punic script above
Ref: A. Burgos 1063
Scotvs Capitis
019.JPG
Hispania, Julia Traducta. Augustus. 27 B.C.-A.D. 14 as 12 views(24 mm, 9.44 g, 1 h). Bare head of Augutsus left / [IVL]IA/[TR]AD in two lines within wreath. RPC 108; Burgos 1269; SNG Copenhagen 459. Antonivs Protti
036.JPG
Hispania, Spain, Obulco AE As, 220-20 B.C. OBVLCO. Plow and ear. IBULCA32 viewsBeautiful AE as Obulco. Spain, (Porcuna, Jaen). 220-20 B.C. Female head to right, OBVLCO front. Nice reverse, plow and ear, IBuLCa. FAB. 1804.
Antonivs Protti
obulco_ae_as.JPG
Hispania, Spain, Obulco AE As, 220-20 B.C. OBVLCO. Plow and ear. IBULCA 19 viewsBeautiful AE as Obulco. Spain, (Porcuna, Jaen). 220-20 B.C. Female head to right, OBVLCO front. Nice reverse, plow and ear, IBuLCa. FAB. 1804.
Antonivs Protti
Augustus-Denar-Komet-RIC37a.jpg
I-AUGUSTUS-a - 001 Denar RIC I/37a51 viewsAv) CAESAR AVGVSTVS Laureate head right
Rv) DIVVS IVLIVS Comet
Weight: 3,3g, Ø:20mm; Referenz: RIC I/37a; Mint: HISPANIA / COLONIA CAESAR AUGUSTA(?) struck ca.19 B.C.-18 B.C.
(Surfaces are a little bit rough)
sulcipius
Augustus-Denar-RIC40b.jpg
I-AUGUSTUS-a - 002 Denar RIC I/40b18 viewsAv) CAESAR AVGVSTVS
Bare head left

Rv) OB CIVIS / SERVATOS
Oak wreath

Weight:3,1g; Ø: 21mm; Reference: RIC I/40b Mint: HISPANIA / COLONIA CAESAR AUGUSTA; struck: 19B.C.-18 B.C
sulcipius
Augustus-AE30-BILBILIS-Demski22.jpg
I-AUGUSTUS-b - 003 AE30; compare to DEMBSKI 2521 viewsAv) AVGVSTVS DIVI F PATER PATRIAE
Laureate head right

Rv) MVN AVGVSTA BILBILIS L CORCALDO M SEMP RVTILO
in center: II VIR
Legend surrounded by oak wreath

Weight: 13.2g; Ø: 30 mm; reference: Dembski 25
Mint: HISPANIA CITERIOR // MVNICIPIVM AVGVSTA BILBILIS
sulcipius
Tiberius-Provprg_HISPANIA-CALAGURRIS-Stier.jpg
II-TIBERIUS-b - 001 AE27 DEMBSKI 6724 viewsAv) TI AVG DIVI AVGVSTI F IMP CAESAR
Laureate head right

Rv) MCI L FVL SPARSO L SATVRNIO II VIR
Bull standing right
In field countermark: B

Weight: 9,6g; Ø : 27mm; Reference: Dembski 67;
Mint: HISPANIA CITERIOR // MVNICIPIVM: CALGVRRIS IVLIA
sulcipius
Hadrianus-Denar-HISPANIA-RIC305.jpg
III-HADRIANUS -a- Denar RIC II/30525 viewsAv) HADRIANVS AVG COS III PP
Bare head right

Rv) HISPANIA
Hispania reclining left, holding olivebranch; in front of rabbit

Weight: 3,39g; Ø: 18mm; Reference: RIC II/ 305; ROME mint; struck: 134 A.D. - 138 A.D.
sulcipius
Hadrianus-Denar-HISPANIA-RIC306.jpg
III-HADRIANUS -a- Denar RIC II/30624 viewsAv) HADRIANVS AVG COS III PP
Laureate head right

Rv) HISPANIA
Hispania reclining left, holding olivebranch

Weight: 3,2g; Ø 18mm; Reference: RIC II/306; ROME mint; struck: 134 A.D. - 138 A.D.
sulcipius
Hadrianus-Denar-RESTHISP-RIC326.jpg
III-HADRIANUS -a- Denar RIC II/32627 viewsAv) HADRIANVS AVG COS III PP
Laureate head right

Rv) RESTITVTORI HISPANIAE
Emperor dressed with toga standing to the left, raises kneeling Hispania, between them there is a rabbit

Weight: 3,4g; Ø: 18mm; Reference: RIC II/326 Rome mint, struck: 134 A.D. - 138 A.D.
sulcipius
Hadrianus-Sesterz-RESTHISP-RIC952.jpg
III-HADRIANUS -a/1- Sestertius RIC II/95244 viewsAv) HADRIANVS AVG COS III PP
Laureate, draped bust right

Rv) RESTITVTORI HISPANIAE SC
Kaiser standing on the rightside, looking left, raisng kneeling Hispania, who holds a branch, in the middle rabbit

Weight: 25,4g; Ø: 33mm; Reference: RIC II/952; ROME mint; struck: 134 A.D. - 138 A.D.
sulcipius
Augustus_Irippo.jpg
Irippo, (area of Seville),Hispania. AE Semis, 30 BC51 views Obv. IRIPPO, before bare head of Augustus (Octavian) right
Rev. female seated left holding pine cone and cornucopiae
1 commentsSkyler
Caesar_elephant.jpg
Julius Caesar - AR denarius11 viewsmoving mint (Cisalpine Gaul or Hispania)
I 49 - VIII 48 BC
elephant right, trampling on serpent
CAESAR
sacrificial implements - simpulum (laddle), sprinkler, axe, apex (priest's hat)
RSC I 49, SRCV I 1399, Sydenham 1006, Crawford 443/1
4,00g

According to Harlan this issue is Caesar's answer to the issue of Mn. Acilius Glabrio from 50 BC (incorrectly 49 according to Crawford) which presented Pompeyans as protectors of Salus of the Republic. Elephant as traditional symbol of Metteli family symbolizes Caesar's most vehement enemy in senate Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio who in Caesar's view was the biggest threat for the Salus of the Repubic represented by snake. Caesar was careful to avoid blaming Pompey directly so he claimed that Pompey had been led astray and corrupted by Caesar’s enemies who were jealous of his glory, while he himself had always promoted Pompey’s honor and dignity. Caesar showed Rome that Metellus Scipio and his supporters were the true threat to the health and safety of the Republic, the true cause of the civil war. Sacrificial implements reminds Caesar as Pontifex Maximus.
Johny SYSEL
marc_antony_denar_legXXI.jpg
MARC ANTONY legionary denarius - 32-31 BC79 viewsobv: ANT AVG III VIR R P C (praetorian galley right)
rev: LEG XXI (Legio XXI Rapax - means Predator) (legionary eagle between two standards)
ref: Cr.544/37, Sear381, RSC 58, Albert1738 (100eur)
2.89gms, 17mm

This legion was probably founded after 31 BC by the emperor Augustus, who may have integrated older units into this new legion and added new recruits from northern Italy. Its first assignment may have been in Hispania Tarraconensis, where it took part in Augustus' campaigns against the Cantabrians, which lasted from 25-13 AD. XXI Rapax from Raetia marched against king Maroboduus to Czechia in 6 AD. The Twenty-first also was employed during the Germanic war of Caligula, against the rebellious Batavians, and against the Chatti in Baden-Württemberg under led by Domitian in 83. At last the Twenty-first being sent to Pannonia, where war against the tribes of the Middle Danube -the Suebians and Iazyges- was imminent. Here, the Rapax was destroyed in 92 by the Sarmatians.
berserker
030~0.JPG
Merida AE AS. Hispania19 viewsAugustus As from Emerita Augusta 23 BC
Augustus 27 BC – AD 14
AE As Struck at Emerita Augusta 23 BC.
Obverse : CAESAR AVGVS TRIBVN POTEST Head of Augustus right.
Reverse : P CARISIVS / LEG / AVGVSTI
Mint : Emerita, Spain 23 BC.
Size/weight : 25mm 11.80g.
Reference : RIC 22
Antonivs Protti
1773da.jpg
MODERN MILLED (up to 19th Century), Mexico, Charles (Carlos) III of Spain 1759 - 1738, .9030 silver real, 177313 viewsMexico. Charles III of Spain 1759 - 1738. .9030 silver real 1773 FM. CAROLVS III DEI GRATIA, bust right, date below / HISPANIA.ET IND.REX ... Crowned arms.

KM69.2
oneill6217
markianopolis_macrin_diadum_AMNG755.jpg
Moesia inferior, Markianopolis, 24. Macrinus & Diadumenian, HrJ (2013) 6.24.05.03 corr. (plate coin)92 viewsMacrinus, AD 217-218
AE 27 (Pentassarion), 13.58g, 26.91mm, 45°
struck under governor Furius Pontianus
obv. AV K OPPEL CEVH MAKREINOC
below in 3 lines KM OPPEL AN / TWNINOC DI / ADOVMEN
confronted heads of Diadumenian, bare-headed, r., and Macrinus, laureate, l.
rev. VP PONTIAN - OV MARKIAN / OPOLITWN
Female figure, with chignon, reclining on rock l., holding in
extended r. hand bunch of flowers(?), resting with l. arm on font(?), rabbit r. on
ground
E in l. field (for Pentassarion)
ref. a) AMNG I/1, 755 (only 1 ex. in Bukarest, but hare not mentioned!)
b) Varbanov (engl.) 1265 (here called Elpis!)
c) Hristova/Jekov (2013) No.6.24.5.3 corr. (writes DIA - DOVMEN)
figure called Demeter or Moesia(?)
Rare, VF/about EF, the most beautiful specimen known!
added to www.wildwinds.com

The female figure could be the mountain nymph Rhodope (Seguin, Paris 1665) or perhaps Moesia itself (Pat Lawrence). Due to the running discussion on the Forum there is a very strong resemblance to the HISPANIA coins of Hadrian with Hispania reclining l., holding branch, rabbit below. (Curtis Clay)

For an indeep discussion of this type please look at the thread 'Unknown beauty from Marcianopolis' on the board 'Classical Numismatics'.
2 commentsJochen
Spain_Obulco_bull.jpg
Obulco-Ibolka, (Porcuna/Jaen), Hispania, AE Semis, 1st century BC30 views Obv. laureate head right
Rev. Bull standing right, crescent above
Skyler
bolskan.jpg
Osca, Hispania, AE, 180 to 20 BC43 views Obv. young male hd. r. wearing beard (its very short, mainly on cheek), dolphin behind.
Rev. *rMAN(legend below) horseman galloping r. carrying lance, star above
Lindgren II 57, Bolskan (Bolscan, Osca)
1 commentsSkyler
Postumia_8.JPG
Postumius Albinus 27 viewsObv: HISPAN behind veiled head of Hispania facing right, with disheveled hair.

Rev: A ALBIN - S N, Togate figure standing left, extending right hand towards a legionary eagle before him; fasces with an axe behind, [POST A F] in exergue.

Silver Denarius Serratus, Rome mint, 81 BC

3.9 grams, 20.25 mm, 0°

RSC Postumia 8, S297
SPQR Coins
428,3_Q__Cassius.jpg
Q. Cassius Longinus - AR denarius20 viewsRome
¹²55 BC
head of young Jupiter (or Bonus Eventus or Genius Populi Romani)* right, scepter behind
eagle on thunderbolt right, lituus on left and jug on right
Q·CASSIVS
¹Crawford 428/3, SRCV I 391, Sydenham 916, BMCRR 3868, RSC I Cassia 7
²Mark Passehl - Roman moneyer & coin type chronology, 150 – 50 BC
4,03g
ex Aurea

* The sceptrum, fulmen and aquila point to this being the bust of a young Jupiter, for whom such insignia are normally reserved. The priestly implements on the reverse likely allude to an ancestor who belonged to the college of pontiffs, and if we take the symbolism of this coin to be in reference to Jupiter, then it is probable that this coin is in reference to a family member who was once Flamen Dialis, (high priest of Jupiter), a position of great importance and privilege in Rome that entitled the holder of that office to many honours, including the right to a lictor, the toga praetexta, the sella curulis, and to a seat in the Senate. (ROMA NUMISMATICS historical articles)

Q. Cassius Longinus was brother or cousin of C. Cassius Longinus (Caesar's murderer). He served as a quaestor of Pompey in Hispania Ulterior in 54 BC. In 49 BC, as tribune of the people, he strongly supported the cause of Caesar, by whom he was made governor of Hispania Ulterior. He treated the provincials with great cruelty, and his appointment (48 BC) to take the field against Juba I of Numidia gave him an excuse for fresh oppression. The result was an unsuccessful insurrection at Corduba. Cassius punished the leaders with merciless severity, and made the lot of the provincials harder than ever. At last some of his troops revolted under the quaestor Marcellus, who was proclaimed governor of the province. Cassius was surrounded by Marcellus in Ulia. Bogud, king of Mauretania, and Marcus Lepidus, proconsul of Hispania Citerior, to whom Cassius had applied for assistance, negotiated an arrangement with Marcellus whereby Cassius was to be allowed to go free with the legions that remained loyal to him. Cassius sent his troops into winter quarters, hastened on board ship at Malaca with his ill-gotten gains, but was wrecked in a storm at the mouth of the Iberus (Ebro). His tyrannical government of Hispania greatly injured the cause of Caesar. (wikipedia)
1 commentsJohny SYSEL
RIC_1321_Vespasianus.jpg
RIC 1321 Vespasianus16 viewsObv: IMP CAESAR VESPASIANVS AVG, Laureate head right
Rev: CAESAR AVG F COS CAESAR AVG F PR / S C, Confronted bare heads of Titus and Domitian
AE/As (26.89 mm 12.891 gr 6h) Struck in Tarraco (Hispania) 70 A.D. (Group 2b)
RIC 1321 (R2), BMCRE 748B, BNF 797
Purchased on eBay from gadires
FlaviusDomitianus
Hadrian_Hispania_Sestertius.png
Roman Empire , Emperor Hadrian. AD 117-138. Æ Sestertius . Travel series.36 viewsRome mint.
Laureate and draped bust right / HISPANIA, Hispania reclining left holding branch and resting elbow on rock; rabbit right before.
aVG
2 commentsSam
ROME_-_Cordoba_Quadrans_of_Augustus.JPG
ROMAN EMPIRE - Augustus28 viewsROMAN EMPIRE - Augustus (16 January 27 B.C. - 19 August 14 A.D.) Colonia Patricia, Hispania Baetica. Bronze quadrans,condition: VF, mint: Colonia Patricia (Cordova), weight: 2.225g, maximum diameter: 15.6mm, die axis: 225o, date struck: 20 - 2 B.C., probably 15 - 14 B.C.; obverse PER CAE AVG, bare head left; reverse COLO PATR, patera above aspergillum, jug, and lituus. References: Villaronga-Benages 3359, RPC I 131, SNG Lorichs 1393, SNG Cop -; Ex-FORVM
1 commentsdpaul7
bpP1A1Hisp.jpg
ROMAN EMPIRE PROVINCIAL, Hispania, Castulo78 viewsObv: VOC ST F CN
Laureate male head, right.
Rev: CN FVL CNF (note: NF ligate)
Bull right, crescent above. KASTILO in Iberic script within exergue.
8.8 gm 23.7 mm 160-140 BC: Villaronga 15; Vives LXXXI, 2.
Comment: Reverse legend expands to CN(AEUS) FV(LVIVS) CN(AEII) F(ILIVS) translating to Gnaeus Fulvius, son of Gnaeus. The name of the provincial mint magistrate belonging to the Gens Fulvia.
Scarce and very rarely found in VF condition.
Massanutten
86308q00~0.jpg
ROMAN EMPIRE, Augustus, 16 January 27 B.C. - 19 August 14 A.D., Emerita, Hispania Lusitania14 viewsSH84707. Silver denarius, RIC I 9b, RSC I 398, BMCRE I 291, BMCRR Spain 128, BnF I 1039, Hunter I 124, SRCV I 1627 var. (head right), gVF, full circle centering on a broad flan, mint luster, weak strike areas, die wear, small edge cracks, weight 3.775 g, maximum diameter 21.8 mm, die axis 90o, Emerita Augusta (Merida, Spain) mint, P. Carisius, c. 25 - 23 B.C.; obverse IMP CAESAR AVGVST, bare head left; reverse P CARISIVS LEG PRO PR (P. Carisius Legatus [Augusti] pro Praetore), bird's-eye view of town with walls around, EMERITA inscribed above gateway in front with three battlements over two arched entrances; from the Marcelo Leal CollectionJoe Sermarini
Minerva1.JPG
ROMAN EMPIRE, Claudius, Unofficial As Hispania43 viewsAn unofficial as of Claudius minted in Hispania. Bizarre lettering.

Obv: TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG P M TR IMP, bare head left.
Rev: S-C Minerva standing with spear and shield.
RIC 100, Cohen 84v, BMC 149

Weight 18,2g
Diameter 28 mm

1 commentsSergio Orata
galba_ric_193~0.jpg
Roman Empire, Galba, RIC 19395 viewsGalba AR denarius,  VF, Rome mint, ( 3.512g, 19.0mm,  180o), Nov 68 - Jan 69 A.D.; 
elegant style, light toning on nice surfaces, high-points flatly struck,
Obv: IMP SER GALBACAESAR AVG, laureate head right; 
Rev: HISPANIA (counterclockwise starting on left), Hispania advancing left, draped, poppy and two stalks of grain in extended right hand, round shield and two transverse spears in left hand;
RIC I 193 (R2), BMCRE I 16, RSC II 83, BnF III 89, Hunter I 1 var. (no CAESAR, Aug - Oct 68), SRCV I 2103 var. (same)
Ex: the Jyrki Muona Collection; Ex: Forum Ancient Coins
3 commentsorfew
sestertius27.jpg
ROMAN EMPIRE, Hadrian, Rome mint, struck 134-138 AD, AE Sestertius144 viewsHADRIANVS AVG COS III PP bare-headed and draped bust right
RESTITVTOR HISPANIAE, SC Emperor standing left, raising the kneeling figure of Hispania holding branch, rabbit between
RIC 952, Cohen 1272
3 commentsdupondius
IMG-20180410-WA0021.jpg
ROMAN IMPERATORIAL, Julius Caesar, AR Denarius27 viewsRome. The Imperators.
Julius Caesar, 49-44 BCE.
AR Denarius (3.93 g; 19mm).
Military mint travelling with Caesar, 49-48 BCE.

Obverse: Elephant walking right, trampling serpent; CAESAR in exergue.

Reverse: Simpulum, aspergillum, axe and apex.

References: Crawford 443/1: HCRI 9; Sydenham 1006; Julia 9.

Provenance: Ex Ploil Collection [NAC 101 (24 Oct 2017), Lot 10]; privately purchased December 1980.

Caesar’s “elephant” issue was massive, with Crawford estimating 750 obverse and 833 reverse dies. Stylistic variations range from elephants depicted accurately to elephants with pig-like characteristics. The CAESAR inscriptions on the well-executed elephant varieties typically have letters with serifs; while inscriptions on the piggish varieties have letters without serifs. Woytek believes the series was struck in Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania Citerior in circa 49BC during Caesar’s campaign against Pompey loyalists in Spain. Other scholars, like Crawford and Sear, believe the issue was commenced shortly after Caesar invaded Italy in 49 and continued until the defeat of Pompey at Pharsalus in 48 BCE. What’s clear is that Caesar struck these coins without authority, as he did not hold the office of moneyer or legate. As for interpretation of this coin type, many scholars, including Crawford and Sear, interpret the obverse (elephant trampling the serpent) as representing good (Caesar) triumphing over evil. Michael Harlan interprets the obverse as blaming the civil war on Pompey’s faction; the elephant representing Pompey’s supporter, Metellus Pius Scipio (whose family badge, frequently seen on Metellan coins, is an elephant), trampling the snake symbol of Salus, the health and safety of Rome. The reverse clearly depicts the emblems of the priesthood and alludes to Caesar’s office of pontifex maximus.
1 commentsCarausius
Roman_Provisional_RPC110.jpg
Roman Provincial: Augustus (27 BC-14 AD) Quadrans, Hispania, Julia Traducta (RPC-110)21 viewsObv: Bare head left; Legend around - PER CAE AVG
Rev: Patera above aspergillum, jug, and lituus; Legend around - IVLIA TRAD
1 commentsSpongeBob
Lucius_Caesius.jpg
RRC 298/1 (L. Caesius)36 viewsObv. Diademed bust of young Veiovis left, viewed from behind, hurling thunderbolt, behind monogram (Roma, Apollo or Argento Publico, banker’s marks
Rev. Two Lares Praestites seated right, dog between them; (bust of Vulcan and thongs above, LA on left, ER on right), L. CAESI in exergue
18-19 mm, 3,3 g
Rome, 112-108 B.C.
References: RCC 298/1, Sear 175, RSC Caesia 1, Sydenham 564

There is much debate about the nature of Vejovis, some of it going back to Roman times: Aulus Gellius sees this deity as an anti-Jupiter (NA 5.12). Why he appears on coins is, to my knowledge, not clear. The reverse shows the Lares Praestites, protectors of the city strongly associated with dogs: they were clad in dog skins, and had a dog as their companion "the dog is terrible for strangers (...) but well-disposed and kind to those who live with them” but the Lares were also avenging deities who chased down evil doers (Plutarch, Quest. Rom 5.51, Ovid, Fastes 5.140-142) Ovid also mentions a statue of the “twin gods”, apparently lost by his time: it has been suggested that this coin represents this cult image, found in the temple at the Via Sacra (Ovid, Fastes 5.145-6).

According to Sydenham, the Lares portrayed on this coin are those of Rhegium, the monogram reading LA[res] RE[gienses]; for Palmer, RE reads regionum (quoted in D. G. Orr, ANRW, ‘Roman Domestic Religion’:1567n54), Freeman and Sear read “PRE”.

Thanks to Amadis for pointing out an inscription (the "Bronce de Alcántara") mentioning a L. Caesius as a propraetor (?) in Hispania Ulterior in 104 B.C. It is conceivable this was indeed the moneyer of this coin.

1 commentsSyltorian
ABH_301_Sextante_ARSE.jpg
SAGUNTUM - Hispania9 viewsHoy Sagunto - España

AE Sextante 12/14 mm 1.8 gr.

Anv: Concha de molusco.
Rev: Delfín nadando a derecha, creciente arriba, letra ibérica "A" y "*" debajo.

Acuñada: En tiempos de Augusto 200-150 A.C.

Referencias: SNG BM Spain #1113/5, Vlasto # 1851, Villaronga CNH #35 P.309, MANM #790, ACIP #1979, Burgos (2004) #2064, ABH(Ant) #301 P.47
mdelvalle
Augustus_Spain.jpg
SPAIN - Caesar Augusta (Zaragoza) AE As - 27 mm / 9,39 gr.15 viewsRoman Empire - Hispania, Caesaraugusta (Zaragoza). AE As, Augustus (27 B.C. - 14 A.D.). Around 3 -2 B.C. Yoke of oxen, II VIR.

AVGVSTUS DIVI F R Laureate head left with lituo and símpulo.
CAESAR AVGVSTA. MAN KANINO ITER L TITIO / II VIR. Priest plowing right with yoke of oxen. FAB-321
Antonivs Protti
SPAIN 1788 2 REALES CHARLES III.jpg
SPAIN - Charles III93 viewsSPAIN - Charles III (1759-1788) SIlver 2 Reales, 1788. Madrid mint.
Obv.: CAROLVS III D. G. around bust right; date 1788 below bust.
Rev.: Crowned arms of Spain, flanked by 2 - R; Crowned M - M. HISPANIARVM REX.
Reference: KM-38.1
dpaul7
SPAIN_FERD_VII_1_REAL_1831.jpg
SPAIN - Ferdinand VII150 viewsSPAIN - Ferdinand VII (1814-1833) AR 1 Real, 1831, Seville Mint. Obv.: Bust right, .FERDIN. VII. DEI.GRATIA. 1831
Rev.: Crowned arms, HISPANIARUM.REX. around; arms flanked by R-1 and S JB. Reference: KM#462.4.
dpaul7
SPAIN_JOSE_NAP_4_REALES.jpg
SPAIN - Jose Napoleon78 viewsSPAIN - Jose Napoleon (1808-1813) AR 4 Reales, 1811. Obv.: Bust left, .IOSEPH.NAP. DEI.GRATIA. 1811. Reverse: Crowned arms (with French eagle centered), HISPANIARUM ET IND. REX. (crowned)M . A.I. Madrid mint. Reference: KM#540.1dpaul7
felipe iv.jpg
SPAIN - PHILIP IV142 viewsType of currency: 2 MARAVEDIS
Mint: MADRID Ensayador And Year: 1663 Measurement: c. 14 mm
obverse: PHILIPPVS · IIII · D · G around a bust of the king to rights
reverse: HISPANIARVM · REX 1663· around a shield crowned with a lion to left value II to the right, ensayador and to left and mint M underneath
dpaul7
001Hispania.JPG
Spain Castulo AE Semis (bull left)17 viewsSpain, Castulo AE Semis. 1st Century BC. Obverse: CN VOC.S.T.F. Male diademed head right. Reverse: Bull right, moon above, iberic legend CaSTeLe below. Burgos: 728.Antonivs Protti
Obulco,_Hispania.JPG
SPAIN, AE as Obulco (Porcuna, Jaen). 220-20 B.C. OBVLCO. Plow and ear. Iberian legends: ToBoTuCi/BuTeLCoS. Ta.24 viewsObulco. Spain, (Porcuna, Jaén). 220-20 B.C. female head to right, OBVLCO front. Nice reverse, plow and ear, iberian legends: ToBoTuCi/BuTeLCoS, iberian letter Ta above ear. Nice green patina. 11,55 grams, 28 mm. FAB. 1793. Antonivs Protti
carteia3b.jpg
SPAIN, CARTEIA30 viewsafter 44 BC
probably struck 27 BC - 14 AD
(Time of Augustus)
AE 21 mm, 6.32 g
O: CARTEIA Turreted head of city goddess facing right
R: Neptune standing left, holding dolphin and trident; right foot on rock
Hispania (Spain), Carteia (under Roman rule); RPC 122
laney
castulo_sphinx_res.jpg
SPAIN, CASTULO26 views1st Century BC
AE 25 mm; 10.5 g
O: Diademed head right, hand before
R: Helmeted Sphinx advancing right, star before; ethnic in Iberic script in exe.
Hispania Ulterior (Spain), Castulo
laney
sphinx_castulo.jpg
SPAIN, CASTULO15 views1st Century BC
AE 25 mm; 10.5 g
O: Diademed head right, hand before
R: Helmeted Sphinx advancing right, star before; ethnic in Iberic script in exe.
Hispania Ulterior (Spain), Castulo
laney
Spain- Taragona- Amphitheatre.jpg
Spain- Taragona- Amphitheatre46 viewsThis conventional seating may be observed at the amphitheatre at Tarragona in northern Spain. Tarraco, its Latin name, was the capital of the province of Hispania Tarraconensis. The seating is essentially the same as that found in Rome’s Colosseum. The amphitheatre’s construction is dated to the second century AD, a time of extensive building of centres of public entertainment throughout the Mediterranean. On the right side, the seating was hewn from the bedrock, while on the left, or seaward side, the seating was built up from blocks, a phenomenon also found at Syracuse in Sicily.

However, in a recent visit to Pompeii some interesting divergence from the norm is easily to be observed, for which no reason appears to have been voiced. The town of Pompeii, destroyed in the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in AD 79, had a population in excess of 10,000, and was clearly a place of sufficient wealth to

sport not only an amphitheatre seating 20,000, but also a traditional Greek theatre and a smaller building called the Odeon. The "large" theatre, as it is now called, can seat an audience of 5,000, the "small" theatre, which was roofed, had accommodation for 500. Seating was according to rank, it is supposed, two side boxes (rather like the royal boxes of later theatres) for honoured guests, an inner cavea for the decurions or magistrates of the town, the middle rows for the more wealthy members of the community, the upper tiers for the ordinary citizens. If one looks closely it is clearly noticeable that this inner cavea consists of the first four or five rows of benches.

It is clear that, unlike the earlier form of the Greek theatres, the front rows are considerably wider than those higher up in the auditorium. The size of the seating is far beyond the dimensions of even a large and well-endowed personage, extending inwards for a good metre or more. The reasons for the additional size are unclear, because the larger width does not make these benches any more comfortable for the sitter, if anything they provide less support than the more narrow benches above. Presumably, the spectators brought cushions with them for lengthy performances in much the same way as fans for rugby or cricket matches do today. One solution may be that the wider seating allowed the dignatory to relax by reclining as if at dinner though this can hardly have been a posture acceptable for a quasi-religious festival nor one which would have endeared these wealthy members of the community to their less well-endowed fellows higher up, even if conspicuous consumption was the order of the day, particularly during the Roman empire.

In the "large" theatre the first four rows, in the "small" theatre and in the amphitheatre the first five rows stand out from the rest and, in fact, have their special place denoted by a partition. In some of the theatres in Greece, the officials judging the competitions, which were part and parcel of the festivals, and high ranking citizens might occupy a special bench, or the first row of the auditorium, but the broad nature of the bench at Pompeii appears unique. Pompeii began as a Oscan settlement in the 8th century BC and was heavily Hellenised by the 6th century. Thereafter, Pompeii had a fairly chequered history, being conquered and lost by the Etruscans and Samnites, before becoming a Roman colony in 80 BC. The Samnites of the central hills and the more local Oscan speakers, an Italic dialect which survived down to the period of the empire, remained culturally and linguistically influential, and it is possible that the Greek practice of uniformity in seating was altered by these Italic tribes who, at times, controlled Pompeii. On the other hand, there could be direct Roman or even Etruscan influence, though this formalised partitioning of seating is not seen in any of the archeaological sites in Rome or in nearby Campania, for example at Puteoli or at Capua. Finally, as for what purpose the large widths were intended, without clear evidence, and certainly with no ancient mention, means that speculation takes over. It could be that wooden seats rather like thrones were brought in, even sedan chairs for the high and mighty of the town, though it is worth bearing in mind that high-backed chairs easily obscured the views of those scarcely less wealthy immediately behind. The Roman males, it will be remembered, tended to lounge on low couches when they ate, rather than sitting in upright seats, which became popular only in the later Byzantine period. It also seems likely that, given the amount of space, it was not just the men who were seated here but entire families - perhaps picnic baskets as well. Refreshments were provided during performances, but the wealthy possibly brought their own equivalents of the modern cool bags and six-packs. The illustrations of the three places of entertainment at Pompeii do not appear to suggest that these special seating are the product of modern reconstructions, some of which have proved disastrous to ancient sites; and, therefore, there seems to be no alternative to accepting at least the idea that preferential seating was the order of the day in this rather provincial town on the Bay of Naples. Etruscan tombs often show their owners in a reclining position as if at a meal, and other forms of entertainment also feature which, overall, might suggest an influence here from north of the River Tiber.

Having dwelt at length, as it were, with the bottoms and the bottom-most seats of the ancient theatres and amphitheatres I now want to move on to the general ambience of the structure. The Roman amphitheatre or hippodrome were dirty smelly places where, by the end of the day’s proceedings, the stench from the dead and dying must have made an abatoir a sweet-smelling location. It is recorded that sprinkler systems were used in the Colosseum to spray the audience and the arena floor with scented water to alleviate the foulness of the atmosphere. By way of contrast, the Greek theatre must have been a place of peace and serenity, except for sore buttocks and aching backs.

Many commentators of the ancient theatre have sadly noted that the early pristine form, as found today at Epidaurus and Segesta, generally underwent alterations during the Roman period. It is noted that the slightly more than a semi-circular design was largely filled in during later antiquity by the Roman scena; and today many examples of the traditional Greek theatres sport Roman brickwork at the front which reached the same height, in some cases, as the uppermost tier of the cavea or auditorium. This height also allowed for a velabrum or canvass cover to be used to provide shade or shelter from the elements. At Taormina, ancient Tauromenium, for example:

"The brick scenic wall was preceded by a row of nine granite columns crowned by Corinthian capitals, which had both a decorative and bearing function, in that they supported the higher parts of the stage. The niches in the wall contained marble statues. On the sides, there are remains of the ‘parascenia’, square rooms used by actors and for scenic fittings. The actors entered the stage through side openings. A further row of sixteen columns closer to the orchestra framed the decorative front of the stage."

This is quite a departure from the earlier simplicity of the Greek theatre. However, it is certainly arguable that Baroque is not necessarily less pleasing than Romanesque even if blocking out the natural view also took the theatre out of its topographical or geographical context. For the purists among us, more sacrilege occurred, for instance, again at Taormina, where the first nine rows of the seating were removed making the orchestra large enough for gladiatorial combats and beast hunts, while at the same time allowing the audience safety high above the blood sports taking place below them. Of course, the construction of a front wall can easily be accounted for by the changing tastes in the entertainment itself, while the local audience presumably knew the view pretty well, and did not come to the theatre to gaze at Mount Etna. Furthermore, Taormina, high up on a hill overlooking the sea, had no extra space on which to build a new amphitheatre, more regularly the venue for gladiatorial combats. And it is also quite possible that there were simply insufficient funds. Taormina was neither a large nor a wealthy city.

Meanwhile, at Delphi the scena was "low so that the audience could enjoy the wonderful view", says one expert. Nonetheless, while the modern tourist may find the view as gratifying if not more so than the ruined theatre, the ancient audience came too see and hear the performances in honour of the Pythian Apollo. The ancient Greeks did not come for the view, they came for theatrical, religious even mystic experience. It is the modern philistine in us who enjoys the view. That being the case, the construction of the ancient theatre had little to do with searching for a site with a nice aspect, though these obviously exist, even in abundance, but for acoustic perfection and adequate accommodation. Finally, the best seats were closest to the stage and its proceedings, while the worst seats, for looking at the productions, had the best views. Does this mean that the most wealthy, with the largest bottoms, were obliged to watch the entertainment with no chance of letting the mind wander to the natural surroundings? Or does it mean that the women, slaves and poorest citizens, who sat high above the productions, probably could not hear or see what was going on hence took in the nice view instead. Therein lies the morality tale embedded in the title of this paper. If you had the means you were forced to take in the culture. If you were female or poor you could let your mind wander to other matters, including wonderful views of nature.
John Schou
Tiberio_Dertosa_(Hispania).JPG
Tiberius - as colonial, Dertosa (Hispania)12 viewsGalea
very scarce
antvwala
spanish_neth_tournai_siege_coin.jpg
TOURNAI - Spanish Netherlands Siege Coinage 39 viewsTOURNAI - Spanish Netherlands Siege Coinage -- 2 SOLS - 1709. Copper Obv: Bust right Obv. Legend: PHIL • V • D • G • HISPANIAR • ET • INDIA • REX • Rev: Crowned arms divides value Rev. Legend: DUX BURGUND BRABANZ Note: Overstruck on Liege and other liard coins. Reference: KM #5.dpaul7
21.jpg
Trajan Denarius - Trajan's Father (RIC II 252)51 viewsAR Denarius
Rome 112-117AD
3.26g

Obv: Laureate bust of Trajan (R), draped far shoulder.
IMP TRAIANUS AUG GER DAC PM TRP COS V PP

Rev: TRAJAN'S FATHER seated (L) holding patera and sceptre. Commemorates the death of the emperor's father circa 100 AD.

Traianus Senior was born in Italica in the Roman Province of Hispania Baetica. Traianus married a Roman woman called Marcia. They had two children, a daughter called Ulpia Marciana and a son, the future Roman Emperor Trajan.

Traianus was the first member of his family to enter the Roman Senate. Due to his successes, Vespasian awarded Traianus with the governorship of an unknown Roman province and a consulship in 70. In later years, he served as a Roman Governor of Hispania Baetica, Syria, in 79 or 80 governed an unknown African province and then western Anatolia.


RIC II 139 RSC 94
Kained but Able
Untitled-1.jpg
Two Maravedis of Philip the 3rd.80 viewsPhilippus III DG + around castle between aqueduct(horizontal,three pillars,this is the mint mark)and II(value mark indicating 2 maravedis) Hispaniarvm Rex 1603 around crowned lion to left. Mint:Segovia Reference:Clemente and Canyon(2005 ed.) 4225,valued at 10 Euros.1 commentstiberiusjulius
0100.jpg
Ulia Spain, Anonymous14 viewsUlia Spain, Anonymous bronze

ca 150 bc

ex Bertolami Fine arts, Auction 24, Numismatics, London, 23.06.2016, #381

described as:
Anonymous, Roman Hispania: Ulia, Bronze, c. 150 BC; AE (g 23,43; mm 30; h 6); Diademed female head of Obulco type r.; on l., X; on r., palm, Rv. VLIA, in vine stems with bunch of grapes. SNG BM Spain, 1514-1515.
Scarce. Green patina, about extremely fine.
Norbert
EB0527_scaled~0.JPG
VALEAT monogram countermark on Augustus AE28 EB052754 viewsAugustus, AE 28, Celsa, Hispania, L. Baggius and Mn. Flavius Festus, 15-14 BC.
Obverse: AVGVSTVS DIVI F Laureate head right.
Reverse: L BAGGI(O) C V ICEL MNFESTO Bull standing right, II VIR before, with countermark anagram VALEAT.
References: RPC I 273.
Diameter: 28mm, Weight: 10.222 grams
EB
Visigoths_Hispalis_ab.jpg
Visigoths in Hispania (Crusafont Group A)108 viewsVisigoths in Hispania, AE (8 mm, 0.58 g). Minted in Spali (Visigothic Seville). Obverse: cross on two steps. Reverse: SP for Spali. Crusafont Group A.Jan (jbc)
Crusafont_type_B_ab.jpg
Visigoths in Hispania (Crusafont Group B)72 viewsVisigoths in Hispania, AE (13 mm, 1.22 g). Minted in Spali (Visigothic Seville). Obverse: facing head. Reverse: S-PL for Spali around cross. Crusafont Group B.
Jan (jbc)
Crusafont_type_F3_ab.jpg
Visigoths in Hispania (Crusafont Group B)75 viewsVisigoths in Hispania, AE (14 mm, 0.93 g). Minted in Spali (Visigothic Seville). Obverse: facing head. Reverse: S-P for Spali around cross. Crusafont Group B.Jan (jbc)
Visigothic_Emerita1_ab.jpg
Visigoths in Hispania (Crusafont Group C)101 viewsVisigoths in Hispania, AE (9 mm, 1.00 g). Obverse: diademed and draped bust right. Reverse: monogram. Crusafont Group C.Jan (jbc)
Visigothic_Emerita2_ab.jpg
Visigoths in Hispania (Crusafont Group C)90 viewsVisigoths in Hispania, AE (10 mm, 0.92 g). Obverse: diademed and draped bust right, double-struck. Reverse: monogram. Crusafont Group C.Jan (jbc)
Visigoths_Emeritia_ab.jpg
Visigoths in Hispania (Crusafont Group C)105 viewsVisigoths in Hispania, AE (11 mm, 1.07 g). Obverse: diademed bust left, legend CIV-ITA. Reverse: monogram. Crusafont Group C.Jan (jbc)
Crusafont_type_E_ab.jpg
Visigoths in Hispania (Crusafont Group E)57 viewsVisigoths in Hispania, AE (12 mm, 1.57 g). Obverse: head left. Reverse: large cross. Crusafont Group E.Jan (jbc)
Crusafont_type_F_ab.jpg
Visigoths in Hispania (Crusafont Group F)68 viewsVisigoths in Hispania, AE (9 mm, 0.66 g). Obverse: large A. Reverse: cross. Crusafont Group F, type 50.

Crusafont reported two coins of this type found in Sevilla, Spain. He suggested that they may be of Visigothic origin, but concluded that the type can not be attributed with any certainty.
Jan (jbc)
VespasianJudaeaCaptaHendin754.jpg
[18H759a] Vespasian, 1 July 69 - 24 June 79 A.D., Judaea Capta49 viewsVespasian. 69-71 AD. AR Denarius;17mm, 3.28g; Hendin 759, RIC 15. Obverse: Laureate head right; Reverse: Jewess seated right, on ground, mourning below right of trophy, IVDAEA below. Ex Imperial Coins.

De Imperatoribus Romanis:
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families

Titus Flavius Vespasianus (A.D. 69-79)

John Donahue
College of William and Mary

Introduction

Titus Flavius Vespasianus (b. A.D. 9, d. A.D. 79, emperor A.D. 69-79) restored peace and stability to an empire in disarray following the death of Nero in A.D. 68. In the process he established the Flavian dynasty as the legitimate successor to the Imperial throne. Although we lack many details about the events and chronology of his reign, Vespasian provided practical leadership and a return to stable government - accomplishments which, when combined with his other achievements, make his emperorship particularly notable within the history of the Principate.

Early Life and Career

Vespasian was born at Falacrina near Sabine Reate on 17 November, A.D. 9, the son of T. Flavius Sabinus, a successful tax collector and banker, and Vespasia Polla. Both parents were of equestrian status. Few details of his first fifteen years survive, yet it appears that his father and mother were often away from home on business for long periods. As a result, Vespasian's early education became the responsibility of his paternal grandmother, Tertulla. [[1]] In about A.D. 25 Vespasian assumed the toga virilis and later accepted the wearing of the latus clavus, and with it the senatorial path that his older brother, T. Flavius Sabinus, had already chosen. [[2]] Although many of the particulars are lacking, the posts typically occupied by one intent upon a senatorial career soon followed: a military tribunate in Thrace, perhaps for three or four years; a quaestorship in Crete-Cyrene; and the offices of aedile and praetor, successively, under the emperor Gaius. [[3]]

It was during this period that Vespasian married Flavia Domitilla. Daughter of a treasury clerk and former mistress of an African knight, Flavia lacked the social standing and family connections that the politically ambitious usually sought through marriage. In any case, the couple produced three children, a daughter, also named Flavia Domitilla, and two sons, the future emperors Titus and Domitian . Flavia did not live to witness her husband's emperorship and after her death Vespasian returned to his former mistress Caenis, who had been secretary to Antonia (daughter of Marc Antony and mother of Claudius). Caenis apparently exerted considerable influence over Vespasian, prompting Suetonius to assert that she remained his wife in all but name, even after he became emperor. [[4]]

Following the assassination of Gaius on 24 January, A.D. 41, Vespasian advanced rapidly, thanks in large part to the new princeps Claudius, whose favor the Flavians had wisely secured with that of Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius' freedmen, especially Narcissus. [[5]] The emperor soon dispatched Vespasian to Argentoratum (Strasbourg) as legatus legionis II Augustae, apparently to prepare the legion for the invasion of Britain. Vespasian first appeared at the battle of Medway in A.D. 43, and soon thereafter led his legion across the south of England, where he engaged the enemy thirty times in battle, subdued two tribes, and conquered the Isle of Wight. According to Suetonius, these operations were conducted partly under Claudius and partly under Vespasian's commander, Aulus Plautius. Vespasian's contributions, however, did not go unnoticed; he received the ornamenta triumphalia and two priesthoods from Claudius for his exploits in Britain. [[6]]

By the end of A.D. 51 Vespasian had reached the consulship, the pinnacle of a political career at Rome. For reasons that remain obscure he withdrew from political life at this point, only to return when chosen proconsul of Africa about A.D. 63-64. His subsequent administration of the province was marked by severity and parsimony, earning him a reputation for being scrupulous but unpopular. [[7]] Upon completion of his term, Vespasian returned to Rome where, as a senior senator, he became a man of influence in the emperor Nero's court. [[8]] Important enough to be included on Nero's tour of Greece in A.D. 66-67, Vespasian soon found himself in the vicinity of increasing political turbulence in the East. The situation would prove pivotal in advancing his career.

Judaea and the Accession to Power

In response to rioting in Caesarea and Jerusalem that had led to the slaughter in the latter city of Jewish leaders and Roman soldiers, Nero granted to Vespasian in A.D. 66 a special command in the East with the objective of settling the revolt in Judaea. By spring A.D. 67, with 60,000 legionaries, auxiliaries, and allies under his control, Vespasian set out to subdue Galilee and then to cut off Jerusalem. Success was quick and decisive. By October all of Galilee had been pacified and plans for the strategic encirclement of Jerusalem were soon formed. [[9]] Meanwhile, at the other end of the empire, the revolts of Gaius Iulius Vindex, governor of Gallia Lugdunensis, and Servius Sulpicius Galba , governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, had brought Nero's reign to the brink of collapse. The emperor committed suicide in June, A.D. 68, thereby ensuring chaos for the next eighteen months, as first Galba and then Marcus Salvius Otho and Aulus Vitellius acceded to power. Each lacked broad-based military and senatorial support; each would be violently deposed in turn. [[10]]

Still occupied with plans against Jerusalem, Vespasian swore allegiance to each emperor. Shortly after Vitellius assumed power in spring, A.D. 69, however, Vespasian met on the border of Judaea and Syria with Gaius Licinius Mucianus, governor of Syria, and after a series of private and public consultations, the two decided to revolt. [[11]] On July 1, at the urging of Tiberius Alexander, prefect of Egypt, the legions of Alexandria declared for Vespasian, as did the legions of Judaea two days later. By August all of Syria and the Danube legions had done likewise. Vespasian next dispatched Mucianus to Italy with 20,000 troops, while he set out from Syria to Alexandria in order to control grain shipments for the purpose of starving Italy into submission. [[12]] The siege of Jerusalem he placed in the hands of his son Titus.

Meanwhile, the Danubian legions, unwilling to wait for Mucianus' arrival, began their march against Vitellius ' forces. The latter army, suffering from a lack of discipline and training, and unaccustomed to the heat of Rome, was defeated at Cremona in late October. [[13]] By mid-December the Flavian forces had reached Carsulae, 95 kilometers north of Rome on the Flaminian Road, where the Vitellians, with no further hope of reinforcements, soon surrendered. At Rome, unable to persuade his followers to accept terms for his abdication, Vitellius was in peril. On the morning of December 20 the Flavian army entered Rome. By that afternoon, the emperor was dead. [[14]]

Tacitus records that by December 22, A.D. 69, Vespasian had been given all the honors and privileges usually granted to emperors. Even so, the issue remains unclear, owing largely to a surviving fragment of an enabling law, the lex de imperio Vespasiani, which conferred powers, privileges, and exemptions, most with Julio-Claudian precedents, on the new emperor. Whether the fragment represents a typical granting of imperial powers that has uniquely survived in Vespasian's case, or is an attempt to limit or expand such powers, remains difficult to know. In any case, the lex sanctioned all that Vespasian had done up to its passing and gave him authority to act as he saw fit on behalf of the Roman people. [[15]]

What does seem clear is that Vespasian felt the need to legitimize his new reign with vigor. He zealously publicized the number of divine omens that predicted his accession and at every opportunity he accumulated multiple consulships and imperial salutations. He also actively promoted the principle of dynastic succession, insisting that the emperorship would fall to his son. The initiative was fulfilled when Titus succeeded his father in A.D. 79.[[16]]

Emperorship

Upon his arrival in Rome in late summer, A.D. 70, Vespasian faced the daunting task of restoring a city and a government ravaged by the recent civil wars. Although many particulars are missing, a portrait nevertheles emerges of a ruler conscientiously committed to the methodical renewal of both city and empire. Concerning Rome itself, the emperor encouraged rebuilding on vacated lots, restored the Capitol (burned in A.D. 69), and also began work on several new buildings: a temple to the deified Claudius on the Caelian Hill, a project designed to identify Vespasian as a legitimate heir to the Julio-Claudians, while distancing himself from Nero ; a temple of Peace near the Forum; and the magnificent Colosseum (Flavian Amphitheatre), located on the site of the lake of Nero 's Golden House. [[17]]

Claiming that he needed forty thousand million sesterces for these projects and for others aimed at putting the state on more secure footing, Vespasian is said to have revoked various imperial immunities, manipulated the supply of certain commodities to inflate their price, and increased provincial taxation. [[18]] The measures are consistent with his characterization in the sources as both obdurate and avaricious. There were occasional political problems as well: Helvidius Priscus, an advocate of senatorial independence and a critic of the Flavian regime from the start, was exiled after A.D. 75 and later executed; Marcellus Eprius and A. Alienus Caecina were condemned by Titus for conspiracy, the former committing suicide, the latter executed in A.D. 79.
As Suetonius claims, however, in financial matters Vespasian always put revenues to the best possible advantage, regardless of their source. Tacitus, too, offers a generally favorable assessment, citing Vespasian as the first man to improve after becoming emperor. [[19]] Thus do we find the princeps offering subventions to senators not possessing the property qualifications of their rank, restoring many cities throughout the empire, and granting state salaries for the first time to teachers of Latin and Greek rhetoric. To enhance Roman economic and social life even further, he encouraged theatrical productions by building a new stage for the Theatre of Marcellus, and he also put on lavish state dinners to assist the food trades. [[20]]

In other matters the emperor displayed similar concern. He restored the depleted ranks of the senatorial and equestrian orders with eligible Italian and provincial candidates and reduced the backlog of pending court cases at Rome. Vespasian also re-established discipline in the army, while punishing or dismissing large numbers of Vitellius ' men. [[21]]
Beyond Rome, the emperor increased the number of legions in the East and continued the process of imperial expansion by the annexation of northern England, the pacification of Wales, and by advances into Scotland and southwest Germany between the Rhine and the Danube. Vespasian also conferred rights on communities abroad, especially in Spain, where the granting of Latin rights to all native communities contributed to the rapid Romanization of that province during the Imperial period. [[22]]

Death and Assessment

In contrast to his immediate imperial predecessors, Vespasian died peacefully - at Aquae Cutiliae near his birthplace in Sabine country on 23 June, A.D. 79, after contracting a brief illness. The occasion is said to have inspired his deathbed quip: "Oh my, I must be turning into a god!" [[23]] In fact, public deification did follow his death, as did his internment in the Mausoleum of Augustus alongside the Julio-Claudians.

A man of strict military discipline and simple tastes, Vespasian proved to be a conscientious and generally tolerant administrator. More importantly, following the upheavals of A.D. 68-69, his reign was welcome for its general tranquility and restoration of peace. In Vespasian Rome found a leader who made no great breaks with tradition, yet his ability ro rebuild the empire and especially his willingness to expand the composition of the governing class helped to establish a positive working model for the "good emperors" of the second century.

Bibliography

Since the scholarship on Vespasian is more comprehensive than can be treated here, the works listed below are main accounts or bear directly upon issues discussed in the entry above. A comprehensive modern anglophone study of this emperor is yet to be produced.

Atti congresso internazionale di studi Flaviani, 2 vols. Rieti, 1983.

Atti congresso internazionale di studi Vespasianei, 2 vols. Rieti, 1981.

Bosworth, A.B. "Vespasian and the Provinces: Some Problems of the Early 70s A.D." Athenaeum 51 (1973): 49-78.

Brunt, P. A. "Lex de imperio Vespasiani." JRS (67) 1977: 95-116.

D'Espèrey, S. Franchet. "Vespasien, Titus et la littérature." ANRW II.32.5: 3048-3086.

Dudley, D. and Webster, G. The Roman Conquest of Britain. London, 1965.

Gonzalez, J. "The Lex Irnitana: A New Copy of the Flavian Municipal Law." JRS 76 (1986): 147-243.

Grant, M. The Roman Emperors: A Biographical Guide to the Rulers of Rome, 31 B.C. - A.D. 476. New York, 1985.

Homo, L. Vespasien, l'Empereur du bons sens (69-79 ap. J.-C.). Paris, 1949.

Levi, M.A. "I Flavi." ANRW II.2: 177-207.

McCrum, M. and Woodhead, A. G. Select Documents of the Principates of the Flavian Emperors Including the Year of the Revolution. Cambridge, 1966.

Nicols, John. Vespasian and the Partes Flavianae. Wiesbaden, 1978.

Scarre, C. Chronicle of the Roman Emperors. The Reign-by-Reign Record of the Rulers of Imperial Rome. London, 1995.

Suddington, D. B. The Development of the Roman Auxiliary Forces from Caesar to Vespasian, 49 B.C. - A.D. 79. Harare: U. of Zimbabwe, 1982.

Syme, R. Tacitus. Oxford, 1958.

Wardel, David. "Vespasian, Helvidius Priscus and the Restoration of the Capitol." Historia 45 (1996): 208-222.

Wellesley, K. The Long Year: A.D. 69. Bristol, 1989, 2nd ed.


Notes

[[1]] Suet. Vesp. 2.1. Suetonius remains the major source but see also Tac. Hist. 2-5; Cass. Dio 65; Joseph. BJ 3-4.

[[2]] Suetonius (Vesp. 2.1) claims that Vespasian did not accept the latus clavus, the broad striped toga worn by one aspiring to a senatorial career, immediately. The delay, however, was perhaps no more than three years. See J. Nicols, Vespasian and the Partes Flavianae (Wiesbaden, 1978), 2.

[[3]] Military tribunate and quaestorship: Suet. Vesp. 2.3; aedileship: ibid., 5.3, in which Gaius, furious that Vespasian had not kept the streets clean, as was his duty, ordered some soldiers to load him with filth;,they complied by stuffing his toga with as much as it could hold. See also Dio 59.12.2-3; praetorship: Suet. Vesp. 2.3, in which Vespasian is depicted as one of Gaius' leading adulators, an account consistent with Tacitus' portrayal (Hist 1.50.4; 2.5.1) of his early career. For a more complete discussion of these posts and attendant problems of dating, see Nicols, Vespasian, 2-7.

[[4]] Marriage and Caenis: Suet. Vesp. 3; Cass. Dio 65.14.

[[5]] Nicols, Vespasian, 12-39.

[[6]] Suet. Vesp. 4.1 For additional details on Vespasian's exploits in Britain, see D. Dudley and G. Webster, The Roman Conquest of Britain (London, 1965), 55 ff., 98.

[[7]] Concerning Vespasian's years between his consulship and proconsulship, see Suet. Vesp. 4.2 and Nicols, Vespasian, 9. On his unpopularity in Africa, see Suet. Vesp. 4.3, an account of a riot at Hadrumentum, where he was once pelted with turnips. In recording that Africa supported Vitellius in A.D. 69, Tacitus too suggests popular dissatisfaction with Vespasian's proconsulship. See Hist. 2.97.2.

[[8]] This despite the fact that the sources record two rebukes of Vespasian, one for extorting money from a young man seeking career advancement (Suet. Vesp. 4.3), the other for either leaving the room or dozing off during one of the emperor's recitals (Suet. Vesp. 4.4 and 14, which places the transgression in Greece; Tac. (Ann. 16.5.3), who makes Rome and the Quinquennial Games of A.D. 65 the setting; A. Braithwaite, C. Suetoni Tranquilli Divus Vespasianus, Oxford, 1927, 30, who argues for both Greece and Rome).

[[9]] Subjugation of Galilee: Joseph. BJ 3.65-4.106; siege of Jerusalem: ibid., 4.366-376, 414.

[[10]] Revolt of Vindex: Suet. Nero 40; Tac. Ann. 14.4; revolt of Galba: Suet. Galba 10; Plut. Galba, 4-5; suicide of Nero: Suet. Nero 49; Cass. Dio 63.29.2. For the most complete account of the period between Nero's death and the accession of Vespasian, see K. Wellesley, The Long Year: A.D. 69, 2nd. ed. (Bristol, 1989).

[[11]] Tac. Hist. 2.76.

[[12]] Troops in support of Vespasian: Suet. Vit. 15; Mucianus and his forces: Tac. Hist. 2.83; Vespasian and grain shipments: Joseph. BJ 4.605 ff.; see also Tac. Hist. 3.48, on Vespasian's possible plan to shut off grain shipments to Italy from Carthage as well.

[[13]] On Vitellius' army and its lack of discipline, see Tac. Hist. 2.93-94; illness of army: ibid., 2.99.1; Cremona: ibid., 3.32-33.

[[14]] On Vitellius' last days, see Tac. Hist. 3.68-81. On the complicated issue of Vitellius' death date, see L. Holzapfel, "Römische Kaiserdaten," Klio 13 (1913): 301.

[[15]] Honors, etc. Tac. Hist. 4.3. For more on the lex de imperio Vespasiani, see P. A. Brunt, "Lex de imperio Vespasiani," JRS (67) 1977: 95-116.

[[16]] Omens: Suet. Vesp. 5; consulships and honors: ibid., 8; succession of sons: ibid., 25.

[[17]] On Vespasian's restoration of Rome, see Suet. Vesp. 9; Cass. Dio 65.10; D. Wardel, "Vespasian, Helvidius Priscus and the Restoration of the Capitol," Historia 45 (1996): 208-222.

[[18]] Suet. Vesp. 16.

[[19]] Ibid.; Tac. Hist. 1.50.

[[20]] Suet. Vesp. 17-19.

[[21]] Ibid., 8-10.

[[22]] On Vespasian's exploits in Britain, see esp. Tac., Agricola, eds. R. M. Ogilvie and I. A. Richmond (1967), and W. S. Hanson, Agricola and the Conquest of the North (1987); on the granting of Latin rights in Spain, see, e.g., J. Gonzalez, "The Lex Irnitana: a New Copy of the Flavian Municipal Law." JRS 76 (1986): 147-243.

[[23]] For this witticism and other anecdotes concerning Vespasian's sense of humor, see Suet. Vesp. 23.

Copyright (C) 1998, John Donahue. Published on De Imperatoribus Romanis, an Online Encyplopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families.
http://www.roman-emperors.org/vespasia.htm
Used by permission.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
VesJudCapt.jpg
[18H759] Vespasian, 1 July 69 - 24 June 79 A.D., Judaea Capta173 viewsSilver denarius, Hendin 759, RIC 15, BM 35, RSC 226, S 2296, Fair, 2.344g, 17.0mm, 180o, Rome mint, 69-70 A.D.; obverse IMP CAESAR VESPASIANVS AVG, laureate head right; reverse IVDAEA in exergue, Jewess, mourning, seated at right of trophy.

De Imperatoribus Romanis:
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families

Titus Flavius Vespasianus (A.D. 69-79)

John Donahue
College of William and Mary

Introduction

Titus Flavius Vespasianus (b. A.D. 9, d. A.D. 79, emperor A.D. 69-79) restored peace and stability to an empire in disarray following the death of Nero in A.D. 68. In the process he established the Flavian dynasty as the legitimate successor to the Imperial throne. Although we lack many details about the events and chronology of his reign, Vespasian provided practical leadership and a return to stable government - accomplishments which, when combined with his other achievements, make his emperorship particularly notable within the history of the Principate.

Early Life and Career

Vespasian was born at Falacrina near Sabine Reate on 17 November, A.D. 9, the son of T. Flavius Sabinus, a successful tax collector and banker, and Vespasia Polla. Both parents were of equestrian status. Few details of his first fifteen years survive, yet it appears that his father and mother were often away from home on business for long periods. As a result, Vespasian's early education became the responsibility of his paternal grandmother, Tertulla. [[1]] In about A.D. 25 Vespasian assumed the toga virilis and later accepted the wearing of the latus clavus, and with it the senatorial path that his older brother, T. Flavius Sabinus, had already chosen. [[2]] Although many of the particulars are lacking, the posts typically occupied by one intent upon a senatorial career soon followed: a military tribunate in Thrace, perhaps for three or four years; a quaestorship in Crete-Cyrene; and the offices of aedile and praetor, successively, under the emperor Gaius. [[3]]

It was during this period that Vespasian married Flavia Domitilla. Daughter of a treasury clerk and former mistress of an African knight, Flavia lacked the social standing and family connections that the politically ambitious usually sought through marriage. In any case, the couple produced three children, a daughter, also named Flavia Domitilla, and two sons, the future emperors Titus and Domitian . Flavia did not live to witness her husband's emperorship and after her death Vespasian returned to his former mistress Caenis, who had been secretary to Antonia (daughter of Marc Antony and mother of Claudius). Caenis apparently exerted considerable influence over Vespasian, prompting Suetonius to assert that she remained his wife in all but name, even after he became emperor. [[4]]

Following the assassination of Gaius on 24 January, A.D. 41, Vespasian advanced rapidly, thanks in large part to the new princeps Claudius, whose favor the Flavians had wisely secured with that of Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius' freedmen, especially Narcissus. [[5]] The emperor soon dispatched Vespasian to Argentoratum (Strasbourg) as legatus legionis II Augustae, apparently to prepare the legion for the invasion of Britain. Vespasian first appeared at the battle of Medway in A.D. 43, and soon thereafter led his legion across the south of England, where he engaged the enemy thirty times in battle, subdued two tribes, and conquered the Isle of Wight. According to Suetonius, these operations were conducted partly under Claudius and partly under Vespasian's commander, Aulus Plautius. Vespasian's contributions, however, did not go unnoticed; he received the ornamenta triumphalia and two priesthoods from Claudius for his exploits in Britain. [[6]]

By the end of A.D. 51 Vespasian had reached the consulship, the pinnacle of a political career at Rome. For reasons that remain obscure he withdrew from political life at this point, only to return when chosen proconsul of Africa about A.D. 63-64. His subsequent administration of the province was marked by severity and parsimony, earning him a reputation for being scrupulous but unpopular. [[7]] Upon completion of his term, Vespasian returned to Rome where, as a senior senator, he became a man of influence in the emperor Nero's court. [[8]] Important enough to be included on Nero's tour of Greece in A.D. 66-67, Vespasian soon found himself in the vicinity of increasing political turbulence in the East. The situation would prove pivotal in advancing his career.

Judaea and the Accession to Power

In response to rioting in Caesarea and Jerusalem that had led to the slaughter in the latter city of Jewish leaders and Roman soldiers, Nero granted to Vespasian in A.D. 66 a special command in the East with the objective of settling the revolt in Judaea. By spring A.D. 67, with 60,000 legionaries, auxiliaries, and allies under his control, Vespasian set out to subdue Galilee and then to cut off Jerusalem. Success was quick and decisive. By October all of Galilee had been pacified and plans for the strategic encirclement of Jerusalem were soon formed. [[9]] Meanwhile, at the other end of the empire, the revolts of Gaius Iulius Vindex, governor of Gallia Lugdunensis, and Servius Sulpicius Galba , governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, had brought Nero's reign to the brink of collapse. The emperor committed suicide in June, A.D. 68, thereby ensuring chaos for the next eighteen months, as first Galba and then Marcus Salvius Otho and Aulus Vitellius acceded to power. Each lacked broad-based military and senatorial support; each would be violently deposed in turn. [[10]]

Still occupied with plans against Jerusalem, Vespasian swore allegiance to each emperor. Shortly after Vitellius assumed power in spring, A.D. 69, however, Vespasian met on the border of Judaea and Syria with Gaius Licinius Mucianus, governor of Syria, and after a series of private and public consultations, the two decided to revolt. [[11]] On July 1, at the urging of Tiberius Alexander, prefect of Egypt, the legions of Alexandria declared for Vespasian, as did the legions of Judaea two days later. By August all of Syria and the Danube legions had done likewise. Vespasian next dispatched Mucianus to Italy with 20,000 troops, while he set out from Syria to Alexandria in order to control grain shipments for the purpose of starving Italy into submission. [[12]] The siege of Jerusalem he placed in the hands of his son Titus.

Meanwhile, the Danubian legions, unwilling to wait for Mucianus' arrival, began their march against Vitellius ' forces. The latter army, suffering from a lack of discipline and training, and unaccustomed to the heat of Rome, was defeated at Cremona in late October. [[13]] By mid-December the Flavian forces had reached Carsulae, 95 kilometers north of Rome on the Flaminian Road, where the Vitellians, with no further hope of reinforcements, soon surrendered. At Rome, unable to persuade his followers to accept terms for his abdication, Vitellius was in peril. On the morning of December 20 the Flavian army entered Rome. By that afternoon, the emperor was dead. [[14]]

Tacitus records that by December 22, A.D. 69, Vespasian had been given all the honors and privileges usually granted to emperors. Even so, the issue remains unclear, owing largely to a surviving fragment of an enabling law, the lex de imperio Vespasiani, which conferred powers, privileges, and exemptions, most with Julio-Claudian precedents, on the new emperor. Whether the fragment represents a typical granting of imperial powers that has uniquely survived in Vespasian's case, or is an attempt to limit or expand such powers, remains difficult to know. In any case, the lex sanctioned all that Vespasian had done up to its passing and gave him authority to act as he saw fit on behalf of the Roman people. [[15]]

What does seem clear is that Vespasian felt the need to legitimize his new reign with vigor. He zealously publicized the number of divine omens that predicted his accession and at every opportunity he accumulated multiple consulships and imperial salutations. He also actively promoted the principle of dynastic succession, insisting that the emperorship would fall to his son. The initiative was fulfilled when Titus succeeded his father in A.D. 79.[[16]]

Emperorship

Upon his arrival in Rome in late summer, A.D. 70, Vespasian faced the daunting task of restoring a city and a government ravaged by the recent civil wars. Although many particulars are missing, a portrait nevertheles emerges of a ruler conscientiously committed to the methodical renewal of both city and empire. Concerning Rome itself, the emperor encouraged rebuilding on vacated lots, restored the Capitol (burned in A.D. 69), and also began work on several new buildings: a temple to the deified Claudius on the Caelian Hill, a project designed to identify Vespasian as a legitimate heir to the Julio-Claudians, while distancing himself from Nero ; a temple of Peace near the Forum; and the magnificent Colosseum (Flavian Amphitheatre), located on the site of the lake of Nero 's Golden House. [[17]]

Claiming that he needed forty thousand million sesterces for these projects and for others aimed at putting the state on more secure footing, Vespasian is said to have revoked various imperial immunities, manipulated the supply of certain commodities to inflate their price, and increased provincial taxation. [[18]] The measures are consistent with his characterization in the sources as both obdurate and avaricious. There were occasional political problems as well: Helvidius Priscus, an advocate of senatorial independence and a critic of the Flavian regime from the start, was exiled after A.D. 75 and later executed; Marcellus Eprius and A. Alienus Caecina were condemned by Titus for conspiracy, the former committing suicide, the latter executed in A.D. 79.
As Suetonius claims, however, in financial matters Vespasian always put revenues to the best possible advantage, regardless of their source. Tacitus, too, offers a generally favorable assessment, citing Vespasian as the first man to improve after becoming emperor. [[19]] Thus do we find the princeps offering subventions to senators not possessing the property qualifications of their rank, restoring many cities throughout the empire, and granting state salaries for the first time to teachers of Latin and Greek rhetoric. To enhance Roman economic and social life even further, he encouraged theatrical productions by building a new stage for the Theatre of Marcellus, and he also put on lavish state dinners to assist the food trades. [[20]]

In other matters the emperor displayed similar concern. He restored the depleted ranks of the senatorial and equestrian orders with eligible Italian and provincial candidates and reduced the backlog of pending court cases at Rome. Vespasian also re-established discipline in the army, while punishing or dismissing large numbers of Vitellius ' men. [[21]]
Beyond Rome, the emperor increased the number of legions in the East and continued the process of imperial expansion by the annexation of northern England, the pacification of Wales, and by advances into Scotland and southwest Germany between the Rhine and the Danube. Vespasian also conferred rights on communities abroad, especially in Spain, where the granting of Latin rights to all native communities contributed to the rapid Romanization of that province during the Imperial period. [[22]]

Death and Assessment

In contrast to his immediate imperial predecessors, Vespasian died peacefully - at Aquae Cutiliae near his birthplace in Sabine country on 23 June, A.D. 79, after contracting a brief illness. The occasion is said to have inspired his deathbed quip: "Oh my, I must be turning into a god!" [[23]] In fact, public deification did follow his death, as did his internment in the Mausoleum of Augustus alongside the Julio-Claudians.

A man of strict military discipline and simple tastes, Vespasian proved to be a conscientious and generally tolerant administrator. More importantly, following the upheavals of A.D. 68-69, his reign was welcome for its general tranquility and restoration of peace. In Vespasian Rome found a leader who made no great breaks with tradition, yet his ability ro rebuild the empire and especially his willingness to expand the composition of the governing class helped to establish a positive working model for the "good emperors" of the second century.

Bibliography

Since the scholarship on Vespasian is more comprehensive than can be treated here, the works listed below are main accounts or bear directly upon issues discussed in the entry above. A comprehensive modern anglophone study of this emperor is yet to be produced.

Atti congresso internazionale di studi Flaviani, 2 vols. Rieti, 1983.

Atti congresso internazionale di studi Vespasianei, 2 vols. Rieti, 1981.

Bosworth, A.B. "Vespasian and the Provinces: Some Problems of the Early 70s A.D." Athenaeum 51 (1973): 49-78.

Brunt, P. A. "Lex de imperio Vespasiani." JRS (67) 1977: 95-116.

D'Espèrey, S. Franchet. "Vespasien, Titus et la littérature." ANRW II.32.5: 3048-3086.

Dudley, D. and Webster, G. The Roman Conquest of Britain. London, 1965.

Gonzalez, J. "The Lex Irnitana: A New Copy of the Flavian Municipal Law." JRS 76 (1986): 147-243.

Grant, M. The Roman Emperors: A Biographical Guide to the Rulers of Rome, 31 B.C. - A.D. 476. New York, 1985.

Homo, L. Vespasien, l'Empereur du bons sens (69-79 ap. J.-C.). Paris, 1949.

Levi, M.A. "I Flavi." ANRW II.2: 177-207.

McCrum, M. and Woodhead, A. G. Select Documents of the Principates of the Flavian Emperors Including the Year of the Revolution. Cambridge, 1966.

Nicols, John. Vespasian and the Partes Flavianae. Wiesbaden, 1978.

Scarre, C. Chronicle of the Roman Emperors. The Reign-by-Reign Record of the Rulers of Imperial Rome. London, 1995.

Suddington, D. B. The Development of the Roman Auxiliary Forces from Caesar to Vespasian, 49 B.C. - A.D. 79. Harare: U. of Zimbabwe, 1982.

Syme, R. Tacitus. Oxford, 1958.

Wardel, David. "Vespasian, Helvidius Priscus and the Restoration of the Capitol." Historia 45 (1996): 208-222.

Wellesley, K. The Long Year: A.D. 69. Bristol, 1989, 2nd ed.


Notes

[[1]] Suet. Vesp. 2.1. Suetonius remains the major source but see also Tac. Hist. 2-5; Cass. Dio 65; Joseph. BJ 3-4.

[[2]] Suetonius (Vesp. 2.1) claims that Vespasian did not accept the latus clavus, the broad striped toga worn by one aspiring to a senatorial career, immediately. The delay, however, was perhaps no more than three years. See J. Nicols, Vespasian and the Partes Flavianae (Wiesbaden, 1978), 2.

[[3]] Military tribunate and quaestorship: Suet. Vesp. 2.3; aedileship: ibid., 5.3, in which Gaius, furious that Vespasian had not kept the streets clean, as was his duty, ordered some soldiers to load him with filth;,they complied by stuffing his toga with as much as it could hold. See also Dio 59.12.2-3; praetorship: Suet. Vesp. 2.3, in which Vespasian is depicted as one of Gaius' leading adulators, an account consistent with Tacitus' portrayal (Hist 1.50.4; 2.5.1) of his early career. For a more complete discussion of these posts and attendant problems of dating, see Nicols, Vespasian, 2-7.

[[4]] Marriage and Caenis: Suet. Vesp. 3; Cass. Dio 65.14.

[[5]] Nicols, Vespasian, 12-39.

[[6]] Suet. Vesp. 4.1 For additional details on Vespasian's exploits in Britain, see D. Dudley and G. Webster, The Roman Conquest of Britain (London, 1965), 55 ff., 98.

[[7]] Concerning Vespasian's years between his consulship and proconsulship, see Suet. Vesp. 4.2 and Nicols, Vespasian, 9. On his unpopularity in Africa, see Suet. Vesp. 4.3, an account of a riot at Hadrumentum, where he was once pelted with turnips. In recording that Africa supported Vitellius in A.D. 69, Tacitus too suggests popular dissatisfaction with Vespasian's proconsulship. See Hist. 2.97.2.

[[8]] This despite the fact that the sources record two rebukes of Vespasian, one for extorting money from a young man seeking career advancement (Suet. Vesp. 4.3), the other for either leaving the room or dozing off during one of the emperor's recitals (Suet. Vesp. 4.4 and 14, which places the transgression in Greece; Tac. (Ann. 16.5.3), who makes Rome and the Quinquennial Games of A.D. 65 the setting; A. Braithwaite, C. Suetoni Tranquilli Divus Vespasianus, Oxford, 1927, 30, who argues for both Greece and Rome).

[[9]] Subjugation of Galilee: Joseph. BJ 3.65-4.106; siege of Jerusalem: ibid., 4.366-376, 414.

[[10]] Revolt of Vindex: Suet. Nero 40; Tac. Ann. 14.4; revolt of Galba: Suet. Galba 10; Plut. Galba, 4-5; suicide of Nero: Suet. Nero 49; Cass. Dio 63.29.2. For the most complete account of the period between Nero's death and the accession of Vespasian, see K. Wellesley, The Long Year: A.D. 69, 2nd. ed. (Bristol, 1989).

[[11]] Tac. Hist. 2.76.

[[12]] Troops in support of Vespasian: Suet. Vit. 15; Mucianus and his forces: Tac. Hist. 2.83; Vespasian and grain shipments: Joseph. BJ 4.605 ff.; see also Tac. Hist. 3.48, on Vespasian's possible plan to shut off grain shipments to Italy from Carthage as well.

[[13]] On Vitellius' army and its lack of discipline, see Tac. Hist. 2.93-94; illness of army: ibid., 2.99.1; Cremona: ibid., 3.32-33.

[[14]] On Vitellius' last days, see Tac. Hist. 3.68-81. On the complicated issue of Vitellius' death date, see L. Holzapfel, "Römische Kaiserdaten," Klio 13 (1913): 301.

[[15]] Honors, etc. Tac. Hist. 4.3. For more on the lex de imperio Vespasiani, see P. A. Brunt, "Lex de imperio Vespasiani," JRS (67) 1977: 95-116.

[[16]] Omens: Suet. Vesp. 5; consulships and honors: ibid., 8; succession of sons: ibid., 25.

[[17]] On Vespasian's restoration of Rome, see Suet. Vesp. 9; Cass. Dio 65.10; D. Wardel, "Vespasian, Helvidius Priscus and the Restoration of the Capitol," Historia 45 (1996): 208-222.

[[18]] Suet. Vesp. 16.

[[19]] Ibid.; Tac. Hist. 1.50.

[[20]] Suet. Vesp. 17-19.

[[21]] Ibid., 8-10.

[[22]] On Vespasian's exploits in Britain, see esp. Tac., Agricola, eds. R. M. Ogilvie and I. A. Richmond (1967), and W. S. Hanson, Agricola and the Conquest of the North (1987); on the granting of Latin rights in Spain, see, e.g., J. Gonzalez, "The Lex Irnitana: a New Copy of the Flavian Municipal Law." JRS 76 (1986): 147-243.

[[23]] For this witticism and other anecdotes concerning Vespasian's sense of humor, see Suet. Vesp. 23.

Copyright (C) 1998, John Donahue. Published on De Imperatoribus Romanis, an Online Encyplopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families.
http://www.roman-emperors.org/vespasia.htm
Used by permission.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
VespasianJudaeaCaptaHendin779.jpg
[18H779] Vespasian, 1 July 69 - 24 June 79 A.D., Judaea Capta issue132 viewsOrichalcum dupondius, Hendin 779, RIC II 1160, BMCRE 809 (same dies), aVF, Lugdunum mint, 9.969g, 27.7mm, 180o, 71 A.D.; obverse IMP CAESAR VESPASIAN AVG COS III, radiate head right, globe at point of bust; reverse VICTORIA NAVALIS S C, Victory standing right on a prow, wreath in right, palm frond over should in left (Refers to a victory on the Sea of Galilee during the recapture of Judaea); rough; rare (R2). Ex FORVM.




De Imperatoribus Romanis:
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families

Titus Flavius Vespasianus (A.D. 69-79)

John Donahue
College of William and Mary

Introduction

Titus Flavius Vespasianus (b. A.D. 9, d. A.D. 79, emperor A.D. 69-79) restored peace and stability to an empire in disarray following the death of Nero in A.D. 68. In the process he established the Flavian dynasty as the legitimate successor to the Imperial throne. Although we lack many details about the events and chronology of his reign, Vespasian provided practical leadership and a return to stable government - accomplishments which, when combined with his other achievements, make his emperorship particularly notable within the history of the Principate.

Early Life and Career

Vespasian was born at Falacrina near Sabine Reate on 17 November, A.D. 9, the son of T. Flavius Sabinus, a successful tax collector and banker, and Vespasia Polla. Both parents were of equestrian status. Few details of his first fifteen years survive, yet it appears that his father and mother were often away from home on business for long periods. As a result, Vespasian's early education became the responsibility of his paternal grandmother, Tertulla. [[1]] In about A.D. 25 Vespasian assumed the toga virilis and later accepted the wearing of the latus clavus, and with it the senatorial path that his older brother, T. Flavius Sabinus, had already chosen. [[2]] Although many of the particulars are lacking, the posts typically occupied by one intent upon a senatorial career soon followed: a military tribunate in Thrace, perhaps for three or four years; a quaestorship in Crete-Cyrene; and the offices of aedile and praetor, successively, under the emperor Gaius. [[3]]

It was during this period that Vespasian married Flavia Domitilla. Daughter of a treasury clerk and former mistress of an African knight, Flavia lacked the social standing and family connections that the politically ambitious usually sought through marriage. In any case, the couple produced three children, a daughter, also named Flavia Domitilla, and two sons, the future emperors Titus and Domitian . Flavia did not live to witness her husband's emperorship and after her death Vespasian returned to his former mistress Caenis, who had been secretary to Antonia (daughter of Marc Antony and mother of Claudius). Caenis apparently exerted considerable influence over Vespasian, prompting Suetonius to assert that she remained his wife in all but name, even after he became emperor. [[4]]

Following the assassination of Gaius on 24 January, A.D. 41, Vespasian advanced rapidly, thanks in large part to the new princeps Claudius, whose favor the Flavians had wisely secured with that of Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius' freedmen, especially Narcissus. [[5]] The emperor soon dispatched Vespasian to Argentoratum (Strasbourg) as legatus legionis II Augustae, apparently to prepare the legion for the invasion of Britain. Vespasian first appeared at the battle of Medway in A.D. 43, and soon thereafter led his legion across the south of England, where he engaged the enemy thirty times in battle, subdued two tribes, and conquered the Isle of Wight. According to Suetonius, these operations were conducted partly under Claudius and partly under Vespasian's commander, Aulus Plautius. Vespasian's contributions, however, did not go unnoticed; he received the ornamenta triumphalia and two priesthoods from Claudius for his exploits in Britain. [[6]]

By the end of A.D. 51 Vespasian had reached the consulship, the pinnacle of a political career at Rome. For reasons that remain obscure he withdrew from political life at this point, only to return when chosen proconsul of Africa about A.D. 63-64. His subsequent administration of the province was marked by severity and parsimony, earning him a reputation for being scrupulous but unpopular. [[7]] Upon completion of his term, Vespasian returned to Rome where, as a senior senator, he became a man of influence in the emperor Nero's court. [[8]] Important enough to be included on Nero's tour of Greece in A.D. 66-67, Vespasian soon found himself in the vicinity of increasing political turbulence in the East. The situation would prove pivotal in advancing his career.

Judaea and the Accession to Power

In response to rioting in Caesarea and Jerusalem that had led to the slaughter in the latter city of Jewish leaders and Roman soldiers, Nero granted to Vespasian in A.D. 66 a special command in the East with the objective of settling the revolt in Judaea. By spring A.D. 67, with 60,000 legionaries, auxiliaries, and allies under his control, Vespasian set out to subdue Galilee and then to cut off Jerusalem. Success was quick and decisive. By October all of Galilee had been pacified and plans for the strategic encirclement of Jerusalem were soon formed. [[9]] Meanwhile, at the other end of the empire, the revolts of Gaius Iulius Vindex, governor of Gallia Lugdunensis, and Servius Sulpicius Galba , governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, had brought Nero's reign to the brink of collapse. The emperor committed suicide in June, A.D. 68, thereby ensuring chaos for the next eighteen months, as first Galba and then Marcus Salvius Otho and Aulus Vitellius acceded to power. Each lacked broad-based military and senatorial support; each would be violently deposed in turn. [[10]]

Still occupied with plans against Jerusalem, Vespasian swore allegiance to each emperor. Shortly after Vitellius assumed power in spring, A.D. 69, however, Vespasian met on the border of Judaea and Syria with Gaius Licinius Mucianus, governor of Syria, and after a series of private and public consultations, the two decided to revolt. [[11]] On July 1, at the urging of Tiberius Alexander, prefect of Egypt, the legions of Alexandria declared for Vespasian, as did the legions of Judaea two days later. By August all of Syria and the Danube legions had done likewise. Vespasian next dispatched Mucianus to Italy with 20,000 troops, while he set out from Syria to Alexandria in order to control grain shipments for the purpose of starving Italy into submission. [[12]] The siege of Jerusalem he placed in the hands of his son Titus.

Meanwhile, the Danubian legions, unwilling to wait for Mucianus' arrival, began their march against Vitellius ' forces. The latter army, suffering from a lack of discipline and training, and unaccustomed to the heat of Rome, was defeated at Cremona in late October. [[13]] By mid-December the Flavian forces had reached Carsulae, 95 kilometers north of Rome on the Flaminian Road, where the Vitellians, with no further hope of reinforcements, soon surrendered. At Rome, unable to persuade his followers to accept terms for his abdication, Vitellius was in peril. On the morning of December 20 the Flavian army entered Rome. By that afternoon, the emperor was dead. [[14]]

Tacitus records that by December 22, A.D. 69, Vespasian had been given all the honors and privileges usually granted to emperors. Even so, the issue remains unclear, owing largely to a surviving fragment of an enabling law, the lex de imperio Vespasiani, which conferred powers, privileges, and exemptions, most with Julio-Claudian precedents, on the new emperor. Whether the fragment represents a typical granting of imperial powers that has uniquely survived in Vespasian's case, or is an attempt to limit or expand such powers, remains difficult to know. In any case, the lex sanctioned all that Vespasian had done up to its passing and gave him authority to act as he saw fit on behalf of the Roman people. [[15]]

What does seem clear is that Vespasian felt the need to legitimize his new reign with vigor. He zealously publicized the number of divine omens that predicted his accession and at every opportunity he accumulated multiple consulships and imperial salutations. He also actively promoted the principle of dynastic succession, insisting that the emperorship would fall to his son. The initiative was fulfilled when Titus succeeded his father in A.D. 79.[[16]]

Emperorship

Upon his arrival in Rome in late summer, A.D. 70, Vespasian faced the daunting task of restoring a city and a government ravaged by the recent civil wars. Although many particulars are missing, a portrait nevertheles emerges of a ruler conscientiously committed to the methodical renewal of both city and empire. Concerning Rome itself, the emperor encouraged rebuilding on vacated lots, restored the Capitol (burned in A.D. 69), and also began work on several new buildings: a temple to the deified Claudius on the Caelian Hill, a project designed to identify Vespasian as a legitimate heir to the Julio-Claudians, while distancing himself from Nero ; a temple of Peace near the Forum; and the magnificent Colosseum (Flavian Amphitheatre), located on the site of the lake of Nero 's Golden House. [[17]]

Claiming that he needed forty thousand million sesterces for these projects and for others aimed at putting the state on more secure footing, Vespasian is said to have revoked various imperial immunities, manipulated the supply of certain commodities to inflate their price, and increased provincial taxation. [[18]] The measures are consistent with his characterization in the sources as both obdurate and avaricious. There were occasional political problems as well: Helvidius Priscus, an advocate of senatorial independence and a critic of the Flavian regime from the start, was exiled after A.D. 75 and later executed; Marcellus Eprius and A. Alienus Caecina were condemned by Titus for conspiracy, the former committing suicide, the latter executed in A.D. 79.
As Suetonius claims, however, in financial matters Vespasian always put revenues to the best possible advantage, regardless of their source. Tacitus, too, offers a generally favorable assessment, citing Vespasian as the first man to improve after becoming emperor. [[19]] Thus do we find the princeps offering subventions to senators not possessing the property qualifications of their rank, restoring many cities throughout the empire, and granting state salaries for the first time to teachers of Latin and Greek rhetoric. To enhance Roman economic and social life even further, he encouraged theatrical productions by building a new stage for the Theatre of Marcellus, and he also put on lavish state dinners to assist the food trades. [[20]]

In other matters the emperor displayed similar concern. He restored the depleted ranks of the senatorial and equestrian orders with eligible Italian and provincial candidates and reduced the backlog of pending court cases at Rome. Vespasian also re-established discipline in the army, while punishing or dismissing large numbers of Vitellius ' men. [[21]]
Beyond Rome, the emperor increased the number of legions in the East and continued the process of imperial expansion by the annexation of northern England, the pacification of Wales, and by advances into Scotland and southwest Germany between the Rhine and the Danube. Vespasian also conferred rights on communities abroad, especially in Spain, where the granting of Latin rights to all native communities contributed to the rapid Romanization of that province during the Imperial period. [[22]]

Death and Assessment

In contrast to his immediate imperial predecessors, Vespasian died peacefully - at Aquae Cutiliae near his birthplace in Sabine country on 23 June, A.D. 79, after contracting a brief illness. The occasion is said to have inspired his deathbed quip: "Oh my, I must be turning into a god!" [[23]] In fact, public deification did follow his death, as did his internment in the Mausoleum of Augustus alongside the Julio-Claudians.

A man of strict military discipline and simple tastes, Vespasian proved to be a conscientious and generally tolerant administrator. More importantly, following the upheavals of A.D. 68-69, his reign was welcome for its general tranquility and restoration of peace. In Vespasian Rome found a leader who made no great breaks with tradition, yet his ability ro rebuild the empire and especially his willingness to expand the composition of the governing class helped to establish a positive working model for the "good emperors" of the second century.

Bibliography

Since the scholarship on Vespasian is more comprehensive than can be treated here, the works listed below are main accounts or bear directly upon issues discussed in the entry above. A comprehensive modern anglophone study of this emperor is yet to be produced.

Atti congresso internazionale di studi Flaviani, 2 vols. Rieti, 1983.

Atti congresso internazionale di studi Vespasianei, 2 vols. Rieti, 1981.

Bosworth, A.B. "Vespasian and the Provinces: Some Problems of the Early 70s A.D." Athenaeum 51 (1973): 49-78.

Brunt, P. A. "Lex de imperio Vespasiani." JRS (67) 1977: 95-116.

D'Espèrey, S. Franchet. "Vespasien, Titus et la littérature." ANRW II.32.5: 3048-3086.

Dudley, D. and Webster, G. The Roman Conquest of Britain. London, 1965.

Gonzalez, J. "The Lex Irnitana: A New Copy of the Flavian Municipal Law." JRS 76 (1986): 147-243.

Grant, M. The Roman Emperors: A Biographical Guide to the Rulers of Rome, 31 B.C. - A.D. 476. New York, 1985.

Homo, L. Vespasien, l'Empereur du bons sens (69-79 ap. J.-C.). Paris, 1949.

Levi, M.A. "I Flavi." ANRW II.2: 177-207.

McCrum, M. and Woodhead, A. G. Select Documents of the Principates of the Flavian Emperors Including the Year of the Revolution. Cambridge, 1966.

Nicols, John. Vespasian and the Partes Flavianae. Wiesbaden, 1978.

Scarre, C. Chronicle of the Roman Emperors. The Reign-by-Reign Record of the Rulers of Imperial Rome. London, 1995.

Suddington, D. B. The Development of the Roman Auxiliary Forces from Caesar to Vespasian, 49 B.C. - A.D. 79. Harare: U. of Zimbabwe, 1982.

Syme, R. Tacitus. Oxford, 1958.

Wardel, David. "Vespasian, Helvidius Priscus and the Restoration of the Capitol." Historia 45 (1996): 208-222.

Wellesley, K. The Long Year: A.D. 69. Bristol, 1989, 2nd ed.


Notes

[[1]] Suet. Vesp. 2.1. Suetonius remains the major source but see also Tac. Hist. 2-5; Cass. Dio 65; Joseph. BJ 3-4.

[[2]] Suetonius (Vesp. 2.1) claims that Vespasian did not accept the latus clavus, the broad striped toga worn by one aspiring to a senatorial career, immediately. The delay, however, was perhaps no more than three years. See J. Nicols, Vespasian and the Partes Flavianae (Wiesbaden, 1978), 2.

[[3]] Military tribunate and quaestorship: Suet. Vesp. 2.3; aedileship: ibid., 5.3, in which Gaius, furious that Vespasian had not kept the streets clean, as was his duty, ordered some soldiers to load him with filth;,they complied by stuffing his toga with as much as it could hold. See also Dio 59.12.2-3; praetorship: Suet. Vesp. 2.3, in which Vespasian is depicted as one of Gaius' leading adulators, an account consistent with Tacitus' portrayal (Hist 1.50.4; 2.5.1) of his early career. For a more complete discussion of these posts and attendant problems of dating, see Nicols, Vespasian, 2-7.

[[4]] Marriage and Caenis: Suet. Vesp. 3; Cass. Dio 65.14.

[[5]] Nicols, Vespasian, 12-39.

[[6]] Suet. Vesp. 4.1 For additional details on Vespasian's exploits in Britain, see D. Dudley and G. Webster, The Roman Conquest of Britain (London, 1965), 55 ff., 98.

[[7]] Concerning Vespasian's years between his consulship and proconsulship, see Suet. Vesp. 4.2 and Nicols, Vespasian, 9. On his unpopularity in Africa, see Suet. Vesp. 4.3, an account of a riot at Hadrumentum, where he was once pelted with turnips. In recording that Africa supported Vitellius in A.D. 69, Tacitus too suggests popular dissatisfaction with Vespasian's proconsulship. See Hist. 2.97.2.

[[8]] This despite the fact that the sources record two rebukes of Vespasian, one for extorting money from a young man seeking career advancement (Suet. Vesp. 4.3), the other for either leaving the room or dozing off during one of the emperor's recitals (Suet. Vesp. 4.4 and 14, which places the transgression in Greece; Tac. (Ann. 16.5.3), who makes Rome and the Quinquennial Games of A.D. 65 the setting; A. Braithwaite, C. Suetoni Tranquilli Divus Vespasianus, Oxford, 1927, 30, who argues for both Greece and Rome).

[[9]] Subjugation of Galilee: Joseph. BJ 3.65-4.106; siege of Jerusalem: ibid., 4.366-376, 414.

[[10]] Revolt of Vindex: Suet. Nero 40; Tac. Ann. 14.4; revolt of Galba: Suet. Galba 10; Plut. Galba, 4-5; suicide of Nero: Suet. Nero 49; Cass. Dio 63.29.2. For the most complete account of the period between Nero's death and the accession of Vespasian, see K. Wellesley, The Long Year: A.D. 69, 2nd. ed. (Bristol, 1989).

[[11]] Tac. Hist. 2.76.

[[12]] Troops in support of Vespasian: Suet. Vit. 15; Mucianus and his forces: Tac. Hist. 2.83; Vespasian and grain shipments: Joseph. BJ 4.605 ff.; see also Tac. Hist. 3.48, on Vespasian's possible plan to shut off grain shipments to Italy from Carthage as well.

[[13]] On Vitellius' army and its lack of discipline, see Tac. Hist. 2.93-94; illness of army: ibid., 2.99.1; Cremona: ibid., 3.32-33.

[[14]] On Vitellius' last days, see Tac. Hist. 3.68-81. On the complicated issue of Vitellius' death date, see L. Holzapfel, "Römische Kaiserdaten," Klio 13 (1913): 301.

[[15]] Honors, etc. Tac. Hist. 4.3. For more on the lex de imperio Vespasiani, see P. A. Brunt, "Lex de imperio Vespasiani," JRS (67) 1977: 95-116.

[[16]] Omens: Suet. Vesp. 5; consulships and honors: ibid., 8; succession of sons: ibid., 25.

[[17]] On Vespasian's restoration of Rome, see Suet. Vesp. 9; Cass. Dio 65.10; D. Wardel, "Vespasian, Helvidius Priscus and the Restoration of the Capitol," Historia 45 (1996): 208-222.

[[18]] Suet. Vesp. 16.

[[19]] Ibid.; Tac. Hist. 1.50.

[[20]] Suet. Vesp. 17-19.

[[21]] Ibid., 8-10.

[[22]] On Vespasian's exploits in Britain, see esp. Tac., Agricola, eds. R. M. Ogilvie and I. A. Richmond (1967), and W. S. Hanson, Agricola and the Conquest of the North (1987); on the granting of Latin rights in Spain, see, e.g., J. Gonzalez, "The Lex Irnitana: a New Copy of the Flavian Municipal Law." JRS 76 (1986): 147-243.

[[23]] For this witticism and other anecdotes concerning Vespasian's sense of humor, see Suet. Vesp. 23.

Copyright (C) 1998, John Donahue. Published on De Imperatoribus Romanis, an Online Encyplopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families.
http://www.roman-emperors.org/vespasia.htm
Used by permission.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
1 commentsCleisthenes
TrajSepphorisGalilee.jpg
[18H907] Trajan, 25 January 98 - 8 or 9 August 117 A.D., Sepphoris, Galilee220 viewsBronze AE 23, Hendin 907, BMC 5, Fair, 7.41g, 23.1mm, 0o, Sepphoris mint, 98 - 117 A.D.; obverse TPAIANOS AYTO]-KPA[TWP EDWKEN, laureate head right; reverse SEPFW/RHNWN, eight-branched palm bearing two bunches of dates.

At the crossroads of the Via Maris and the Acre-Tiberias roads, Sepphoris was the capital of Galilee and Herod Antipas' first capital. Damaged by a riot, Antipas ordered Sepphoris be rebuilt. Flavius Josephus described the rebuilt Sepphoris as the "ornament of all Galilee." Since Sepphoris was only five miles north of Nazareth, Jesus and Joseph may have found work in Antipas' rebuilding projects. Sepphoris was built on a hill and visible for miles. This may be the city that Jesus spoke of when He said, "A city set on a hill cannot be hidden."

Marcus Ulpius Traianus, a brilliant general and administrator was adopted and proclaimed emperor by the aging Nerva in 98 A.D. Regarded as one of Rome's greatest emperors, Trajan was responsible for the annexation of Dacia, the invasion of Arabia and an extensive and lavish building program across the empire. Under Trajan, Rome reached its greatest extent. Shortly after the annexation of Mesopotamia and Armenia, Trajan was forced to withdraw from most of the new Arabian provinces. While returning to Rome to direct operations against the new threats, Trajan died at Selinus in Cilicia.
See: http://www.forumancientcoins.com/catalog/indexfrm.asp?vpar=55&pos=0.


De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families

Trajan (A.D. 98-117)

Herbert W. Benario
Emory University

Introduction and Sources
"During a happy period of more than fourscore years, the public administration was conducted by the virtue and abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the two Antonines. It is the design of this and of the two succeeding chapters to describe the prosperous condition of their empire, and afterwards, from the death of Marcus Antoninus, to deduce the most important circumstances of its decline and fall, a revolution which will ever be remembered and is still felt by the nations of the earth."

This is perhaps the most important and best known of all Edward Gibbon's famous dicta about his vast subject, and particularly that period which he admired the most. It was a concatenation of chance and events which brought to the first position of the principate five men, each very different from the others, who each, in his own way, brought integrity and a sense of public duty to his tasks. Nerva's tenure was brief, as many no doubt had expected and hoped it would be, and perhaps his greatest achievement was to choose Trajan as his adoptive son and intended successor. It was a splendid choice. Trajan was one of Rome's most admirable figures, a man who merited the renown which he enjoyed in his lifetime and in subsequent generations.

The sources for the man and his principate are disappointingly skimpy. There is no contemporaneous historian who can illuminate the period. Tacitus speaks only occasionally of Trajan, there is no biography by Suetonius, nor even one by the author of the late and largely fraudulent Historia Augusta. (However, a modern version of what such a life might have been like has been composed by A. Birley, entirely based upon ancient evidence. It is very useful.) Pliny the Younger tells us the most, in his Panegyricus, his long address of thanks to the emperor upon assuming the consulship in late 100, and in his letters. Pliny was a wordy and congenial man, who reveals a great deal about his senatorial peers and their relations with the emperor, above all, of course, his own. The most important part is the tenth book of his Epistulae, which contains the correspondence between him, while serving in Bithynia, and the emperor, to whom he referred all manner of problems, important as well as trivial. Best known are the pair (96,97) dealing with the Christians and what was to be done with them. These would be extraordinarily valuable if we could be sure that the imperial replies stemmed directly from Trajan, but that is more than one can claim. The imperial chancellery had developed greatly in previous decades and might pen these communications after only the most general directions from the emperor. The letters are nonetheless unique in the insight they offer into the emperor's mind.

Cassius Dio, who wrote in the decade of the 230s, wrote a long imperial history which has survived only in abbreviated form in book LXVIII for the Trajanic period. The rhetorician Dio of Prusa, a contemporary of the emperor, offers little of value. Fourth-century epitomators, Aurelius Victor and Eutropius, offer some useful material. Inscriptions, coins, papyri, and legal texts are of major importance. Since Trajan was a builder of many significant projects, archaeology contributes mightily to our understanding of the man.

Early Life and Career
The patria of the Ulpii was Italica, in Spanish Baetica , where their ancestors had settled late in the third century B.C. This indicates that the Italian origin was paramount, yet it has recently been cogently argued that the family's ancestry was local, with Trajan senior actually a Traius who was adopted into the family of the Ulpii. Trajan's father was the first member of the family to pursue a senatorial career; it proved to be a very successful one. Born probably about the year 30, he perhaps commanded a legion under Corbulo in the early sixties and then was legate of legio X Fretensis under Vespasian, governor of Judaea. Success in the Jewish War was rewarded by the governorship of an unknown province and then a consulate in 70. He was thereafter adlected by the emperor in patricios and sent to govern Baetica. Then followed the governorship of one of the major military provinces, Syria, where he prevented a Parthian threat of invasion, and in 79/80 he was proconsul of Asia, one of the two provinces (the other was Africa) which capped a senatorial career. His public service now effectively over, he lived on in honor and distinction, in all likelihood seeing his son emperor. He probably died before 100. He was deified in 113 and his titulature read divus Traianus pater. Since his son was also the adoptive son of Nerva, the emperor had officially two fathers, a unique circumstance.

The son was born in Italica on September 18, 53; his mother was Marcia, who had given birth to a daughter, Ulpia Marciana, five years before the birth of the son. In the mid seventies, he was a legionary legate under his father in Syria. He then married a lady from Nemausus (Nimes) in Gallia Narbonensis, Pompeia Plotina, was quaestor about 78 and praetor about 84. In 86, he became one of the child Hadrian's guardians. He was then appointed legate of legio VII Gemina in Hispania Tarraconensis, from which he marched at Domitian's orders in 89 to crush the uprising of Antonius Saturninus along the Rhine. He next fought in Domitian's war against the Germans along Rhine and Danube and was rewarded with an ordinary consulship in 91. Soon followed the governorship of Moesia inferior and then that of Germania superior, with his headquarters at Moguntiacum (Mainz), whither Hadrian brought him the news in autumn 97 that he had been adopted by the emperor Nerva, as co-ruler and intended successor. Already recipient of the title imperator and possessor of the tribunician power, when Nerva died on January 27, 98, Trajan became emperor in a smooth transition of power which marked the next three quarters of a century.

Early Years through the Dacian Wars
Trajan did not return immediately to Rome. He chose to stay in his German province and settle affairs on that frontier. He showed that he approved Domitian's arrangements, with the establishment of two provinces, their large military garrisons, and the beginnings of the limes. Those who might have wished for a renewed war of conquest against the Germans were disappointed. The historian Tacitus may well have been one of these.

Trajan then visited the crucial Danube provinces of Pannonia and Moesia, where the Dacian king Decebalus had caused much difficulty for the Romans and had inflicted a heavy defeat upon a Roman army about a decade before. Domitian had established a modus vivendi with Decebalus, essentially buying his good behavior, but the latter had then continued his activities hostile to Rome. Trajan clearly thought that this corner of empire would require his personal attention and a lasting and satisfactory solution.

Trajan spent the year 100 in Rome, seeing to the honors and deification of his predecessor, establishing good and sensitive relations with the senate, in sharp contrast with Domitian's "war against the senate." Yet his policies essentially continued Domitian's; he was no less master of the state and the ultimate authority over individuals, but his good nature and respect for those who had until recently been his peers if not his superiors won him great favor. He was called optimus by the people and that word began to appear among his titulature, although it had not been decreed by the senate. Yet his thoughts were ever on the Danube. Preparations for a great campaign were under way, particularly with transfers of legions and their attendant auxiliaries from Germany and Britain and other provinces and the establishment of two new ones, II Traiana and XXX Ulpia, which brought the total muster to 30, the highest number yet reached in the empire's history.

In 101 the emperor took the field. The war was one which required all his military abilities and all the engineering and discipline for which the Roman army was renowned. Trajan was fortunate to have Apollodorus of Damascus in his service, who built a roadway through the Iron Gates by cantilevering it from the sheer face of the rock so that the army seemingly marched on water. He was also to build a great bridge across the Danube, with 60 stone piers (traces of this bridge still survive). When Trajan was ready to move he moved with great speed, probably driving into the heart of Dacian territory with two columns, until, in 102, Decebalus chose to capitulate. He prostrated himself before Trajan and swore obedience; he was to become a client king. Trajan returned to Rome and added the title Dacicus to his titulature.

Decebalus, however, once left to his own devices, undertook to challenge Rome again, by raids across the Danube into Roman territory and by attempting to stir up some of the tribes north of the river against her. Trajan took the field again in 106, intending this time to finish the job of Decebalus' subjugation. It was a brutal struggle, with some of the characteristics of a war of extirpation, until the Dacian king, driven from his capital of Sarmizegethusa and hunted like an animal, chose to commit suicide rather than to be paraded in a Roman triumph and then be put to death.

The war was over. It had taxed Roman resources, with 11 legions involved, but the rewards were great. Trajan celebrated a great triumph, which lasted 123 days and entertained the populace with a vast display of gladiators and animals. The land was established as a province, the first on the north side of the Danube. Much of the native population which had survived warfare was killed or enslaved, their place taken by immigrants from other parts of the empire. The vast wealth of Dacian mines came to Rome as war booty, enabling Trajan to support an extensive building program almost everywhere, but above all in Italy and in Rome. In the capital, Apollodorus designed and built in the huge forum already under construction a sculpted column, precisely 100 Roman feet high, with 23 spiral bands filled with 2500 figures, which depicted, like a scroll being unwound, the history of both Dacian wars. It was, and still is, one of the great achievements of imperial "propaganda." In southern Dacia, at Adamklissi, a large tropaeum was built on a hill, visible from a great distance, as a tangible statement of Rome's domination. Its effect was similar to that of Augustus' monument at La Turbie above Monaco; both were constant reminders for the inhabitants who gazed at it that they had once been free and were now subjects of a greater power.

Administration and Social Policy
The chief feature of Trajan's administration was his good relations with the senate, which allowed him to accomplish whatever he wished without general opposition. His auctoritas was more important than his imperium. At the very beginning of Trajan's reign, the historian Tacitus, in the biography of his father-in-law Agricola, spoke of the newly won compatibility of one-man rule and individual liberty established by Nerva and expanded by Trajan (Agr. 3.1, primo statim beatissimi saeculi ortu Nerva Caesar res olim dissociabiles miscuerit, principatum ac libertatem, augeatque cotidie felicitatem temporum Nerva Traianus,….) [13] At the end of the work, Tacitus comments, when speaking of Agricola's death, that he had forecast the principate of Trajan but had died too soon to see it (Agr. 44.5, ei non licuit durare in hanc beatissimi saeculi lucem ac principem Traianum videre, quod augurio votisque apud nostras aures ominabatur,….) Whether one believes that principate and liberty had truly been made compatible or not, this evidently was the belief of the aristocracy of Rome. Trajan, by character and actions, contributed to this belief, and he undertook to reward his associates with high office and significant promotions. During his principate, he himself held only 6 consulates, while arranging for third consulates for several of his friends. Vespasian had been consul 9 times, Titus 8, Domitian 17! In the history of the empire there were only 12 or 13 private who reached the eminence of third consulates. Agrippa had been the first, L. Vitellius the second. Under Trajan there were 3: Sex. Iulius Frontinus (100), T. Vestricius Spurinna (100), and L. Licinius Sura (107). There were also 10 who held second consulships: L. Iulius Ursus Servianus (102), M.' Laberius Maximus (103), Q. Glitius Atilius Agricola (103), P. Metilius Sabinus Nepos (103?), Sex. Attius Suburanus Aemilianus (104), Ti. Iulius Candidus Marius Celsus (105), C. Antius A. Iulius Quadratus (105), Q. Sosius Senecio (107), A. Cornelius Palma Frontonianus (109), and L. Publilius Celsus (113). These men were essentially his close associates from pre-imperial days and his prime military commanders in the Dacian wars.

One major administrative innovation can be credited to Trajan. This was the introduction of curators who, as representatives of the central government, assumed financial control of local communities, both in Italy and the provinces. Pliny in Bithynia is the best known of these imperial officials. The inexorable shift from freedmen to equestrians in the imperial ministries continued, to culminate under Hadrian, and he devoted much attention and considerable state resources to the expansion of the alimentary system, which purposed to support orphans throughout Italy. The splendid arch at Beneventum represents Trajan as a civilian emperor, with scenes of ordinary life and numerous children depicted, which underscored the prosperity of Italy.

The satirist Juvenal, a contemporary of the emperor, in one of his best known judgments, laments that the citizen of Rome, once master of the world, is now content only with "bread and circuses."

Nam qui dabat olim / imperium, fasces, legiones, omnia, nunc se / continet, atque duas tantum res anxius optat, / panem et circenses. (X 78-81)

Trajan certainly took advantage of that mood, indeed exacerbated it, by improving the reliabilty of the grain supply (the harbor at Ostia and the distribution system as exemplified in the Mercati in Rome). Fronto did not entirely approve, if indeed he approved at all. The plebs esteemed the emperor for the glory he had brought Rome, for the great wealth he had won which he turned to public uses, and for his personality and manner. Though emperor, he prided himself upon being civilis, a term which indicated comportment suitable for a Roman citizen.

There was only one major addition to the Rome's empire other than Dacia in the first decade and a half of Trajan's reign. This was the province of Arabia, which followed upon the absorption of the Nabataean kingdom (105-106).

Building Projects
Trajan had significant effect upon the infrastructure of both Rome and Italy. His greatest monument in the city, if the single word "monument" can effectively describe the complex, was the forum which bore his name, much the largest, and the last, of the series known as the "imperial fora." Excavation for a new forum had already begun under Domitian, but it was Apollodorus who designed and built the whole. Enormous in its extent, the Basilica Ulpia was the centerpiece, the largest wood roofed building in the Roman world. In the open courtyard before it was an equestrian statue of Trajan, behind it was the column; there were libraries, one for Latin scrolls, the other for Greek, on each side. A significant omission was a temple; this circumstance was later rectified by Hadrian, who built a large temple to the deified Trajan and Plotina.

The column was both a history in stone and the intended mausoleum for the emperor, whose ashes were indeed placed in the column base. An inscription over the doorway, somewhat cryptic because part of the text has disappeared, reads as follows:

Senatus populusque Romanus imp. Caesari divi Nervae f. Nervae Traiano Aug. Germ. Dacico pontif. Maximo trib. pot. XVII imp. VI p.p. ad declarandum quantae altitudinis mons et locus tant[is oper]ibus sit egestus (Smallwood 378)

On the north side of the forum, built into the slopes of the Quirinal hill, were the Markets of Trajan, which served as a shopping mall and the headquarters of the annona, the agency responsible for the receipt and distribution of grain.

On the Esquiline hill was constructed the first of the huge imperial baths, using a large part of Nero's Domus Aurea as its foundations. On the other side of the river a new aqueduct was constructed, which drew its water from Lake Bracciano and ran some 60 kilometers to the heights of the Janiculum Hill. It was dedicated in 109. A section of its channel survives in the basement of the American Academy in Rome.

The arch in Beneventum is the most significant monument elsewhere in Italy. It was dedicated in 114, to mark the beginning of the new Via Traiana, which offered an easier route to Brundisium than that of the ancient Via Appia.

Trajan devoted much attention to the construction and improvement of harbors. His new hexagonal harbor at Ostia at last made that port the most significant in Italy, supplanting Puteoli, so that henceforth the grain ships docked there and their cargo was shipped by barge up the Tiber to Rome. Terracina benefited as well from harbor improvements, and the Via Appia now ran directly through the city along a new route, with some 130 Roman feet of sheer cliff being cut away so that the highway could bend along the coast. Ancona on the Adriatic Sea became the major harbor on that coast for central Italy in 114-115, and Trajan's activity was commemorated by an arch. The inscription reports that the senate and people dedicated it to the []iprovidentissimo principi quod accessum Italiae hoc etiam addito ex pecunia sua portu tutiorem navigantibus reddiderit (Smallwood 387). Centumcellae, the modern Civitavecchia, also profited from a new harbor. The emperor enjoyed staying there, and on at least one occasion summoned his consilium there.

Elsewhere in the empire the great bridge at Alcantara in Spain, spanning the Tagus River, still in use, testifies to the significant attention the emperor gave to the improvement of communication throughout his entire domain.

Family Relations; the Women
After the death of his father, Trajan had no close male relatives. His life was as closely linked with his wife and female relations as that of any of his predecessors; these women played enormously important roles in the empire's public life, and received honors perhaps unparalleled. His wife, Pompeia Plotina, is reported to have said, when she entered the imperial palace in Rome for the first time, that she hoped she would leave it the same person she was when she entered. She received the title Augusta no later than 105. She survived Trajan, dying probably in 121, and was honored by Hadrian with a temple, which she shared with her husband, in the great forum which the latter had built.

His sister Marciana, five years his elder, and he shared a close affection. She received the title Augusta, along with Plotina, in 105 and was deified in 112 upon her death. Her daughter Matidia became Augusta upon her mother's death, and in her turn was deified in 119. Both women received substantial monuments in the Campus Martius, there being basilicas of each and a temple of divae Matidiae. Hadrian was responsible for these buildings, which were located near the later temple of the deified Hadrian, not far from the column of Marcus Aurelius.

Matidia's daughter, Sabina, was married to Hadrian in the year 100. The union survived almost to the end of Hadrian's subsequent principate, in spite of the mutual loathing that they had for each other. Sabina was Trajan's great niece, and thereby furnished Hadrian a crucial link to Trajan.

The women played public roles as significant as any of their predecessors. They traveled with the emperor on public business and were involved in major decisions. They were honored throughout the empire, on monuments as well as in inscriptions. Plotina, Marciana, and Matidia, for example, were all honored on the arch at Ancona along with Trajan.

The Parthian War
In 113, Trajan began preparations for a decisive war against Parthia. He had been a "civilian" emperor for seven years, since his victory over the Dacians, and may well have yearned for a last, great military achievement, which would rival that of Alexander the Great. Yet there was a significant cause for war in the Realpolitik of Roman-Parthian relations, since the Parthians had placed a candidate of their choice upon the throne of Armenia without consultation and approval of Rome. When Trajan departed Rome for Antioch, in a leisurely tour of the eastern empire while his army was being mustered, he probably intended to destroy at last Parthia's capabilities to rival Rome's power and to reduce her to the status of a province (or provinces). It was a great enterprise, marked by initial success but ultimate disappointment and failure.

In 114 he attacked the enemy through Armenia and then, over three more years, turned east and south, passing through Mesopotamia and taking Babylon and the capital of Ctesiphon. He then is said to have reached the Persian Gulf and to have lamented that he was too old to go further in Alexander's footsteps. In early 116 he received the title Parthicus.

The territories, however, which had been handily won, were much more difficult to hold. Uprisings among the conquered peoples, and particularly among the Jews in Palestine and the Diaspora, caused him to gradually resign Roman rule over these newly-established provinces as he returned westward. The revolts were brutally suppressed. In mid 117, Trajan, now a sick man, was slowly returning to Italy, having left Hadrian in command in the east, when he died in Selinus of Cilicia on August 9, having designated Hadrian as his successor while on his death bed. Rumor had it that Plotina and Matidia were responsible for the choice, made when the emperor was already dead. Be that as it may, there was no realistic rival to Hadrian, linked by blood and marriage to Trajan and now in command of the empire's largest military forces. Hadrian received notification of his designation on August 11, and that day marked his dies imperii. Among Hadrian's first acts was to give up all of Trajan's eastern conquests.

Trajan's honors and reputation
Hadrian saw to it that Trajan received all customary honors: the late emperor was declared a divus, his victories were commemorated in a great triumph, and his ashes were placed in the base of his column. Trajan's reputation remained unimpaired, in spite of the ultimate failure of his last campaigns. Early in his principate, he had unofficially been honored with the title optimus, "the best," which long described him even before it became, in 114, part of his official titulature. His correspondence with Pliny enables posterity to gain an intimate sense of the emperor in action. His concern for justice and the well-being of his subjects is underscored by his comment to Pliny, when faced with the question of the Christians, that they were not to be sought out, "nor is it appropriate to our age." At the onset of his principate, Tacitus called Trajan's accession the beginning of a beatissimum saeculum, and so it remained in the public mind. Admired by the people, respected by the senatorial aristocracy, he faced no internal difficulties, with no rival nor opposition. His powers were as extensive as Domitian's had been, but his use and display of these powers were very different from those of his predecessor, who had claimed to be deus et dominus. Not claiming to be a god, he was recognized in the official iconography of sculpture as Jupiter's viceregent on earth, so depicted on the attic reliefs of the Beneventan arch. The passage of time increased Trajan's aura rather than diminished it. In the late fourth century, when the Roman Empire had dramatically changed in character from what it had been in Trajan's time, each new emperor was hailed with the prayer, felicior Augusto, melior Traiano, "may he be luckier than Augustus and better than Trajan." That reputation has essentially survived into the present day.

Copyright (C) 2000, Herbert W. Benario.
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.

Cleisthenes
TrajanDupondiusTrajansColumn.jpg
[902a] Trajan, 25 January 98 - 8 or 9 August 117 A.D.104 viewsTRAJAN AE dupondius. Cohen 563, RCV 3323. 29mm, 14.1g. Struck circa 115 AD. Obverse: IMP CAESAR NERVAE TRAIANO AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS VI P P, radiate, draped bust right; Reverse: SENATVS POPVLVSQVE ROMANVS, S-C, Trajan's column, eagles at base. This type is noticeably scarcer than the SPQR OPTIMO PRINCIPI type. Ex. Incitatus Coins. Photo courtesy of Incitatus Coins.

De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families

Trajan (A.D. 98-117)

Herbert W. Benario
Emory University

Introduction and Sources
"During a happy period of more than fourscore years, the public administration was conducted by the virtue and abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the two Antonines. It is the design of this and of the two succeeding chapters to describe the prosperous condition of their empire, and afterwards, from the death of Marcus Antoninus, to deduce the most important circumstances of its decline and fall, a revolution which will ever be remembered and is still felt by the nations of the earth."

This is perhaps the most important and best known of all Edward Gibbon's famous dicta about his vast subject, and particularly that period which he admired the most. It was a concatenation of chance and events which brought to the first position of the principate five men, each very different from the others, who each, in his own way, brought integrity and a sense of public duty to his tasks. Nerva's tenure was brief, as many no doubt had expected and hoped it would be, and perhaps his greatest achievement was to choose Trajan as his adoptive son and intended successor. It was a splendid choice. Trajan was one of Rome's most admirable figures, a man who merited the renown which he enjoyed in his lifetime and in subsequent generations.

The sources for the man and his principate are disappointingly skimpy. There is no contemporaneous historian who can illuminate the period. Tacitus speaks only occasionally of Trajan, there is no biography by Suetonius, nor even one by the author of the late and largely fraudulent Historia Augusta. (However, a modern version of what such a life might have been like has been composed by A. Birley, entirely based upon ancient evidence. It is very useful.) Pliny the Younger tells us the most, in his Panegyricus, his long address of thanks to the emperor upon assuming the consulship in late 100, and in his letters. Pliny was a wordy and congenial man, who reveals a great deal about his senatorial peers and their relations with the emperor, above all, of course, his own. The most important part is the tenth book of his Epistulae, which contains the correspondence between him, while serving in Bithynia, and the emperor, to whom he referred all manner of problems, important as well as trivial. Best known are the pair (96,97) dealing with the Christians and what was to be done with them. These would be extraordinarily valuable if we could be sure that the imperial replies stemmed directly from Trajan, but that is more than one can claim. The imperial chancellery had developed greatly in previous decades and might pen these communications after only the most general directions from the emperor. The letters are nonetheless unique in the insight they offer into the emperor's mind.

Cassius Dio, who wrote in the decade of the 230s, wrote a long imperial history which has survived only in abbreviated form in book LXVIII for the Trajanic period. The rhetorician Dio of Prusa, a contemporary of the emperor, offers little of value. Fourth-century epitomators, Aurelius Victor and Eutropius, offer some useful material. Inscriptions, coins, papyri, and legal texts are of major importance. Since Trajan was a builder of many significant projects, archaeology contributes mightily to our understanding of the man.

Early Life and Career
The patria of the Ulpii was Italica, in Spanish Baetica , where their ancestors had settled late in the third century B.C. This indicates that the Italian origin was paramount, yet it has recently been cogently argued that the family's ancestry was local, with Trajan senior actually a Traius who was adopted into the family of the Ulpii. Trajan's father was the first member of the family to pursue a senatorial career; it proved to be a very successful one. Born probably about the year 30, he perhaps commanded a legion under Corbulo in the early sixties and then was legate of legio X Fretensis under Vespasian, governor of Judaea. Success in the Jewish War was rewarded by the governorship of an unknown province and then a consulate in 70. He was thereafter adlected by the emperor in patricios and sent to govern Baetica. Then followed the governorship of one of the major military provinces, Syria, where he prevented a Parthian threat of invasion, and in 79/80 he was proconsul of Asia, one of the two provinces (the other was Africa) which capped a senatorial career. His public service now effectively over, he lived on in honor and distinction, in all likelihood seeing his son emperor. He probably died before 100. He was deified in 113 and his titulature read divus Traianus pater. Since his son was also the adoptive son of Nerva, the emperor had officially two fathers, a unique circumstance.

The son was born in Italica on September 18, 53; his mother was Marcia, who had given birth to a daughter, Ulpia Marciana, five years before the birth of the son. In the mid seventies, he was a legionary legate under his father in Syria. He then married a lady from Nemausus (Nimes) in Gallia Narbonensis, Pompeia Plotina, was quaestor about 78 and praetor about 84. In 86, he became one of the child Hadrian's guardians. He was then appointed legate of legio VII Gemina in Hispania Tarraconensis, from which he marched at Domitian's orders in 89 to crush the uprising of Antonius Saturninus along the Rhine. He next fought in Domitian's war against the Germans along Rhine and Danube and was rewarded with an ordinary consulship in 91. Soon followed the governorship of Moesia inferior and then that of Germania superior, with his headquarters at Moguntiacum (Mainz), whither Hadrian brought him the news in autumn 97 that he had been adopted by the emperor Nerva, as co-ruler and intended successor. Already recipient of the title imperator and possessor of the tribunician power, when Nerva died on January 27, 98, Trajan became emperor in a smooth transition of power which marked the next three quarters of a century.

(For a detailed and interesting discussion of the Emperor Trajan please see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/trajan.htm)

Trajan's honors and reputation
Hadrian saw to it that Trajan received all customary honors: the late emperor was declared a divus, his victories were commemorated in a great triumph, and his ashes were placed in the base of his column. Trajan's reputation remained unimpaired, in spite of the ultimate failure of his last campaigns. Early in his principate, he had unofficially been honored with the title optimus, "the best," which long described him even before it became, in 114, part of his official titulature. His correspondence with Pliny enables posterity to gain an intimate sense of the emperor in action. His concern for justice and the well-being of his subjects is underscored by his comment to Pliny, when faced with the question of the Christians, that they were not to be sought out, "nor is it appropriate to our age." At the onset of his principate, Tacitus called Trajan's accession the beginning of a beatissimum saeculum, and so it remained in the public mind. Admired by the people, respected by the senatorial aristocracy, he faced no internal difficulties, with no rival nor opposition. His powers were as extensive as Domitian's had been, but his use and display of these powers were very different from those of his predecessor, who had claimed to be deus et dominus. Not claiming to be a god, he was recognized in the official iconography of sculpture as Jupiter's viceregent on earth, so depicted on the attic reliefs of the Beneventan arch. The passage of time increased Trajan's aura rather than diminished it. In the late fourth century, when the Roman Empire had dramatically changed in character from what it had been in Trajan's time, each new emperor was hailed with the prayer, felicior Augusto, melior Traiano, "may he be luckier than Augustus and better than Trajan." That reputation has essentially survived into the present day.

Copyright (C) 2000, Herbert W. Benario.
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
HadrianAequitasAR_denarius.jpg
[903a] Hadrian, 11 August 117 - 10 July 138 A.D.93 viewsSilver denarius, RIC II 228 var (bust type), gVF, Rome, 2.849g, 17.8mm, 180o, 134 A.D.; Obverse: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P, head right; Reverse: AEQVITAS AVG, Aequitas standing left, scales in right, scepter in left; excellent portrait; scarce. Ex FORVM. Photo courtesy of FORVM.

De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families

Hadrian (A.D. 117-138)
Herbert W. Benario
Emory University

Introduction and Sources
"During a happy period of more than fourscore years, the public administration was conducted by the virtue and abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the two Antonines. It is the design of this and of the two succeeding chapters to describe the prosperous condition of their empire, and afterwards, from the death of Marcus Antoninus, to deduce the most important circumstances of its decline and fall, a revolution which will ever be remembered and is still felt by the nations of the earth."

So Edward Gibbon concluded the first paragraph of his massive The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, referring to a period which he also styled the happiest of mankind's history. Hadrian was the central figure of these "five good emperors," the one most responsible for changing the character and nature of the empire. He was also one of the most remarkable and talented individuals Rome ever produced.

The sources for a study of Hadrian are varied. There is no major historian for his reign, such as Tacitus or Livy. The chief literary sources are the biography in the Historia Augusta, the first surviving life in a series intended to continue Suetonius' Lives of the Caesars. Debate about this collection of imperial biographies has been heated and contentious for more than a century. The most convincing view is that which sees the whole as the work of a single author writing in the last years of the fourth century. The information offered ranges from the precisely accurate to the most wildly imaginative.

Cassius Dio, who wrote in the decade of the 230s, produced a long history of the empire which has survived, for the Hadrianic period, only in an abbreviated version. Fourth century historians, such as Aurelius Victor and Eutropius, occasionally furnish bits of information. Contemporaries or near-contemporaries of Hadrian, such as Arrian, Fronto, Pausanias, and Plutarch, are also useful. Papyri, inscriptions, coins, and legal writings are extremely important. Archaeology in all its aspects contributes mightily to any attempt to probe the character of a man and emperor whose personality and thoughts defy close analysis and understanding.

Early Life and Career
Hadrian was born on January 24, 76. Where he saw the light of day was, even in antiquity, matter for debate. Italica, in Hispania Baetica, was the birthplace of Trajan and was also considered that of Hadrian. But the HA reports that he was born in Rome, and that seems the more likely choice, since it is the more unexpected. The actual place of one's birth was, however, unimportant, since it was one's patria which was crucial. Hadrian's ancestors had come to Spain generations before, from the town of Hadria in Picenum, at the end of the Second Punic War. Italica's tribus, to which Hadrian belonged, was the Sergia. His father, P. Aelius Afer, had reached the praetorship by the time of his death in 85/86, his mother, Domitia Paulina, came from a distinguished family of Gades, one of the wealthiest cities in the empire. His sister Paulina married Servianus, who played a significant role in Hadrian's career. Trajan was the father's cousin; when Afer died, Trajan and P. Acilius Attianus, likewise of Italica, became Hadrian's guardians.

At the age of about ten, Hadrian went to Italica for the first time (or returned, if he had been there earlier in his childhood), where he remained for only a brief time. He then returned to the capital and soon began a rapid rise through the cursus honorum; he was a military tribune of three different legions in consecutive years, a series of appointments which clearly marked him for a military career, and reached the consulate as a suffect at the age of 32, the earliest possible under the principate. At Trajan's death, he was legate of the province of Syria, with responsibility for the security of the east in the aftermath of Trajan's Parthian War.

(For a detailed and interesting discussion of Hadrian's reign please see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/hadrian.htm])

Literary and artistic achievements
Hadrian was a man of extraordinary talents, certainly one of the most gifted that Rome ever produced. He became a fine public speaker, he was a student of philosophy and other subjects, who could hold his own with the luminaries in their fields, he wrote both an autobiography and poetry, and he was a superb architect. It was in this last area that he left his greatest mark, with several of the empire's most extraordinary buildings and complexes stemming from his fertile mind. The anonymous author of the Historia Augusta described Hadrian as Fuit enim poematum et litterarum nimium studiosissimus. Arithmeticae, geometriae, picturae peritissimus.

He rebuilt Agrippa's Pantheon into the remarkable building that survives today, reconstructing the accustomed temple facade, with columns and pediment, but attaching it to a drum which was surmounted by a coffered dome. The latter was pierced by an oculus nine meters in diameter, which was the main source of illumination. Height and diameter were identical, 43.3 meters. The dome remained the largest in the world until the twentieth century. As was his custom, he replaced the original inscription of Agrippa on the architrave; seldom did he put his own name on a monument.

He also left his mark on almost every city and province to which he came. He paid particular attention to Athens, where he completed the great temple of Olympian Zeus, some six centuries after construction had begun, and made it the centerpiece of a new district of the city.

Hadrian's relationship with philosophers and other scholars was generally fractious. He often scorned their achievements while showing his own superiority. An anecdote about an argument which he had with the eminent philosopher and sophist Favorinus revealed the inequity of such disagreement. Although Favorinus was correct, he gave way to Hadrian, and when rebuked by friends, replied, "You advise me badly, friends, since you do not permit me to believe that he who commands thirty legions is the most learned of all."

Hadrian's literary taste inclined toward the archaic and the odd. He preferred Cato to Cicero, Ennius to Vergil, Coelius Antipater to Sallust, and disapproved of Homer and Plato as well. Indeed, the epic writer Antimachus of Colophon supplanted Homer in Hadrian's estimation. The biographer Suetonius held office under Hadrian but was discharged in 122 for disrespect to the empress. The historian Tacitus, who may have lived into Hadrian's reign, seems to have found no favor with the emperor.

His best known literary work is the short poem which he is said to have composed shortly before his death. These five lines have caused commentators much interpretative woe.

animula vagula blandula
hospes comesque corporis
quae nunc abibis in loca
pallidula rigida nudula
nec ut soles dabis iocos! (25.9)

"Little soul, wandering and pale, guest and companion of my body, you who will now go off to places pale, stiff, and barren, nor will you make jokes as has been your wont."
. . .

Reputation
Hadrian died invisus omnibus, according to the author of the Vita. But his deification placed him in the list of "good" emperors, a worthy successor to the optimus princes Trajan. Hadrian played a significant role both in developing the foreign policies of the empire and in its continuing centralization in administration. Few would disagree that he was one of the most remarkable men Rome ever produced, and that the empire was fortunate to have him as its head. When Aelius Aristides delivered his oration To Rome in 143, he had Hadrian's empire in mind when he said,

"But there is that which very decidedly deserves as much attention and admiration now as all the rest together. I mean your magnificent citizenship with its grand conception, because there is nothing like it in the records of all mankind. Dividing into two groups all those in your empire - and with this word I have indicated the entire civilized world - you have everywhere appointed to your citizenship, or even to kinship with you, the better part of the world's talent, courage, and leadership, while the rest you recognized as a league under your hegemony. Neither sea nor intervening continent are bars to citizenship, nor are Asia and Europe divided in their treatment here. In your empire all paths are open to all. No one worthy of rule or trust remains an alien, but a civil community of the World has been established as a Free Republic under one, the best, ruler and teacher of order; and all come together as into a common civic center, in order to receive each man his due.”

Scholarly work on the emperor, above all biographies, has been varied in quality. Much the best, as the most recent, is by A.R. Birley, who presents all that is known but underscores how much is conjecture, nay even guesswork. We still do not really know the man. An enigma he was to many while alive, and so he remains for us. Semper in omnibus varius; omnium curiositatum explorator; varius multiplex multiformis: these are descriptions of him from antiquity. They are still valid more than 1900 years after the emperor's death.

Copyright (C) 2000, Herbert W. Benario.
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
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