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020p Vespasian (69-79 A.D.), Cappadocia, Caesarea, Galatia-Cappadocia, RPC II 1659, AR-Hemidrachm, Nike advancing right, #1020p Vespasian (69-79 A.D.), Cappadocia, Caesarea, Galatia-Cappadocia, RPC II 1659, AR-Hemidrachm, Nike advancing right, #1
avers: AYTOKP KAICAP OYЄCΠACIANOC CЄBA Laureate head of Vespasian to right.
reverse: Nike advancing right, holding wreath in her right hand and palm frond over her left shoulder.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 12,9-13,9mm, weight: 1,54g, axis: 0h,
mint: City: Caesarea, Region: Cappadocia, Province: Galatia-Cappadocia,
date: 69-79 A.D.,
ref: RPC II 1659, Sydenham 94, Metcalf 17, SGI 735,
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03 04 Tiberius RPC I 3620Tiberius, 14-37 A.D. AR Drachm. Caesarea-Eusebia Mint. (3.61 g, 19.8m, 0) Obv: TIBEPIOS KAISAP SEABASTOS, Laureate head right. Rev: QEOY SEBASTOY YIOS, Mount Argaeus surmounted by a statute of Helios holding orb in right and long scepter verticle in left. Ex Forvm. Lucas H
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1409a, Julian II "the Philosopher," February 360 - 26 June 363 A.D.Julian II, A.D. 360-363; RIC 167; VF; 2.7g, 20mm; Constantinople mint; Obverse: DN FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG, helmeted & cuirassed bust right, holding spear & shield; Reverse: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath; CONSPB in exergue; Attractive green patina. Ex Nemesis.
De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors
Julian the Apostate (360-363 A.D.)
Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Michael DiMaio, Jr., Salve Regina University
Introduction
The emperor Flavius Claudius Julianus reigned from 360 to 26 June 363, when he was killed fighting against the Persians. Despite his short rule, his emperorship was pivotal in the development of the history of the later Roman empire. This essay is not meant to be a comprehensive look at the various issues central to the reign of Julian and the history of the later empire. Rather, this short work is meant to be a brief history and introduction for the general reader. Julian was the last direct descendent of the Constantinian line to ascend to the purple, and it is one of history's great ironies that he was the last non-Christian emperor. As such, he has been vilified by most Christian sources, beginning with John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzus in the later fourth century. This tradition was picked up by the fifth century Eusebian continuators Sozomen, Socrates Scholasticus, and Theodoret and passed on to scholars down through the 20th century. Most contemporary sources, however, paint a much more balanced picture of Julian and his reign. The adoption of Christianity by emperors and society, while still a vital concern, was but one of several issues that concerned Julian.
It is fortunate that extensive writings from Julian himself exist, which help interpret his reign in the light of contemporary evidence. Still extant are some letters, several panegyrics, and a few satires. Other contemporary sources include the soldier Ammianus Marcellinus' history, correspondence between Julian and Libanius of Antioch, several panegyrics, laws from the Theodosian Code, inscriptions, and coinage. These sources show Julian's emphasis on restoration. He saw himself as the restorer of the traditional values of Roman society. Of course much of this was rhetoric, meant to defend Julian against charges that he was a usurper. At the same time this theme of restoration was central to all emperors of the fourth century. Julian thought that he was the one emperor who could regain what was viewed as the lost glory of the Roman empire. To achieve this goal he courted select groups of social elites to get across his message of restoration. This was the way that emperors functioned in the fourth century. By choosing whom to include in the sharing of power, they sought to shape society.
Early Life
Julian was born at Constantinople in 331. His father was Julius Constantius, half-brother of the emperor Constantine through Constantius Chlorus, and his mother was Basilina, Julius' second wife. Julian had two half-brothers via Julius' first marriage. One of these was Gallus, who played a major role in Julian's life. Julian appeared destined for a bright future via his father's connection to the Constantinian house. After many years of tense relations with his three half-brothers, Constantine seemed to have welcomed them into the fold of the imperial family. From 333 to 335, Constantine conferred a series of honors upon his three half-siblings, including appointing Julius Constantius as one of the consuls for 335. Julian's mother was equally distinguished. Ammianus related that she was from a noble family. This is supported by Libanius, who claimed that she was the daughter of Julius Julianus, a Praetorian Prefect under Licinius, who was such a model of administrative virtue that he was pardoned and honored by Constantine.
Despite the fact that his mother died shortly after giving birth to him, Julian experienced an idyllic early childhood. This ended when Constantius II conducted a purge of many of his relatives shortly after Constantine's death in 337, particularly targeting the families of Constantine's half-brothers. ulian and Gallus were spared, probably due to their young age. Julian was put under the care of Mardonius, a Scythian eunuch who had tutored his mother, in 339, and was raised in the Greek philosophical tradition, and probably lived in Nicomedia. Ammianus also supplied the fact that while in Nicomedia, Julian was cared for by the local bishop Eusebius, of whom the future emperor was a distant relation. Julian was educated by some of the most famous names in grammar and rhetoric in the Greek world at that time, including Nicocles and Hecebolius. In 344 Constantius II sent Julian and Gallus to Macellum in Cappadocia, where they remained for six years. In 351, Gallus was made Caesar by Constantius II and Julian was allowed to return to Nicomedia, where he studied under Aedesius, Eusebius, and Chrysanthius, all famed philosophers, and was exposed to the Neo-Platonism that would become such a prominent part of his life. But Julian was most proud of the time he spent studying under Maximus of Ephesus, a noted Neo-Platonic philospher and theurgist. It was Maximus who completed Julian's full-scale conversion to Neo-Platonism. Later, when he was Caesar, Julian told of how he put letters from this philosopher under his pillows so that he would continue to absorb wisdom while he slept, and while campaigning on the Rhine, he sent his speeches to Maximus for approval before letting others hear them. When Gallus was executed in 354 for treason by Constantius II, Julian was summoned to Italy and essentially kept under house arrest at Comum, near Milan, for seven months before Constantius' wife Eusebia convinced the emperor that Julian posed no threat. This allowed Julian to return to Greece and continue his life as a scholar where he studied under the Neo-Platonist Priscus. Julian's life of scholarly pursuit, however, ended abruptly when he was summoned to the imperial court and made Caesar by Constantius II on 6 November 355.
Julian as Caesar
Constantius II realized an essential truth of the empire that had been evident since the time of the Tetrarchy--the empire was too big to be ruled effectively by one man. Julian was pressed into service as Caesar, or subordinate emperor, because an imperial presence was needed in the west, in particular in the Gallic provinces. Julian, due to the emperor's earlier purges, was the only viable candidate of the imperial family left who could act as Caesar. Constantius enjoined Julian with the task of restoring order along the Rhine frontier. A few days after he was made Caesar, Julian was married to Constantius' sister Helena in order to cement the alliance between the two men. On 1 December 355, Julian journeyed north, and in Augusta Taurinorum he learned that Alamannic raiders had destroyed Colonia Agrippina. He then proceeded to Vienne where he spent the winter. At Vienne, he learned that Augustudunum was also under siege, but was being held by a veteran garrison. He made this his first priority, and arrived there on 24 June 356. When he had assured himself that the city was in no immediate danger, he journeyed to Augusta Treverorum via Autessioduram, and from there to Durocortorum where he rendezvoused with his army. Julian had the army stage a series of punitive strikes around the Dieuse region, and then he moved them towards the Argentoratum/Mongontiacum region when word of barbarian incursions reached him.
From there, Julian moved on to Colonia Agrippina, and negotiated a peace with the local barbarian leaders who had assaulted the city. He then wintered at Senonae. He spent the early part of the campaigning season of 357 fighting off besiegers at Senonae, and then conducting operations around Lugdunum and Tres Tabernae. Later that summer, he encountered his watershed moment as a military general. Ammianus went into great detail about Julian's victory over seven rogue Alamannic chieftains near Argentoratum, and Julian himself bragged about it in his later writing. After this battle, the soldiers acclaimed Julian Augustus, but he rejected this title. After mounting a series of follow-up raids into Alamannic territory, he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia, and on the way defeated some Frankish raiders in the Mosa region. Julian considered this campaign one of the major events of his time as Caesar.
Julian began his 358 military campaigns early, hoping to catch the barbarians by surprise. His first target was the Franks in the northern Rhine region. He then proceeded to restore some forts in the Mosa region, but his soldiers threatened to mutiny because they were on short rations and had not been paid their donative since Julian had become Caesar. After he soothed his soldiers, Julian spent the rest of the summer negotiating a peace with various Alamannic leaders in the mid and lower Rhine areas, and retired to winter quarters at Lutetia. In 359, he prepared once again to carry out a series of punitive expeditions against the Alamanni in the Rhine region who were still hostile to the Roman presence. In preparation, the Caesar repopulated seven previously destroyed cities and set them up as supply bases and staging areas. This was done with the help of the people with whom Julian had negotiated a peace the year before. Julian then had a detachment of lightly armed soldiers cross the Rhine near Mogontiacum and conduct a guerilla strike against several chieftains. As a result of these campaigns, Julian was able to negotiate a peace with all but a handful of the Alamannic leaders, and he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia.
Of course, Julian did more than act as a general during his time as Caesar. According to Ammianus, Julian was an able administrator who took steps to correct the injustices of Constantius' appointees. Ammianus related the story of how Julian prevented Florentius, the Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, from raising taxes, and also how Julian actually took over as governor for the province of Belgica Secunda. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, supported Ammianus' basic assessment of Julian in this regard when he reported that Julian was an able representative of the emperor to the Gallic provincials. There is also epigraphic evidence to support Julian's popularity amongst the provincial elites. An inscription found near Beneventum in Apulia reads:
"To Flavius Claudius Julianus, most noble and sanctified Caesar, from the caring Tocius Maximus, vir clarissimus, for the care of the res publica from Beneventum".
Tocius Maximus, as a vir clarissimus, was at the highest point in the social spectrum and was a leader in his local community. This inscription shows that Julian was successful in establishing a positive image amongst provincial elites while he was Caesar.
Julian Augustus
In early 360, Constantius, driven by jealousy of Julian's success, stripped Julian of many troops and officers, ostensibly because the emperor needed them for his upcoming campaign against the Persians. One of the legions ordered east, the Petulantes, did not want to leave Gaul because the majority of the soldiers in the unit were from this region. As a result they mutinied and hailed Julian as Augustus at Lutetia. Julian refused this acclamation as he had done at Argentoratum earlier, but the soldiers would have none of his denial. They raised him on a shield and adorned him with a neck chain, which had formerly been the possession of the standard-bearer of the Petulantes and symbolized a royal diadem. Julian appeared reluctantly to acquiesce to their wishes, and promised a generous donative. The exact date of his acclamation is unknown, but most scholars put it in February or March. Julian himself supported Ammianus' picture of a jealous Constantius. In his Letter to the Athenians, a document constructed to answer charges that he was a usurper, Julian stated that from the start he, as Caesar, had been meant as a figurehead to the soldiers and provincials. The real power he claimed lay with the generals and officials already present in Gaul. In fact, according to Julian, the generals were charged with watching him as much as the enemy. His account of the actual acclamation closely followed what Ammianus told us, but he stressed even more his reluctance to take power. Julian claimed that he did so only after praying to Zeus for guidance.
Fearing the reaction of Constantius, Julian sent a letter to his fellow emperor justifying the events at Lutetia and trying to arrange a peaceful solution. This letter berated Constantius for forcing the troops in Gaul into an untenable situation. Ammianus stated that Julian's letter blamed Constantius' decision to transfer Gallic legions east as the reason for the soldiers' rebellion. Julian once again asserted that he was an unwilling participant who was only following the desire of the soldiers. In both of these basic accounts Ammianus and Julian are playing upon the theme of restoration. Implicit in their version of Julian's acclamation is the argument that Constantius was unfit to rule. The soldiers were the vehicle of the gods' will. The Letter to the Athenians is full of references to the fact that Julian was assuming the mantle of Augustus at the instigation of the gods. Ammianus summed up this position nicely when he related the story of how, when Julian was agonizing over whether to accept the soldiers' acclamation, he had a dream in which he was visited by the Genius (guardian spirit) of the Roman state. The Genius told Julian that it had often tried to bestow high honors upon Julian but had been rebuffed. Now, the Genius went on to say, was Julian's final chance to take the power that was rightfully his. If the Caesar refused this chance, the Genius would depart forever, and both Julian and the state would rue Julian's rejection. Julian himself wrote a letter to his friend Maximus of Ephesus in November of 361 detailing his thoughts on his proclamation. In this letter, Julian stated that the soldiers proclaimed him Augustus against his will. Julian, however, defended his accession, saying that the gods willed it and that he had treated his enemies with clemency and justice. He went on to say that he led the troops in propitiating the traditional deities, because the gods commanded him to return to the traditional rites, and would reward him if he fulfilled this duty.
During 360 an uneasy peace simmered between the two emperors. Julian spent the 360 campaigning season continuing his efforts to restore order along the Rhine, while Constantius continued operations against the Persians. Julian wintered in Vienne, and celebrated his Quinquennalia. It was at this time that his wife Helena died, and he sent her remains to Rome for a proper burial at his family villa on the Via Nomentana where the body of her sister was entombed. The uneasy peace held through the summer of 361, but Julian concentrated his military operations around harassing the Alamannic chieftain Vadomarius and his allies, who had concluded a peace treaty with Constantius some years earlier. By the end of the summer, Julian decided to put an end to the waiting and gathered his army to march east against Constantius. The empire teetered on the brink of another civil war. Constantius had spent the summer negotiating with the Persians and making preparations for possible military action against his cousin. When he was assured that the Persians would not attack, he summoned his army and sallied forth to meet Julian. As the armies drew inexorably closer to one another, the empire was saved from another bloody civil war when Constantius died unexpectedly of natural causes on 3 November near the town of Mopsucrenae in Cilicia, naming Julian -- the sources say-- as his legitimate successor.
Julian was in Dacia when he learned of his cousin's death. He made his way through Thrace and came to Constantinople on 11 December 361 where Julian honored the emperor with the funeral rites appropriate for a man of his station. Julian immediately set about putting his supporters in positions of power and trimming the imperial bureaucracy, which had become extremely overstaffed during Constantius' reign. Cooks and barbers had increased during the late emperor's reign and Julian expelled them from his court. Ammianus gave a mixed assessment of how the new emperor handled the followers of Constantius. Traditionally, emperors were supposed to show clemency to the supporters of a defeated enemy. Julian, however, gave some men over to death to appease the army. Ammianus used the case of Ursulus, Constantius' comes sacrum largitionum, to illustrate his point. Ursulus had actually tried to acquire money for the Gallic troops when Julian had first been appointed Caesar, but he had also made a disparaging remark about the ineffectiveness of the army after the battle of Amida. The soldiers remembered this, and when Julian became sole Augustus, they demanded Ursulus' head. Julian obliged, much to the disapproval of Ammianus. This seems to be a case of Julian courting the favor of the military leadership, and is indicative of a pattern in which Julian courted the goodwill of various societal elites to legitimize his position as emperor.
Another case in point is the officials who made up the imperial bureaucracy. Many of them were subjected to trial and punishment. To achieve this goal, during the last weeks of December 361 Julian assembled a military tribunal at Chalcedon, empanelling six judges to try the cases. The president of the tribunal was Salutius, just promoted to the rank of Praetorian Prefect; the five other members were Mamertinus, the orator, and four general officers: Jovinus, Agilo, Nevitta, and Arbetio. Relative to the proceedings of the tribunal, Ammianus noted that the judges, " . . . oversaw the cases more vehemently than was right or fair, with the exception of a few . . .." Ammianus' account of Julian's attempt at reform of the imperial bureaucracy is supported by legal evidence from the Theodosian Code. A series of laws sent to Mamertinus, Julian's appointee as Praetorian Prefect in Italy, Illyricum, and Africa, illustrate this point nicely. On 6 June 362, Mamertinus received a law that prohibited provincial governors from bypassing the Vicars when giving their reports to the Prefect. Traditionally, Vicars were given civil authority over a group of provinces, and were in theory meant to serve as a middle step between governors and Prefects. This law suggests that the Vicars were being left out, at least in Illyricum. Julian issued another edict to Mamertinus on 22 February 362 to stop abuse of the public post by governors. According to this law, only Mamertinus could issue post warrants, but the Vicars were given twelve blank warrants to be used as they saw fit, and each governor was given two. Continuing the trend of bureaucratic reform, Julian also imposed penalties on governors who purposefully delayed appeals in court cases they had heard. The emperor also established a new official to weigh solidi used in official government transactions to combat coin clipping.
For Julian, reigning in the abuses of imperial bureaucrats was one step in restoring the prestige of the office of emperor. Because he could not affect all elements of society personally, Julian, like other Neo-Flavian emperors, decided to concentrate on select groups of societal elites as intercessors between himself and the general populace. One of these groups was the imperial bureaucracy. Julian made it very clear that imperial officials were intercessors in a very real sense in a letter to Alypius, Vicar of Britain. In this letter, sent from Gaul sometime before 361, the emperor praises Alypius for his use of "mildness and moderation with courage and force" in his rule of the provincials. Such virtues were characteristic of the emperors, and it was good that Alypius is representing Julian in this way. Julian courted the army because it put him in power. Another group he sought to include in his rule was the traditional Senatorial aristocracy. One of his first appointments as consul was Claudius Mamertinus, a Gallic Senator and rhetorician. Mamertinus' speech in praise of Julian delivered at Constantinople in January of 362 is preserved. In this speech, Claudius presented his consular selection as inaugurating a new golden age and Julian as the restorer of the empire founded by Augustus. The image Mamertinus gave of his own consulate inaugurating a new golden age is not merely formulaic. The comparison of Julian to Augustus has very real, if implicit, relevance to Claudius' situation. Claudius emphasized the imperial period as the true age of renewal. Augustus ushered in a new era with his formation of a partnership between the emperor and the Senate based upon a series of honors and offices bestowed upon the Senate in return for their role as intercessor between emperor and populace. It was this system that Julian was restoring, and the consulate was one concrete example of this bond. To be chosen as a consul by the emperor, who himself had been divinely mandated, was a divine honor. In addition to being named consul, Mamertinus went on to hold several offices under Julian, including the Prefecture of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Similarly, inscriptional evidence illustrates a link between municipal elites and Julian during his time as Caesar, something which continued after he became emperor. One concrete example comes from the municipal senate of Aceruntia in Apulia, which established a monument on which Julian is styled as "Repairer of the World."
Julian seems to have given up actual Christian belief before his acclamation as emperor and was a practitioner of more traditional Greco-Roman religious beliefs, in particular, a follower of certain late antique Platonist philosophers who were especially adept at theurgy as was noted earlier. In fact Julian himself spoke of his conversion to Neo-Platonism in a letter to the Alexandrians written in 363. He stated that he had abandoned Christianity when he was twenty years old and been an adherent of the traditional Greco-Roman deities for the twelve years prior to writing this letter.
(For the complete text of this article see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/julian.htm)
Julian’s Persian Campaign
The exact goals Julian had for his ill-fated Persian campaign were never clear. The Sassanid Persians, and before them the Parthians, had been a traditional enemy from the time of the Late Republic, and indeed Constantius had been conducting a war against them before Julian's accession forced the former to forge an uneasy peace. Julian, however, had no concrete reason to reopen hostilities in the east. Socrates Scholasticus attributed Julian's motives to imitation of Alexander the Great, but perhaps the real reason lay in his need to gather the support of the army. Despite his acclamation by the Gallic legions, relations between Julian and the top military officers was uneasy at best. A war against the Persians would have brought prestige and power both to Julian and the army.
Julian set out on his fateful campaign on 5 March 363. Using his trademark strategy of striking quickly and where least expected, he moved his army through Heirapolis and from there speedily across the Euphrates and into the province of Mesopotamia, where he stopped at the town of Batnae. His plan was to eventually return through Armenia and winter in Tarsus. Once in Mesopotamia, Julian was faced with the decision of whether to travel south through the province of Babylonia or cross the Tigris into Assyria, and he eventually decided to move south through Babylonia and turn west into Assyria at a later date. By 27 March, he had the bulk of his army across the Euphrates, and had also arranged a flotilla to guard his supply line along the mighty river. He then left his generals Procopius and Sebastianus to help Arsacius, the king of Armenia and a Roman client, to guard the northern Tigris line. It was also during this time that he received the surrender of many prominent local leaders who had nominally supported the Persians. These men supplied Julian with money and troops for further military action against their former masters. Julian decided to turn south into Babylonia and proceeded along the Euphrates, coming to the fortress of Cercusium at the junction of the Abora and Euphrates Rivers around the first of April, and from there he took his army west to a region called Zaitha near the abandoned town of Dura where they visited the tomb of the emperor Gordian which was in the area. On April 7 he set out from there into the heart of Babylonia and towards Assyria.
Ammianus then stated that Julian and his army crossed into Assyria, which on the face of things appears very confusing. Julian still seems to be operating within the province of Babylonia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The confusion is alleviated when one realizes that,for Ammianus, the region of Assyria encompassed the provinces of Babylonia and Assyria. On their march, Julian's forces took the fortress of Anatha, received the surrender and support of several more local princes, and ravaged the countryside of Assyria between the rivers. As the army continued south, they came across the fortresses Thilutha and Achaiachala, but these places were too well defended and Julian decided to leave them alone. Further south were the cities Diacira and Ozogardana, which the Roman forces sacked and burned. Soon, Julian came to Pirisabora and a brief siege ensued, but the city fell and was also looted and destroyed. It was also at this time that the Roman army met its first systematic resistance from the Persians. As the Romans penetrated further south and west, the local inhabitants began to flood their route. Nevertheless, the Roman forces pressed on and came to Maiozamalcha, a sizable city not far from Ctesiphon. After a short siege, this city too fell to Julian. Inexorably, Julian's forces zeroed in on Ctesiphon, but as they drew closer, the Persian resistance grew fiercer, with guerilla raids whittling at Julian's men and supplies. A sizable force of the army was lost and the emperor himself was almost killed taking a fort a few miles from the target city.
Finally, the army approached Ctesiphon following a canal that linked the Tigris and Euphrates. It soon became apparent after a few preliminary skirmishes that a protracted siege would be necessary to take this important city. Many of his generals, however, thought that pursuing this course of action would be foolish. Julian reluctantly agreed, but became enraged by this failure and ordered his fleet to be burned as he decided to march through the province of Assyria. Julian had planned for his army to live off the land, but the Persians employed a scorched-earth policy. When it became apparent that his army would perish (because his supplies were beginning to dwindle) from starvation and the heat if he continued his campaign, and also in the face of superior numbers of the enemy, Julian ordered a retreat on 16 June. As the Roman army retreated, they were constantly harassed by guerilla strikes. It was during one of these raids that Julian got caught up in the fighting and took a spear to his abdomen. Mortally wounded he was carried to his tent, where, after conferring with some of his officers, he died. The date was 26 June 363.
Conclusion
Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.
Copyright (C) 2002, Walter E. Roberts and Michael DiMaio, Jr. Used by permission.
In reality, Julian worked to promote culture and philosophy in any manifestation. He tried to reduce taxes and the public debts of municipalities; he augmented administrative decentralisation; he promoted a campaign of austerity to reduce public expenditure (setting himself as the example). He reformed the postal service and eliminated the powerful secret police.
by Federico Morando; JULIAN II, The Apostate, See the Julian II Page on NumisWiki
Flavius Claudius Iulianus was born in 331 or maybe 332 A.D. in Constantinople. He ruled the Western Empire as Caesar from 355 to 360 and was hailed Augustus by his legions in Lutetia (Paris) in 360. Julian was a gifted administrator and military strategist. Famed as the last pagan emperor, his reinstatement of the pagan religion earned him the moniker "the Apostate." As evidenced by his brilliant writing, some of which has survived to the present day, the title "the Philosopher" may have been more appropriate. He died from wounds suffered during the Persian campaign of 363 A.D. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
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141 - Diocletian - Billon tetradrachm - Milne 4896Billon tetradrachm
Obv:– A K L OVAL DIOKLHTIANOC CEB, Laureate, draped bust right
Rev:– None, Eusebia standing sacrificing over altar, holding perfume box
Minted in Alexandria (L-E). Year 5. A.D. 289-290
Reference:– Milne 4896. Emmett 4052(5) R1. Dattari 5693maridvnvm
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1en Julian II "Apostate"360-363
AE3
Pearl-diademed, helmeted, cuirassed bust left, holding shield & spear, D N FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG
VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath, palm branch-BSIS-palm branch in ex [?].
RIC 415
According to Zosimus: Constantius, having so well succeeded in his design against Vetranio, marched against Magnentius, having first conferred the title of Caesar on Gallus, the son of his uncle, and brother to Julian who was afterwards emperor, and given him in marriage his sister Constantia. . . . CONSTANTIUS, after having acted towards Gallus Caesar in the manner I have related, left Pannonia to proceed into Italy. . . . He scarcely thought himself capable of managing affairs at this critical period. He was unwilling, however, to associate any one with himself in the government, because he so much desired to rule alone, and could esteem no man his friend. Under these circumstances he was at a loss how to act. It happened, however, that when the empire was in the greatest danger, Eusebia, the wife of Constantius, who was a woman of extraordinary learning, and of greater wisdom than her sex is usually endowed with, advised him to confer the government of the nations beyond the Alps on Julianus Caesar, who was brother to Gallus, and grandson to Constantius. As she knew that the emperor was suspicious of all his kindred, she thus circumvented him. She observed to him, that Julian was a young man unacquainted with the intrigues of state, having devoted himself totally to his studies; and that he was wholly inexperienced in worldly business. That on this account he would be more fit for his purpose than any other person. That either he would be fortunate, and his success would be attributed to the emperor's conduct, or that he would fail and perish; and that thus Constantius would have none of the imperial family to succeed to him.
Constantius, having approved her advice, sent for Julian from Athens, where he lived among the philosophers, and excelled all his masters in every kind of learning. Accordingly, Julian returning from Greece into Italy, Constantius declared him Caesar, gave him in marriage his sister Helena, and sent him beyond the Alps. . . .
Constantius, having thus disposed of Julian, marched himself into Pannonia and Moesia, and having there suppressed the Quadi and the Sarmatians, proceeded to the east, and was provoked to war by the inroads of the Persians. Julian by this time had arrived beyond the Alps into the Gallic nations which he was to rule. Perceiving that the Barbarians continued committing the same violence, Eusebia, for the same reasons as before, persuaded Constantius to place the entire management of those countries into the hands of Julian. . . . Julian finding the military affairs of Gallia Celtica in a very ruinous state, and that the Barbarians pased the Rhine without any resistance, even almost as far as the sea-port towns, he took a survey of the remaining parts of the enemy. And understanding that the people of those parts were terrified at the very name of the Barbarians, while those whom Constantius had sent along with him, who were not more than three hundred and sixty, knew nothing more, as he used to say, than how to say their prayers, he enlisted as many more as he could and took in a great number of volunteers. He also provided arms, and finding a quantity of old weapons in some town he fitted them up, and distributed them among the soldiers. The scouts bringing him intelligence, that an immense number of Barbarians had crossed the river near the city of Argentoratum (Strasburg) which stands on the Rhine, he no sooner heard of it, than he led forth his army with the greatest speed, and engaging with the enemy gained such a victory as exceeds all description.
After these events he raised a great army to make war on the whole German nation; He was opposed however by the Barbarians in vast numbers. Caesar therefore would not wait while they came up to him, but crossed the Rhine, preferring that their country should be the seat of war, and not that of the Romans, as by that means the cities would escape being again pillaged by the Barbarians. A most furious battle therefore took place; a great number of the Barbarians being slain on the field of battle, while the rest fled, and were pursued by Caesar into the Hercynian forest, and many of them killed. . . .
But while Julian was at Parisium, a small town in Germany, the soldiers, being ready to march, continued at supper till midnight in a place near the palace, which they so called there. They were as yet ignorant of any design against Caesar [by Constantius], when some tribunes, who began to suspect the contrivance against him, privately distributed a number of anonymous billets among the soldiers, in which they represented to them, that Caesar, by his judicious conduct had so managed affairs, that almost all of them had erected trophies over the Barbarians ; that he had always fought like a private soldier, and was now in extreme danger from the emperor, who would shortly deprive him of his whole army, unless they prevented it. Some of the soldiers having read these billets, and published the intrigue to the whole army, all were highly enraged. They suddenly rose from their seats in great commotion, and with the cups yet in their hands went to the palace. Breaking open the doors without ceremony, they brought out Caesar, and lifting him on a shield declared him emperor and Augustus. They then, without attending to his reluctance, placed a diadem upon his head. . . .
Arriving at Naisus, he consulted the soothsayers what measures to pursue. As the entrails signified that he must stay there for some time, he obeyed, observing likewise the time that was mentioned in his dream. When this, according to the motion of the planets, was arrived, a party of horsemen arrived from Constantinople at Naisus, with intelligence that Constantius was dead, and that the armies desired Julian to be emperor. Upon this he accepted what the gods had bestowed upon him, and proceeded on his journey. On his arrival at. Byzantium, he was received with joyful acclamations. . . .
[After slashing through Persia and crossing the Tigris,] they perceived the Persian army, with which they engaged, and having considerably the advantage, they killed a great number of Persians. Upon the following day, about noon, the Persians drew up in a large body, and once more attacked the rear of the Roman army. The Romans, being at that time out of their ranks, were surprised and alarmed at the suddenness of the attack, yet made a stout and spirited defence. The emperor, according to his custom, went round the army, encouraging them to fight with ardour. When by this means all were engaged, the emperor, who sometimes rode to the commanders and tribunes, and was at other times among the private soldiers, received a wound in the heat of the engagement, and was borne on a shield to his tent. He survived only till midnight. He then expired, after having nearly subverted the Persian empire.
Note: Julian favored the pagan faith over Christianity and was tarred by the church as "the apostate." Blindado
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504. CONSTANTIUS IIFlavius Iulius Constantius, known in English as Constantius II, (7 August 317 - 3 November 361) was a Roman Emperor (337 - 361) of the Constantinian dynasty
Constantius was the second of the three sons of Constantine I and his second wife Fausta. Constantius was born in Sirmium (in Illyricum) and named Caesar by his father. When Constantine died in 337, Constantius II led the massacre of his relatives decended from the second marriage of his grandfather Constantius Chlorus and Theodora, leaving himself, his older brother Constantine II, his younger brother Constans and two cousins (Gallus and his half-brother Julian) as the only surviving adult males related to Constantine. The three brothers divided the Roman Empire among them, according to their father's will. Constantine II received Britannia, Gaul and Hispania; Constans ruled Italia, Africa, and Illyricum; and Constantius ruled the East.
This division changed when Constantine II died in 340, trying to overthrow Constans in Italy, and Constans become sole ruler in the Western half of the empire. The division changed once more in 350 when Constans was killed in battle by forces loyal to the usurper Magnentius. Until this time, Constantius was preoccupied with fighting the Sassanid Empire, and he was forced to elevate his cousin Gallus to Caesar of the East to assist him, while he turned his attention to this usurper.
Constantius eventually met and crushed Magnentius in the Battle of Mursa Major, one of the bloodiest battles in Roman history, in 351. Magnentius committed suicide in 353, and Constantius soon after put his cousin Gallus to death. However, he still could not handle the military affairs of both the Eastern and German frontiers by himself, so in 355 he elevated his last remaining relative, Julian, to Caesar. As Julian was hailed Augustus by the army in Gaul, Constantius saw no alternative but to face the usurper with violent force. As the two armies sought engagement, Constantius died from a fever near Tarsus on November 3, 361, and Julian was hailed Augustus in the whole of the Roman empire.
Constantius took an active part in the affairs of the Christian church, frequently taking the side of the Arians, and he called the Council of Rimini in 359.
Constantius married three times, first to a daughter of Julius Constantius, then to Eusebia, and last to Faustina, who gave birth to a posthumous daughter, Faustina Constantia, who later married Emperor Gratian.
CONSTANTIUS II. 337-361 AD. Æ 18mm (2.41 gm). Siscia mint. Struck 351-355 AD. D N CONSTAN-TIVS P F AVG, diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right / FEL TEMP REPARATIO, soldier spearing falling enemy horseman who wears conical hat; at right, shield on ground; ASIS. RIC VIII 350. Good VF, green patina. Ex CNGecoli
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Aegyptus_Alexandria_Otacilia_Severa_Milne 3654Otacilia Severa
BI-Tetradrachm, Aegyptus, Alexandria
Struck: 246/47 (Year 4) / 21,5-23 mm / 15,28
Av: Μ WΤ CΕΟΥΗΡΑ CΕ Μ CΤC
Draped and diademed bust right seen from the front
Rv: Eusebia standing facing, head left, dropping incense on altar and holding box
In field: L Δ (Year 4)
Reference: Milne 3654Andicz
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Archelaus Philopatris Ktistes - AR drachmEusebia
3-4 AD
diademed head right
club
ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ APXEΛΑΟΥ ΦΙΛΟΠΑΤΡΙΔΟΣ TOY ΚΤΙΣΤΟΥ
Λ_Θ
RPC I, 3603
3,3g 18mm
ex Soler y LlachJ. B.
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Ariobarzanes II Philopator - AR drachmEusebia
56 BC ?
diademed head right
Athena holding spear and Nike, shield at her feet
BAΣIΛEΩΣ / APIOBAPZANO[Y] / ΦIΛOPATOP
Z?
BMC Greek (Galatia) 1.p41; Simonetta 1977 1.p43
3,9g 16mm
ex NaumannJ. B.
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Cappadocia, Caesaraea-Eusebia, Hadrian (117-138), AE18Obv: [I]MP TP AΔP[…], laureate head of Hadrian to right.
Rev: ET - K?, club within wreath.
Ref: RPC Supplement 4, 3147.ancientone
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Cappadocia, Caesaraea-Eusebia. Trajan AE13Obv: Turreted bust of Tyche right.
Rev: Dotted border around pyramid. E-T/Γ (date) around.
2.3g 13.2mm.
CY 3 (AD 111/2).ancientone
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CAPPADOCIA, Caesarea-Eusebia. Marcus AureliusCAPPADOCIA, Caesarea-Eusebia. Marcus Aurelius. AD 161-180. AR Didrachm (21mm, 6.15 g, 6h). Struck AD 161-166. Laureate bust right, slight drapery / Mt. Argaeus surmounted by star. Metcalf, Caesarea 130d; Sydenham, Caesarea 329.ecoli
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Cappadocia, Caesarea; Gordian IIICappadocia, Caesarea, Gordian III 238-244 Æ26
The city has been continuously inhabited since perhaps c. 3000 BCE[citation needed] with the establishment of the ancient trading colony at Kultepe (Ash Mountain) which is associated with the Hittites. The city has always been a vital trade centre as it is located on major trade routes, particularly along what was called the Great Silk Road. Kültepe, one of the oldest cities in Asia Minor, lies nearby.
As Mazaca, the city served as the residence of the kings of Cappadocia. In ancient times, it was on the crossroads of the trade routes from Sinope to the Euphrates and from the Persian Royal Road that extended from Sardis to Susa. In Roman times, a similar route from Ephesus to the East also crossed the city.
The city stood on a low spur on the north side of Mount Erciyes (Mount Argaeus in ancient times). Only a few traces of the ancient site survive in the old town. The city was the centre of a satrapy under Persian rule until it was conquered by Perdikkas, one of the generals of Alexander the Great when it became the seat of a transient satrapy by another of Alexander's former generals, Eumenes of Cardia. The city was subsequently passed to the Seleucid empire after the battle of Ipsus but became once again the centre of an autonomous Greater Cappadocian kingdom under Ariarathes III of Cappadocia in around 250 BC. In the ensuing period, the city came under the sway of Hellenistic influence, and was given the Greek name of Eusebia in honor of the Cappadocian king Ariarathes V Eusebes Philopator of Cappadocia (163–130 BCE). Under the new name of Caesarea, by which it has since been known, given to it by the last Cappadocian King Archelaus[5] or perhaps by Tiberius,[6] the city passed under formal Roman rule in 17 BCE.
Walls of the Seljuk era Sahabiye Medresesi, built in 1267 by the Seljuk vizier Sahip Ata Fahreddin Ali.
Caesarea was destroyed by the Sassanid king Shapur I after his victory over the Emperor Valerian I in AD 260. At the time it was recorded to have around 400,000 inhabitants. The city gradually recovered, and became home to several early Christian saints: saints Dorothea and Theophilus the martyrs, Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa and Basil of Caesarea.
Obv: Laureate bust of Gordian, right.
Rev: Agalma of Mount Argaeus set on altar. Year 243 ADecoli
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Diocletian, 20 November 284 - 1 May 305 A.D., Roman Provincial Egypt.Billon tetradrachm, BMC Alexandria p. 324, 2511; Milne 4898; Curtis 1995; Emmett 4052, VF, Alexandria mint, 8.087 grams, 20.3 mm, die axis 0o, 29 Aug 288 - 28 Aug 289 A.D.; obverse and#913; and#922; and#915; and#927;and#933;and#913; and#8710;and#921;and#927;and#922;and#923;and#919;and#932;and#921;and#913;and#925;and#927;C Cand#917;and#914;, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right; reverse Eusebia (Pietas) standing left, wearing peplos, sacrificing over altar with right, box in left, L - E (year 5) flanking across field.
Eusebeia was the Greek personification of piety; the Roman equivalent was Pietas.
EX; FORVM Ancient Coins.
*With my sincere thank and appreciation , Photo and Description courtesy of FORVM Ancient Coins Staff.Sam
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Diocletian, Billon tetradrachm, Alexandria, Year 1, EusebiaObv:– A K L OVAL DIOKLHTIANOC CEB, Laureate, draped bust right
Rev:– None, Eusebia standing sacrificing over altar, holding perfume box
Minted in Alexandria (LA). Year 1. A.D. 284-285
Reference:– Milne 4752. Emmett 4052(1) R1. Curtis 1994. BMC 2509v. Dattari 5691
6.66g. 20.37 mm. 0 degreesmaridvnvm
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Diocletian, Potin Tetradrachm, Egypt Alexandria, 284-285 AD Diocletian, Potin Tetradrachm, Egypt Alexandria, 284-285 AD
Obverse: AKGOVAL DIOKLETIANOC CEB, Laureate draped and cuirassed bust right
Reverse: LA, Eusebia standing sacrificing over altar
Emmett 4052
19mm, 8.9gm SOLD
Antonivs Protti
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EB0644 Otacilia Severa / EusebiaOtacilia Severa, billon tetradrachm of Alexandria, year 4 = 246/7 AD.
Obverse: M ΩT CEOVHΡA CC M CTPA (or CTIA?), diademed and draped bust right.
Reverse: LΔ to left, Eusebia standing left, dropping incense on altar & holding box.
References: Cf. Köln 2770, Emmett 3549, Dattari 4976 (diff. obv. leg.).
Diameter: 22.5mm Weight: 12.3gEB
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EUSEBIA - CappadociaEUSEBIA - Cappadocia, Time of King Arcelaus. AE 12. Minted 36 BC-17 AD. Obv.: Bust of athena wearing crested helmet right. Rev.: Mount Argaios, eagle with spread wings perched on summit. ΕΥΣΕ / ΒΕΙΑ to right and left. Sear 5705.dpaul7
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Geta (209 - 211 A.D.)AR Drachm
Cappadocia, Caesarea-Eusebia
O: AY K Π CEΠTI ΓETAC AVΓ Laureate bust of Geta right.
O: MHTPO KAICAP NEO, Mt. Argaeus surmounted by star.“ET IQ” = year 19 = 210/11
3.04g
16mm
Sydenham/Malloy, p. 153, 498a, Ganschow 649c; Henseler 986; Berlin 18224071
Rare
Published on Wildwinds!Mat
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Gordian III, Caesarea-Eusebia, CAPPADOCIACAPPADOCIA, Caesarea-Eusebia. Gordian III. AD 238-244. Æ . Dated RY 7 (AD 243/4). Laureate, draped, and cuirassed bust right / Six grain ears tied together. Bland, Bronze 193; Sydenham, Caesarea 616 var.. ecoli
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GREEK, Cappadocian kingdom, Ariarathes V - AR drachmEusebeia
131-130 BC
diademed head right
Athena standing left, holding Nike and resting hand on grounded shield
BAΣIΛEΩΣ / APIAPAΘOY / EYΣ[E!]BOYΣ
(AY) left; (ΠAΦI) in the middle; (ΔI) right
ΛΓ - year 33
Simonetta 13 (var)
there is missing E in EYΣEBOYΣ !
usually there is ΓΛ in exergueJ. B.
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Hadrian AR hemidrachm of Caesarea, CappodociaHHadrian
Cappadocia, Caesaraea-Eusebia
AR hemidrachm – 120-121 AD
AVTO KAIC TRAI AΔRIANOC CEBACT
laureate, draped, cuirassed bust r.
Nike advancing r., ETΔ
Sydenham 256, Metcalf 86b
Ardatirion
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Kings of Cappadocia: king Ariarathes VII Philometor to King Ariobarzanes, AR Tetradrachm.Cappadocia, Eusebia-Mazaka 130-80 B.C. 16.04g - 27mm, Axis 12h.
Obv: Diademed head of Antiochos VII right, fillet border.
Rev: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ ΕΥΓΕΡΤΟΥ / ΔΙ-A - Athena standing left, holding Nike and spear and resting left hand on shield at her side, ΔI monogram over A in left field, all within laurel border.
Ref: SC 2149.
Provenance: Chris Scarlioli Collection.Christian Scarlioli
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Plautilla, Provincial - Caesaraea drachmCappadocia, Caesaraea - Eusebia), AD 205.
ΦΟΥΛΟΥΙ ΠΛΑΥ ΑΥ, draped bust right
ΜΗΤΡΟ ΚΑΙCΑ, Agalma of Mt. Argaeus with star. In ex., CΤΙΓ : regnal year 13 of Sept. Severus, 205 AD
2.69 g, 19mm
Ref : Sydenham -; SNG Copenhagen -; Sear 2775v.
Sydenham-Malloy, p. 152, no. 496b
cf. Lanz auction # 117/956
thanks to Curtis Clay for additionnal information
Potator II
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Provincial, Caesarea, Cappadocia, Drachm, MHTPO KAICAPIAR Drachm
Roman Provincial: Caesarea-Eusebia, Cappadocia
Septimius Severus
Augustus: 193 - 211AD
Issued: 207AD
19.5 x 18.5mm 2.28gr 0h
O: AY KAI Λ CεΠΤΙ CεΟΥΗΡΟC; Laureate bust right; beaded border.
R: MHTPO KAICAPI; Mt. Argaeus, surmounted by star; beaded border.
Exergue: εΤΙε (Regnal year = 15)
VF
Sydenham 400; BMC 228; Mionnet IV-; Mionnet Supp. II, -; Sydenham Sale -.
Savoca Auctions Munich/Claudia Savoca 21st Blue, Lot 859.
6/22/19 7/8/19
Featured on Wildwinds, June, 2019.Nicholas Z
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R., Cappadocia, Caesarea, Galatia-Cappadocia, 020p Vespasian (69-79 A.D.), RPC II 1659, AR-Hemidrachm, Nike advancing right, #1R., Cappadocia, Caesarea, Galatia-Cappadocia, 020p Vespasian (69-79 A.D.), RPC II 1659, AR-Hemidrachm, Nike advancing right, #1
avers: AYTOKP KAICAP OYЄCΠACIANOC CЄBA Laureate head of Vespasian to right.
reverse: Nike advancing right, holding wreath in her right hand and palm frond over her left shoulder.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 12,9-13,9mm, weight: 1,54g, axis: 0h,
mint: City: Caesarea, Region: Cappadocia, Province: Galatia-Cappadocia,
date: 69-79 A.D.,
ref: RPC II 1659, Sydenham 94, Metcalf 17, SGI 735,
Q-001quadrans
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Roman Provincial: Antoninus Pius as Augustus, AR Drachm.Cappadocia, Caesaria-Eusebia Year 2 = 139 A.D. 2.58g - 17.mm, Axis 6h.
Obv: AYTOKP ANTWNEI-NOC CEBACTOC - Bare head right.
Rev: YΠATOC B - Mount Argaeus, trees on slopes, on summit, Helios standing holding globe and sceptre.
Ref: Sydenham 299; Ratto 2421.
Provenance: Chris Scarlioli Collection.Christian Scarlioli
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RPC 1655CAPPADOCIA, Caesarea-Eusebia. Titus as Caesar
76-77 CE. AR Drachm
(16mm 3.3g)
Obv: Head Laureate right; ΑΥΤΟ ΚΑΙ ΟΥƐϹΠΑϹΙΑΝΟϹ ϹƐΒΑϹΤΟΥ ΥΙΟϹ
Rev: Nike advancing r., wreath in r. hand, palm in l. hand
RPC 1655
NBS Web Auction 8, August 7 2021, Lot 407.
This nice little drachm was misattributed by the seller as a coin of Domitian. It is is Titus instead and I really like this cool little coin. RPC online shows 4 examples. Definitely not a common coin.
I was struck by the artistic style of the portrait. I think it is a very interesting and sensitive portrait of Titus. I also like the reverse featuring Nike.orfew
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RPC II 1649 VespasianusObv : AYTOKPA KAICAP OYECΠACIANOC CEBACTOC, Laureate bust of Vespasian right
Rev : TITOC AYTOKPATWP KAICAP ETOYC Θ,Titus in military dress, standing facing, holding spear and sword
AR/Didrachm (21.74 mm 6.54 g 12h) Struck in Caesarea Eusebia (Cappadocia) 76-77 A D
RPC 1649, Metcalf 5aFlaviusDomitianus
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RPC II 1656 DomitianusObv: ΔOMITIANOC KAICAP CEBACTOY YOC, Laureate head right
Rev: EYΘHNIA CEBACTH ET / Θ, Euthenia seated right, holding two corn-ears in right head
AR/Drachm (17.33 mm 3.462 gr 12h) Struck in Caesarea Eusebia (Cappadocia) 76-77 A.D.
RPC II 1656, Metcalf 15
ex Numismatik Naumann Auction 64 lot 348FlaviusDomitianus
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RPC II 1682 TitusObv: AYTOKPA TITOC KAI CεBACTOC, Laureate head of Titus, right
Rev: EΠI / ΠANCA / ΠPεCBεY / TOY / εT I, Legend in laurel wreath
AE22 (21.60 mm 8.05 g 12h) Struck in Caesarea Eusebia (Cappadocia) 77-78 A.D.
RPC 1682FlaviusDomitianus
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RPC II 1682 Titus (brockage)Obv: AYTOKPA TITOC KAI CεBACTOC, Laureate head of Titus, right
Rev: same as obverse, in incuse
AE22 (21.89 mm 7.03 g 12h) Struck in Caesarea Eusebia (Cappadocia) 77-78 A.D.
RPC 1682 (brockage)FlaviusDomitianus
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Severus Alexander, Caesarea-Eusebia,CAPPADOCIACAPPADOCIA, Caesarea-Eusebia. Severus Alexander. AD 222-235. Æ Dated RY 7 (AD 228). Laureate head right / Three grain ears. Sydenham, Caesarea 587; SNG Copenhagen 301 var. (date); SNG Hunterian 2278.ecoli
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Tiberius & Drusus ( 14 - 37 A.D.)AR Drachm
CAPPADOCIA, Caesarea-Eusebia
O: [TI C]AES AVG PM TRP XXXV, Laureate head of Tiberius right.
R: DRVSVS CAES TI] AVG F COS II R P, Head of Drusus left.
Caesarea in Cappadocia mint 33- 34 A.D.
3.47g
19mm
RIC I 87; RPC I 3622. Syd 46Mat
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Tiberius. Mt. Argaeus Drachm.Roman Empire. Tiberius. 14-37 AD. AR Drachm (3.59 gm, 19.2mm, 11h) of Caesarea-Eusebia, 17-32 AD. Laureate head right. ↷TIBEPIOΣ KAIΣAI ΣEBA TOΣ. / Mt. Argaeus surmounted by radiant figure standing left, holding globe and sceptre. ↷ΘΕΟYΣEΒΑ ΣTOY YIOΣ. EF. Bt. Herakles Numismatics 2010. RPC I #3620; BMC 11; SNG Cop 7 #174; Sydenham (Caesarea) 42; Vagi 458; Walker Metrology 429-435.Anaximander
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Trajan (98 - 117 A.D.)AR Didrachm
CAPPADOCIA, Caesarea-Eusebia
O: ΑΥΤΟΚΡ ΚΑΙС ΝЄΡ ΤΡΑΙΑΝω ΑΡΙСΤω СЄΒ ΓЄΡΜ ΔΑΚ Laureate head of Trajan to right, with slight drapery on his left shoulder.
R:ΔΗΜΑΡΧ ЄΞ ΥΠΑΤΟ Ϛ Mount Argaios with grotto containing cult stone, flanked by two pyramidal objects; at top, second grotto with flames.
6.98g
21mm
RPC III 3046. Sydenham 208-209. Mat
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Tranquillina, Drachm - *Cappadocia, Caesarea- Eusebia, AD 241-244
Tranquillina, Augusta, AR Drachm - Dated Regnal year 4 of Gordian III (AD 240/1)
CABINIA TPANKVΛΛINA AV Draped bust right, wearing stephane
MHTPO KAICA B N E Mount Argaeus ЄT Δ (date) in exergue
2.72 grams - 18 mm
Ref : Bland, Last # 58, Sydenham, Caesarea Supp # 617a
Ex CNG e-auction 354, #352
Ex Steve P. collectionPotator II
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Vespasian HemidrachmCAPPADOCIA, Caesarea-Eusebia. Vespasian. AD 69-79. AR Hemidrachm (15mm, 1.7 g, 12h). O: Laureate head right, AVTOKP KAICAP OYЄCΠACIANOC CЄBA around.
R: Nike advancing right, holding wreath and palm frond.
-Metcalf, Caesarea 17; Sydenham, Caesarea 94; RPC II 1659.Nemonater
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Vespasian with Titus as CaesarVespasian, with Titus as Caesar. Cappadocia, Caesarea-Eusebia mint, struck 76/77 C.E. AR Didrachm (23mm, 7.16 g, 12h). Provincial style, Dated RY 9.
O: Laureate head right; Greek legend, AYTOKPA (Emperor) KAICAP (Caesar) OYECΠACIANOC (Vespasian) CEBACTOC (Augustus)
R: Titus, laureate and in military outfit, standing facing, holding spear and parazonium; Greek legend TITOC (Titus) AYTOKPATWP (Emperor) KAICAP (Caesar) ET Θ in exergue (ETOYC is the Greek word for year. Regnal Year Θ or theta the 9th letter of greek alphabet.) RPC 1649; Sydenham, Caesarea 72. From the Bruce R. Brace Collection.
A rather rare coin. The British Museum has 2 specimens, this is only the 2nd example I have ever seen on the market. RPC 1649 lists two other examples with ETOYC abbreviated as ET: Berlin ex Imhoof, published by him in Swiss Num. Review 1898; and Seaby's Bulletin, Sept. 1982, D 75.
Vespasian was proclaimed emperor in Alexandria on July 1, 69, how does year 9 equal 76-77?
The regnal years at Alexandria began on August 29 of each year and continued through August 28 of the following year. In some cases two regnal years are counted in the same calendar year, for example Vespasian in 69. The first regnal year is counted for the portion of time he ruled in 69 till August 28 and his second year started August 29, 69 into 70.
A Roman parazonium is a long triangular dagger, 15 to 19 inches long, wide at the hilt end and coming to a point. In Roman art, it is frequently carried by Virtus, and is also sometimes carried by Mars, or Roma, or the Emperor, giving them the aura of courage. The parazonium was a symbol of rank and was used to rally the troops. An officer would exchange his parazonium for a gladius or a spatha if he was directly threatened during a battle.Nemonater
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Vespasian, AD 69-79CAPPADOCIA, Caesarea-Eusebia.
AR didrachm, 22.26mm (7.16 gm).
AYTOKPA KAICAP OYECΠACIANOC CEBACTOC, laureate head of Vespasian right / AYTO KAI OYECΠACIANOC CEBACTOY YIOC, laureate head of Titus right. Mint at Caesarea ("local style"), struck AD 76-77 (year 9).
RPC II, 1650 ("local style"); Metcalf, 004; Sydenham, Caesarea 102; SNG vA, 6364 ("provincial style").
From the Sierra collection; ex CNG 60, lot 1260 (5-22-2002).
socalcoins
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