| Image search results - "Ephesus," |
001ap Marc Antony ( 83-30 B.C.), RPC I. 2202, AR-Cistophoric Tetradrachm, Ephesos (?), III•VIR• R•P•C•, Cista Mystica, Scarce! #1001ap Marc Antony ( 83-30 B.C.), RPC I. 2202, AR-Cistophoric Tetradrachm, Ephesos (?), III•VIR• R•P•C•, Cista Mystica, Scarce! #1
avers: •M•ANTONIVS•IMP•COS•DESIG•ITER ET TERT, Jugate heads of Marc Antony, wreathed with ivy and berries, and Octavia, bare-headed, right.
reverse: III•VIR• R•P•C•, Cista Mystica between two coiled serpents, Dionysos (Bacchus) standing left above, holding kantharos and thyrsos.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 27,0-29,5mm, weight:11,86g, axes:0h,
mint: City: Cistophoric Tetradrachm, Province: Asia, Region: Uncertain, Issue: Ephesos (?), date: 39 B.C.,
ref: RPC I. 2202 (4 Specimens), SNG Cop. 408, SNG von Aulock 6555, Franke KZR 472, RSC 3, Sydenham 1198, Sear 1513.
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001w. TriumvirsSecond Triumvirate, Marc Antony, Octavian and Lepidus. AE16 of Ephesus, Ionia, 39 BC. 15.8mm, 4.54 g. Obv: Triple jugate heads right
Rev: EΦE, cult image of Artemis Ephesia facing, with supports.
RPC I 2569; BMC 191; SNG Cop 357. A FORUM coin.lawrence c
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012p Claudius I. (41-54 A.D.), Ionia, Ephesos, RPC I 2624, AE-18, Stag standing right, KOYΣI/NIOΣ, O/T/Δ//EΦE, #1012p Claudius I. (41-54 A.D.), Ionia, Ephesos, RPC I 2624, AE-18, Stag standing right, KOYΣI/NIOΣ, O/T/Δ//EΦE, #1
avers: No legends, Jugate busts of Claudius and Agrippina (the Younger) right.
reverse: Stag standing right, KOYΣI/NIOΣ (Causinius, magistrate) in two lines above, o/T monogram left, ∆ right, EΦE below.
exergue: O/T/Δ//EΦE, diameter: 18,0-19,0mm, weight: 4,38g, axis: 0h,
mint: City: Ephesus, Region: Ionia, Province: Asia, Conventus of Ephesus,
date: 41-54 A.D.,
ref: RPC I 2624, SNG Cop 373-374, BMC 205-206, Weber 5872,
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020 Vespasian (69-79 A.D.), RIC² 1416, Ephesus (Byzantium), AR-Denarius, CONCORDIA AVG, Ceres, #1020 Vespasian (69-79 A.D.), RIC² 1416, Ephesus (Byzantium), AR-Denarius, CONCORDIA AVG, Ceres, #1
avers: IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS II TR P P P, Laureate head right.
reverse: CONCORDIA AVG, Ceres, enthroned left, holding grain ears and a cornucopiae, BY (monogram) mintmark for Byzantium in the exergue.
exergue: -/-//BY(monogram, mintmark for Byzantium), diameter: 17,5-19,0mm, weight: 3,60 g, axis: 6h,
mint: Ephesus (Byzantium), date: A.D., ref: RIC² 1416, RPC II 824, Sear/RCV 2266var., RSC 66a,
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020 Vespasian (69-79 A.D.), RIC² 1431, Ephesus, AR-Denarius, PACI AVGVSTAE, Victory, draped, advancing right, #1020 Vespasian (69-79 A.D.), RIC² 1431, Ephesus, AR-Denarius, PACI AVGVSTAE, Victory, draped, advancing right, #1
avers: IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS III TR P P P, Laureate head right.
reverse: PACI AVGVSTAE, Victory, draped, advancing right, holding wreath extended in right hand and palm over the left shoulder. EPHE lower right.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 17,0-18,0mm, weight: 3,41 g, axis: 0h,
mint: Ephesus, date: 71 A.D., ref: RIC² 1431, RPC II 833, BMC 457, RSC 276,
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030 - Vespasian, Denarius, Ephesus, RIC 1457 Obv - IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS V TR P P P; Head of Vespasian, laureate, right
Rev - PACI AVGVSTAE; Victory adv. right, with wreath and palm; at lower right, star; annulet beneath
Minted in Ephesus, A.D. 74
References:- RIC 1457. BMCRE 475. RSC 277.
Dimensions:- 22.04 mm x 19.07 mm
Severely double struck.
It looks like there was a very off-centre initial strike and the coin was re-struck with a central strike.maridvnvm
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030f01. Annia FaustinaThird wife of Elagabalus. Æ 20mm, 4.15 g. Ephesus, Ionia.
Obv: ΦAVCTЄINA CЄB, bare-headed and draped bust to right. Rev: ЄΦЄCIΩN, Victory advancing to left, holding wreath and palm. RPC VI Online 4941 (temporary); SNG München 188; Karwiese 710. Provenance: Acquired from Dorotheum; Ex Grohs-Fligely collection 1875-1962, with collector's ticket. Roma Numismatics Auc 82, Lot 947lawrence c
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037p Marcus Aurelius (161-180 A.D.), Ionia, Ephesos, RPC IV.2. 1131, AE-21, Tyche standing left, #1037p Marcus Aurelius (161-180 A.D.), Ionia, Ephesos, RPC IV.2. 1131, AE-21, Tyche standing left, #1
avers: M A ANTΩNEINOC K, Laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
reverse: EΦECIΩN B NEΩ, Tyche standing left, holding rudder & cornucopiae.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 21,5mm, weight: 5,46g, axis: 5h,
mint: City: Ephesus, Region: Ionia, Province: Asia, Conventus of Ephesus,
date: 161-180 A.D.,
ref: RPC IV.2. 1131, BMC 243, SNG Cop 400, but the different bust!
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1409a, Julian II "the Philosopher," February 360 - 26 June 363 A.D.Julian II, A.D. 360-363; RIC 167; VF; 2.7g, 20mm; Constantinople mint; Obverse: DN FL CL IVLIANVS P F AVG, helmeted & cuirassed bust right, holding spear & shield; Reverse: VOT X MVLT XX in four lines within wreath; CONSPB in exergue; Attractive green patina. Ex Nemesis.
De Imperatoribus Romanis,
An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors
Julian the Apostate (360-363 A.D.)
Walter E. Roberts, Emory University
Michael DiMaio, Jr., Salve Regina University
Introduction
The emperor Flavius Claudius Julianus reigned from 360 to 26 June 363, when he was killed fighting against the Persians. Despite his short rule, his emperorship was pivotal in the development of the history of the later Roman empire. This essay is not meant to be a comprehensive look at the various issues central to the reign of Julian and the history of the later empire. Rather, this short work is meant to be a brief history and introduction for the general reader. Julian was the last direct descendent of the Constantinian line to ascend to the purple, and it is one of history's great ironies that he was the last non-Christian emperor. As such, he has been vilified by most Christian sources, beginning with John Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzus in the later fourth century. This tradition was picked up by the fifth century Eusebian continuators Sozomen, Socrates Scholasticus, and Theodoret and passed on to scholars down through the 20th century. Most contemporary sources, however, paint a much more balanced picture of Julian and his reign. The adoption of Christianity by emperors and society, while still a vital concern, was but one of several issues that concerned Julian.
It is fortunate that extensive writings from Julian himself exist, which help interpret his reign in the light of contemporary evidence. Still extant are some letters, several panegyrics, and a few satires. Other contemporary sources include the soldier Ammianus Marcellinus' history, correspondence between Julian and Libanius of Antioch, several panegyrics, laws from the Theodosian Code, inscriptions, and coinage. These sources show Julian's emphasis on restoration. He saw himself as the restorer of the traditional values of Roman society. Of course much of this was rhetoric, meant to defend Julian against charges that he was a usurper. At the same time this theme of restoration was central to all emperors of the fourth century. Julian thought that he was the one emperor who could regain what was viewed as the lost glory of the Roman empire. To achieve this goal he courted select groups of social elites to get across his message of restoration. This was the way that emperors functioned in the fourth century. By choosing whom to include in the sharing of power, they sought to shape society.
Early Life
Julian was born at Constantinople in 331. His father was Julius Constantius, half-brother of the emperor Constantine through Constantius Chlorus, and his mother was Basilina, Julius' second wife. Julian had two half-brothers via Julius' first marriage. One of these was Gallus, who played a major role in Julian's life. Julian appeared destined for a bright future via his father's connection to the Constantinian house. After many years of tense relations with his three half-brothers, Constantine seemed to have welcomed them into the fold of the imperial family. From 333 to 335, Constantine conferred a series of honors upon his three half-siblings, including appointing Julius Constantius as one of the consuls for 335. Julian's mother was equally distinguished. Ammianus related that she was from a noble family. This is supported by Libanius, who claimed that she was the daughter of Julius Julianus, a Praetorian Prefect under Licinius, who was such a model of administrative virtue that he was pardoned and honored by Constantine.
Despite the fact that his mother died shortly after giving birth to him, Julian experienced an idyllic early childhood. This ended when Constantius II conducted a purge of many of his relatives shortly after Constantine's death in 337, particularly targeting the families of Constantine's half-brothers. ulian and Gallus were spared, probably due to their young age. Julian was put under the care of Mardonius, a Scythian eunuch who had tutored his mother, in 339, and was raised in the Greek philosophical tradition, and probably lived in Nicomedia. Ammianus also supplied the fact that while in Nicomedia, Julian was cared for by the local bishop Eusebius, of whom the future emperor was a distant relation. Julian was educated by some of the most famous names in grammar and rhetoric in the Greek world at that time, including Nicocles and Hecebolius. In 344 Constantius II sent Julian and Gallus to Macellum in Cappadocia, where they remained for six years. In 351, Gallus was made Caesar by Constantius II and Julian was allowed to return to Nicomedia, where he studied under Aedesius, Eusebius, and Chrysanthius, all famed philosophers, and was exposed to the Neo-Platonism that would become such a prominent part of his life. But Julian was most proud of the time he spent studying under Maximus of Ephesus, a noted Neo-Platonic philospher and theurgist. It was Maximus who completed Julian's full-scale conversion to Neo-Platonism. Later, when he was Caesar, Julian told of how he put letters from this philosopher under his pillows so that he would continue to absorb wisdom while he slept, and while campaigning on the Rhine, he sent his speeches to Maximus for approval before letting others hear them. When Gallus was executed in 354 for treason by Constantius II, Julian was summoned to Italy and essentially kept under house arrest at Comum, near Milan, for seven months before Constantius' wife Eusebia convinced the emperor that Julian posed no threat. This allowed Julian to return to Greece and continue his life as a scholar where he studied under the Neo-Platonist Priscus. Julian's life of scholarly pursuit, however, ended abruptly when he was summoned to the imperial court and made Caesar by Constantius II on 6 November 355.
Julian as Caesar
Constantius II realized an essential truth of the empire that had been evident since the time of the Tetrarchy--the empire was too big to be ruled effectively by one man. Julian was pressed into service as Caesar, or subordinate emperor, because an imperial presence was needed in the west, in particular in the Gallic provinces. Julian, due to the emperor's earlier purges, was the only viable candidate of the imperial family left who could act as Caesar. Constantius enjoined Julian with the task of restoring order along the Rhine frontier. A few days after he was made Caesar, Julian was married to Constantius' sister Helena in order to cement the alliance between the two men. On 1 December 355, Julian journeyed north, and in Augusta Taurinorum he learned that Alamannic raiders had destroyed Colonia Agrippina. He then proceeded to Vienne where he spent the winter. At Vienne, he learned that Augustudunum was also under siege, but was being held by a veteran garrison. He made this his first priority, and arrived there on 24 June 356. When he had assured himself that the city was in no immediate danger, he journeyed to Augusta Treverorum via Autessioduram, and from there to Durocortorum where he rendezvoused with his army. Julian had the army stage a series of punitive strikes around the Dieuse region, and then he moved them towards the Argentoratum/Mongontiacum region when word of barbarian incursions reached him.
From there, Julian moved on to Colonia Agrippina, and negotiated a peace with the local barbarian leaders who had assaulted the city. He then wintered at Senonae. He spent the early part of the campaigning season of 357 fighting off besiegers at Senonae, and then conducting operations around Lugdunum and Tres Tabernae. Later that summer, he encountered his watershed moment as a military general. Ammianus went into great detail about Julian's victory over seven rogue Alamannic chieftains near Argentoratum, and Julian himself bragged about it in his later writing. After this battle, the soldiers acclaimed Julian Augustus, but he rejected this title. After mounting a series of follow-up raids into Alamannic territory, he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia, and on the way defeated some Frankish raiders in the Mosa region. Julian considered this campaign one of the major events of his time as Caesar.
Julian began his 358 military campaigns early, hoping to catch the barbarians by surprise. His first target was the Franks in the northern Rhine region. He then proceeded to restore some forts in the Mosa region, but his soldiers threatened to mutiny because they were on short rations and had not been paid their donative since Julian had become Caesar. After he soothed his soldiers, Julian spent the rest of the summer negotiating a peace with various Alamannic leaders in the mid and lower Rhine areas, and retired to winter quarters at Lutetia. In 359, he prepared once again to carry out a series of punitive expeditions against the Alamanni in the Rhine region who were still hostile to the Roman presence. In preparation, the Caesar repopulated seven previously destroyed cities and set them up as supply bases and staging areas. This was done with the help of the people with whom Julian had negotiated a peace the year before. Julian then had a detachment of lightly armed soldiers cross the Rhine near Mogontiacum and conduct a guerilla strike against several chieftains. As a result of these campaigns, Julian was able to negotiate a peace with all but a handful of the Alamannic leaders, and he retired to winter quarters at Lutetia.
Of course, Julian did more than act as a general during his time as Caesar. According to Ammianus, Julian was an able administrator who took steps to correct the injustices of Constantius' appointees. Ammianus related the story of how Julian prevented Florentius, the Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, from raising taxes, and also how Julian actually took over as governor for the province of Belgica Secunda. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, supported Ammianus' basic assessment of Julian in this regard when he reported that Julian was an able representative of the emperor to the Gallic provincials. There is also epigraphic evidence to support Julian's popularity amongst the provincial elites. An inscription found near Beneventum in Apulia reads:
"To Flavius Claudius Julianus, most noble and sanctified Caesar, from the caring Tocius Maximus, vir clarissimus, for the care of the res publica from Beneventum".
Tocius Maximus, as a vir clarissimus, was at the highest point in the social spectrum and was a leader in his local community. This inscription shows that Julian was successful in establishing a positive image amongst provincial elites while he was Caesar.
Julian Augustus
In early 360, Constantius, driven by jealousy of Julian's success, stripped Julian of many troops and officers, ostensibly because the emperor needed them for his upcoming campaign against the Persians. One of the legions ordered east, the Petulantes, did not want to leave Gaul because the majority of the soldiers in the unit were from this region. As a result they mutinied and hailed Julian as Augustus at Lutetia. Julian refused this acclamation as he had done at Argentoratum earlier, but the soldiers would have none of his denial. They raised him on a shield and adorned him with a neck chain, which had formerly been the possession of the standard-bearer of the Petulantes and symbolized a royal diadem. Julian appeared reluctantly to acquiesce to their wishes, and promised a generous donative. The exact date of his acclamation is unknown, but most scholars put it in February or March. Julian himself supported Ammianus' picture of a jealous Constantius. In his Letter to the Athenians, a document constructed to answer charges that he was a usurper, Julian stated that from the start he, as Caesar, had been meant as a figurehead to the soldiers and provincials. The real power he claimed lay with the generals and officials already present in Gaul. In fact, according to Julian, the generals were charged with watching him as much as the enemy. His account of the actual acclamation closely followed what Ammianus told us, but he stressed even more his reluctance to take power. Julian claimed that he did so only after praying to Zeus for guidance.
Fearing the reaction of Constantius, Julian sent a letter to his fellow emperor justifying the events at Lutetia and trying to arrange a peaceful solution. This letter berated Constantius for forcing the troops in Gaul into an untenable situation. Ammianus stated that Julian's letter blamed Constantius' decision to transfer Gallic legions east as the reason for the soldiers' rebellion. Julian once again asserted that he was an unwilling participant who was only following the desire of the soldiers. In both of these basic accounts Ammianus and Julian are playing upon the theme of restoration. Implicit in their version of Julian's acclamation is the argument that Constantius was unfit to rule. The soldiers were the vehicle of the gods' will. The Letter to the Athenians is full of references to the fact that Julian was assuming the mantle of Augustus at the instigation of the gods. Ammianus summed up this position nicely when he related the story of how, when Julian was agonizing over whether to accept the soldiers' acclamation, he had a dream in which he was visited by the Genius (guardian spirit) of the Roman state. The Genius told Julian that it had often tried to bestow high honors upon Julian but had been rebuffed. Now, the Genius went on to say, was Julian's final chance to take the power that was rightfully his. If the Caesar refused this chance, the Genius would depart forever, and both Julian and the state would rue Julian's rejection. Julian himself wrote a letter to his friend Maximus of Ephesus in November of 361 detailing his thoughts on his proclamation. In this letter, Julian stated that the soldiers proclaimed him Augustus against his will. Julian, however, defended his accession, saying that the gods willed it and that he had treated his enemies with clemency and justice. He went on to say that he led the troops in propitiating the traditional deities, because the gods commanded him to return to the traditional rites, and would reward him if he fulfilled this duty.
During 360 an uneasy peace simmered between the two emperors. Julian spent the 360 campaigning season continuing his efforts to restore order along the Rhine, while Constantius continued operations against the Persians. Julian wintered in Vienne, and celebrated his Quinquennalia. It was at this time that his wife Helena died, and he sent her remains to Rome for a proper burial at his family villa on the Via Nomentana where the body of her sister was entombed. The uneasy peace held through the summer of 361, but Julian concentrated his military operations around harassing the Alamannic chieftain Vadomarius and his allies, who had concluded a peace treaty with Constantius some years earlier. By the end of the summer, Julian decided to put an end to the waiting and gathered his army to march east against Constantius. The empire teetered on the brink of another civil war. Constantius had spent the summer negotiating with the Persians and making preparations for possible military action against his cousin. When he was assured that the Persians would not attack, he summoned his army and sallied forth to meet Julian. As the armies drew inexorably closer to one another, the empire was saved from another bloody civil war when Constantius died unexpectedly of natural causes on 3 November near the town of Mopsucrenae in Cilicia, naming Julian -- the sources say-- as his legitimate successor.
Julian was in Dacia when he learned of his cousin's death. He made his way through Thrace and came to Constantinople on 11 December 361 where Julian honored the emperor with the funeral rites appropriate for a man of his station. Julian immediately set about putting his supporters in positions of power and trimming the imperial bureaucracy, which had become extremely overstaffed during Constantius' reign. Cooks and barbers had increased during the late emperor's reign and Julian expelled them from his court. Ammianus gave a mixed assessment of how the new emperor handled the followers of Constantius. Traditionally, emperors were supposed to show clemency to the supporters of a defeated enemy. Julian, however, gave some men over to death to appease the army. Ammianus used the case of Ursulus, Constantius' comes sacrum largitionum, to illustrate his point. Ursulus had actually tried to acquire money for the Gallic troops when Julian had first been appointed Caesar, but he had also made a disparaging remark about the ineffectiveness of the army after the battle of Amida. The soldiers remembered this, and when Julian became sole Augustus, they demanded Ursulus' head. Julian obliged, much to the disapproval of Ammianus. This seems to be a case of Julian courting the favor of the military leadership, and is indicative of a pattern in which Julian courted the goodwill of various societal elites to legitimize his position as emperor.
Another case in point is the officials who made up the imperial bureaucracy. Many of them were subjected to trial and punishment. To achieve this goal, during the last weeks of December 361 Julian assembled a military tribunal at Chalcedon, empanelling six judges to try the cases. The president of the tribunal was Salutius, just promoted to the rank of Praetorian Prefect; the five other members were Mamertinus, the orator, and four general officers: Jovinus, Agilo, Nevitta, and Arbetio. Relative to the proceedings of the tribunal, Ammianus noted that the judges, " . . . oversaw the cases more vehemently than was right or fair, with the exception of a few . . .." Ammianus' account of Julian's attempt at reform of the imperial bureaucracy is supported by legal evidence from the Theodosian Code. A series of laws sent to Mamertinus, Julian's appointee as Praetorian Prefect in Italy, Illyricum, and Africa, illustrate this point nicely. On 6 June 362, Mamertinus received a law that prohibited provincial governors from bypassing the Vicars when giving their reports to the Prefect. Traditionally, Vicars were given civil authority over a group of provinces, and were in theory meant to serve as a middle step between governors and Prefects. This law suggests that the Vicars were being left out, at least in Illyricum. Julian issued another edict to Mamertinus on 22 February 362 to stop abuse of the public post by governors. According to this law, only Mamertinus could issue post warrants, but the Vicars were given twelve blank warrants to be used as they saw fit, and each governor was given two. Continuing the trend of bureaucratic reform, Julian also imposed penalties on governors who purposefully delayed appeals in court cases they had heard. The emperor also established a new official to weigh solidi used in official government transactions to combat coin clipping.
For Julian, reigning in the abuses of imperial bureaucrats was one step in restoring the prestige of the office of emperor. Because he could not affect all elements of society personally, Julian, like other Neo-Flavian emperors, decided to concentrate on select groups of societal elites as intercessors between himself and the general populace. One of these groups was the imperial bureaucracy. Julian made it very clear that imperial officials were intercessors in a very real sense in a letter to Alypius, Vicar of Britain. In this letter, sent from Gaul sometime before 361, the emperor praises Alypius for his use of "mildness and moderation with courage and force" in his rule of the provincials. Such virtues were characteristic of the emperors, and it was good that Alypius is representing Julian in this way. Julian courted the army because it put him in power. Another group he sought to include in his rule was the traditional Senatorial aristocracy. One of his first appointments as consul was Claudius Mamertinus, a Gallic Senator and rhetorician. Mamertinus' speech in praise of Julian delivered at Constantinople in January of 362 is preserved. In this speech, Claudius presented his consular selection as inaugurating a new golden age and Julian as the restorer of the empire founded by Augustus. The image Mamertinus gave of his own consulate inaugurating a new golden age is not merely formulaic. The comparison of Julian to Augustus has very real, if implicit, relevance to Claudius' situation. Claudius emphasized the imperial period as the true age of renewal. Augustus ushered in a new era with his formation of a partnership between the emperor and the Senate based upon a series of honors and offices bestowed upon the Senate in return for their role as intercessor between emperor and populace. It was this system that Julian was restoring, and the consulate was one concrete example of this bond. To be chosen as a consul by the emperor, who himself had been divinely mandated, was a divine honor. In addition to being named consul, Mamertinus went on to hold several offices under Julian, including the Prefecture of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa. Similarly, inscriptional evidence illustrates a link between municipal elites and Julian during his time as Caesar, something which continued after he became emperor. One concrete example comes from the municipal senate of Aceruntia in Apulia, which established a monument on which Julian is styled as "Repairer of the World."
Julian seems to have given up actual Christian belief before his acclamation as emperor and was a practitioner of more traditional Greco-Roman religious beliefs, in particular, a follower of certain late antique Platonist philosophers who were especially adept at theurgy as was noted earlier. In fact Julian himself spoke of his conversion to Neo-Platonism in a letter to the Alexandrians written in 363. He stated that he had abandoned Christianity when he was twenty years old and been an adherent of the traditional Greco-Roman deities for the twelve years prior to writing this letter.
(For the complete text of this article see: http://www.roman-emperors.org/julian.htm)
Julian’s Persian Campaign
The exact goals Julian had for his ill-fated Persian campaign were never clear. The Sassanid Persians, and before them the Parthians, had been a traditional enemy from the time of the Late Republic, and indeed Constantius had been conducting a war against them before Julian's accession forced the former to forge an uneasy peace. Julian, however, had no concrete reason to reopen hostilities in the east. Socrates Scholasticus attributed Julian's motives to imitation of Alexander the Great, but perhaps the real reason lay in his need to gather the support of the army. Despite his acclamation by the Gallic legions, relations between Julian and the top military officers was uneasy at best. A war against the Persians would have brought prestige and power both to Julian and the army.
Julian set out on his fateful campaign on 5 March 363. Using his trademark strategy of striking quickly and where least expected, he moved his army through Heirapolis and from there speedily across the Euphrates and into the province of Mesopotamia, where he stopped at the town of Batnae. His plan was to eventually return through Armenia and winter in Tarsus. Once in Mesopotamia, Julian was faced with the decision of whether to travel south through the province of Babylonia or cross the Tigris into Assyria, and he eventually decided to move south through Babylonia and turn west into Assyria at a later date. By 27 March, he had the bulk of his army across the Euphrates, and had also arranged a flotilla to guard his supply line along the mighty river. He then left his generals Procopius and Sebastianus to help Arsacius, the king of Armenia and a Roman client, to guard the northern Tigris line. It was also during this time that he received the surrender of many prominent local leaders who had nominally supported the Persians. These men supplied Julian with money and troops for further military action against their former masters. Julian decided to turn south into Babylonia and proceeded along the Euphrates, coming to the fortress of Cercusium at the junction of the Abora and Euphrates Rivers around the first of April, and from there he took his army west to a region called Zaitha near the abandoned town of Dura where they visited the tomb of the emperor Gordian which was in the area. On April 7 he set out from there into the heart of Babylonia and towards Assyria.
Ammianus then stated that Julian and his army crossed into Assyria, which on the face of things appears very confusing. Julian still seems to be operating within the province of Babylonia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. The confusion is alleviated when one realizes that,for Ammianus, the region of Assyria encompassed the provinces of Babylonia and Assyria. On their march, Julian's forces took the fortress of Anatha, received the surrender and support of several more local princes, and ravaged the countryside of Assyria between the rivers. As the army continued south, they came across the fortresses Thilutha and Achaiachala, but these places were too well defended and Julian decided to leave them alone. Further south were the cities Diacira and Ozogardana, which the Roman forces sacked and burned. Soon, Julian came to Pirisabora and a brief siege ensued, but the city fell and was also looted and destroyed. It was also at this time that the Roman army met its first systematic resistance from the Persians. As the Romans penetrated further south and west, the local inhabitants began to flood their route. Nevertheless, the Roman forces pressed on and came to Maiozamalcha, a sizable city not far from Ctesiphon. After a short siege, this city too fell to Julian. Inexorably, Julian's forces zeroed in on Ctesiphon, but as they drew closer, the Persian resistance grew fiercer, with guerilla raids whittling at Julian's men and supplies. A sizable force of the army was lost and the emperor himself was almost killed taking a fort a few miles from the target city.
Finally, the army approached Ctesiphon following a canal that linked the Tigris and Euphrates. It soon became apparent after a few preliminary skirmishes that a protracted siege would be necessary to take this important city. Many of his generals, however, thought that pursuing this course of action would be foolish. Julian reluctantly agreed, but became enraged by this failure and ordered his fleet to be burned as he decided to march through the province of Assyria. Julian had planned for his army to live off the land, but the Persians employed a scorched-earth policy. When it became apparent that his army would perish (because his supplies were beginning to dwindle) from starvation and the heat if he continued his campaign, and also in the face of superior numbers of the enemy, Julian ordered a retreat on 16 June. As the Roman army retreated, they were constantly harassed by guerilla strikes. It was during one of these raids that Julian got caught up in the fighting and took a spear to his abdomen. Mortally wounded he was carried to his tent, where, after conferring with some of his officers, he died. The date was 26 June 363.
Conclusion
Thus an ignominious end for a man came about who had hoped to restore the glory of the Roman empire during his reign as emperor. Due to his intense hatred of Christianity, the opinion of posterity has not been kind to Julian. The contemporary opinion, however, was overall positive. The evidence shows that Julian was a complex ruler with a definite agenda to use traditional social institutions in order to revive what he saw as a collapsing empire. In the final assessment, he was not so different from any of the other emperors of the fourth century. He was a man grasping desperately to hang on to a Greco-Roman conception of leadership that was undergoing a subtle yet profound change.
Copyright (C) 2002, Walter E. Roberts and Michael DiMaio, Jr. Used by permission.
In reality, Julian worked to promote culture and philosophy in any manifestation. He tried to reduce taxes and the public debts of municipalities; he augmented administrative decentralisation; he promoted a campaign of austerity to reduce public expenditure (setting himself as the example). He reformed the postal service and eliminated the powerful secret police.
by Federico Morando; JULIAN II, The Apostate, See the Julian II Page on NumisWiki
Flavius Claudius Iulianus was born in 331 or maybe 332 A.D. in Constantinople. He ruled the Western Empire as Caesar from 355 to 360 and was hailed Augustus by his legions in Lutetia (Paris) in 360. Julian was a gifted administrator and military strategist. Famed as the last pagan emperor, his reinstatement of the pagan religion earned him the moniker "the Apostate." As evidenced by his brilliant writing, some of which has survived to the present day, the title "the Philosopher" may have been more appropriate. He died from wounds suffered during the Persian campaign of 363 A.D. Joseph Sermarini, FORVM.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.
Cleisthenes
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1af2 Lepidus, Octavian, and Marc Antony40-39 BC
Ephesus, AE 1/2 unit 19mm
Jugate bare heads of the Second Triumvirate members, right
ΑΡΧΙΕΡΕΥΣ ΓΡΑΜ ΓΛΑΥΚΩΝ ΕΦΕ ΠΟΛΕΜΑΙΟΣ, facing cult statue of Artemis (with supports)
RPC 2572A
Thanks to OldMoney for the attribution
5.0 grams
See the individual descriptions of my coins from Octavian, Marc Antony, and Lepidus for more historical information.Blindado
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1cu Trebonianus Gallus251-253
AE Viminacium
Laureate, draped bust, right, IMP C GALLVS P FELIX AVG
Moesia standing facing, head left, hands outstretched over a bull and a lion at her sides, PMS COL VIM
Moushmov 56
For Gallus' perfidy against Decius, see the Decius entry. Zosimus reports regarding Gallus' reign: Gallus, who declared his son Volusianus his associate in the empire, published an open declaration, that Decius and his army had perished by his contrivance. The Barbarians now became more prosperous than before. For Callus not only permitted them to return home with the plunder, but promised to pay them annually a sum of money, and allowed them to carry off all the noblest captives; most of whom had been taken at Philippopolis in Thrace.
Gallus, having made these regulations, came to Rome, priding himself on the peace he had made with the Barbarians. And though he at first spoke with approbation of Decius's mode of government, and adopted one of his sons, yet, after some time was elapsed, fearing that some of them who were fond of new projects might recur to a recapitulation of the princely virtues of Decius, and therefore might at some opportunity give the empire to his son, he concerted the young man's destruction, without regard either to his own adoption of him, or to common honour and justice.
Gallus was so supine in the administration of the empire, that the Scythians in the first place terrified all the neighbouring nations, and then laid waste all the countries as far by degrees as the sea coast; not leaving one nation subject to the Romans unpillaged, and taking almost all the unfortified towns, and many that were fortified. Besides the war on every side, which was insupportably burdensome to them, the cities and villages were infested with a pestilence, which swept away the remainder of mankind in those regions; nor was so great a mortality ever known in any former period.
At this crisis, observing that the emperors were unable to defend the state, but neglected all without the walls of Rome, the Goths, the Borani, the Urugundi, and the Carpi once more plundered the cities of Europe of all that had been left in them; while in another quarter, the Persians invaded Asia, in which they acquired possession of Mesopotamia, and proceeded even as far as Antioch in Syria, took that city, which is the metropolis of all the east, destroyed many of the inhabitants, and carried the remainder into captivity, returning home with immense plunder, after they had destroyed all the buildings in the city, both public and private, without meeting with the least resistance. And indeed the Persians had a fair opportunity to have made themselves masters of all Asia, had they not been so overjoyed at their excessive spoils, as to be contented with keeping and carrying home what they had acquired.
Meantime the Scythians of Europe were in perfect security and went over into Asia, spoiling all the country as far as Cappodocia, Pesinus, and Ephesus, until Aemilianus, commander of the Pannonian legions, endeavouring as much as possible to encourage his troops, whom the prosperity of the Barbarians had so disheartened that they durst not face them, and reminding them of the renown of Roman courage, surprised the Barbarians that were in that neighbourhood. Having destroyed great numbers of them, and led his forces into their country, removing every obstruction to his progress, and at length freeing the subjects of the Roman empire from their ferocity, he was appointed emperor by his army. On this he collected all the forces of that country, who were become more bold since his successes against the Barbarians, and directed his march towards Italy, with the design of fighting Gallus, who was as yet. unprepared to contend with him. For Gallus had never heard of what had occurred in the east, and therefore made only what accidental preparations were in his reach, while Valerianus went to bring the Celtic and German legions. But Aemilianus advanced with great speed into Italy, and the armies were very near to each other, when the soldiers of Gallus, reflecting that his force was much inferior to the enemy both in number and strength, and likewise that he was a negligent indolent man, put him and his son to death, and going over to the party of Aemilianus, appeared to establish his authority.Blindado
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4) Antony and Octavian DenariusMark Antony and Octavian
AR Denarius, 2.97g
Ephesus, spring/summer, 41 BC
M ANT IMP AVG III VIR R P C M BARBAT Q P (MP and AV in monogram), Bare hd of Mark Antony right / CAESAR IMP PONT III VIR R P C, Bare head of Octavian right
Sear 1504
This series of coins commemorates the establishment of the second Triumvirate of November 43 B.C. between Antony, Octavian and Lepidus. Both sides bear the inscription "III VIR R P C", meaning "One of Three Men for the Regulation of the Republic. Within a few years Antony would depart Italy for the Eastern provinces.
The moneyer for this coin is M. Barbatius Pollio who was also a Questor in 41 BC. Barbatius bears the title of "Quaestor pro praetore" abbreviated to QP a distinction shared by his colleague L. Gelllius.
Photo and text credit goes to FORVM member Jay GT4, from whom I purchased the coin in 2011. Thanks, Jay!
RM0034Sosius
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Antony & Octavia tetradrachm Silver Cistophorus
M ANTONIVS IMP COS DESIG ITER ET TERT
Head of Antony right, wreathed with ivy, lituus below, all within ivy wreath
III VIR R P C
Draped bust of Octavia right above cista mystica flanked by two snakes
Ephesus, summer-autumn 39 BC
10.42g
Sear 1512, RPC 2201
Ex-Incitatus
This issue commemorates the marriage between Antony and Octavia and also celebrates Antony as "the new Dionysus". The honor was bestowed on Antony in 41 BC when he arrived in Ephesus. Antony is named as Imperator and Consul designate for the second and third time. This fixes the date towards the end of 39 BC. after the pact of Misenum in July. At that time the consular designations were agreed upon for the next eight years. However it must also be dated before the winter of 39-38 BC when Antony was acclaimed as Imperator for the second time.
Octavia is not specifically mentioned by name, but certainly there can be no doubt it is her image found on the reverse given the time this coin was minted.Jay GT4
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Antony & Octavia tetradrachmM ANTONIVS IMP COS DESIG ITER ET TERT
Conjoined heads of Antony and Octavia right, Antony wearing an ivy wreath
III VIR RPC
Dionysus standing left, holding cantharus and thyrsus on cista mystica flanked by two interlaced snakes
Ephesus, summer-autumn 39 BC
11.22g
Imperators 263, RPC 2202, Babelon Antonia 61, Syndenham 1198, BMCRR east 135
Punch mark on the obverse protrudes onto the reverse
Ex-Numisantique
This series of Cistophori from Asia commemorates the marriage of Antony and Octavia and celebrate's Antony's divine status in the east as the "New Dionysus" which was bestowed on him when he arrived in Ephesus in 41 BC. Antony's titulature of "Imperator and Consul designate for the second and third times" fixes the period of issue to the latter part of 39 BC after the Pact of Misenum in July and before Antony's second Imperatorial acclamation in the winter of 39-38BC
Jay GT4
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Artemis, Ionia, Ephesus, Artemis on stagIONIA. Ephesos.
Rev: EΦECIΩN A ACIAC, Artemis seated on stag right; holding bow and drawing arrow from quiver.
AE, 8.68g, 25mm
for obverse, reverse and coin details click here
shanxi
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Artemis, Ionia, Ephesus, LetoIonia, Ephesus
Rev.: EΦECIΩN Γ NEΩKOPΩN, Leto advancing right, head left, holding her children, Artemis (right) and Apollo (left); Apollo holding branch; Artemis holding bow and drawing arrow.
AE, 27mm, 7.21 g
for obverse, reverse and coin details click hereshanxi
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Asia Minor, Ionia, Ephesus, Domitia, VenusDomitia
Ionia, Ephesus
Cistophorus (AD 82-96).
Obv.: DOMITIA AVGVSTA, Draped bust right.
Rev.: VENVS AVG, Venus standing right, back facing, leaning upon column to left, holding helmet and sceptre.
Ag, 10.39g, 26mm
Ref.: RIC² 847 (Domitian); RPC II 870.shanxi
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Asia Minor, Ionia, Ephesus, Geta, ArtemisGeta
Ionia, Ephesus
Obv.: Λ CЄ Π ΓЄTAC K, bareheaded, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev.: ЄΦЄCIΩN, Artemis driving biga of stags right, drawing arrow from quiver and holding bow.
AE, 3.15g, 17mm
Ref.: SNG München 169-70
Ex Bankhaus Aufhäuser, 1995
Ex Dr. P. Vogl collection
Ex Numismatik Naumann, auction 49, lot 430shanxi
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Asia Minor, Ionia, Ephesus, Octavian, PaxOctavian
Ionia, Ephesus
Cistophorus (ca. 28 BC).
Obv.: IMP CAESAR DIVI F COS VI LIBERTATIS P R VINDEX, Laureate head right.
Rev.: PAX, Pax standing left, holding caduceus; to right, serpent rising left from altar; all within wreath.
Ag, 11.51g, 26mm
Ref.: RIC² 476, RPC I 2203, CRI 433.
Ex Numismatik Naumann, auction 53, lot 447shanxi
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Asia Minor, Ionia, Ephesus, Valerian I, Artemis on stagValerian I
Ionia, Ephesos.
(AD 253-260)
Obv: AYT K ΠO ΛIKINI OYAΛEPIANOC, Laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: EΦECIΩN A ACIAC, Artemis seated on stag right; holding bow and drawing arrow from quiver.
AE, 8.68g, 25mm
Ref.: Karwiese 1136 (V12/R54); BMC -; SNG von Aulock -, RPC X, — (unassigned; ID 61035) [this coin]shanxi
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Asia Minor, Ionia, Ephesus, Valerian I, Artemis on stag; RPC X (unassigned; ID 61035)Valerian I
Ionia, Ephesos.
(AD 253-260)
Obv: AYT K ΠO ΛIKINI OYAΛEPIANOC, Laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: EΦECIΩN A ACIAC, Artemis seated on stag right; holding bow and drawing arrow from quiver.
AE, 8.68g, 25mm
Ref.: Karwiese 1136 (V12/R54); BMC -; SNG von Aulock -, RPC X, — (unassigned; ID 61035) [this coin]shanxi
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Augustus (RIC 479, Coin #740)RIC 479 (R2), AR Cistophori, Ephesus, 25 BC.
OBV: IMP CAESAR; Bare head right.
REV: AVGVSTVS; Garlanded altar sculpted with two confronting
deer, linear border.
SIZE: 26.6mm, 11.80gMaynardGee
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Augustus, AE26, RIC I 486Augustus
27 B.C. – 14 A.D.
Coin: AE26
Obverse: CAESAR, bare headed bust facing right.
Reverse: AVGVSTVS, within a Laurel Wreath.
Weight: 12.93 g, Diameter: 26.5 x 25.6 x 2.8 mm, Die axis: 0°, Mint: Ephesus, struck in 25 B.C. Reference: RIC I 486Constantine IV
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Augustus, Ephesus ?Augustus, 27 BC - 14 AD Ephesus (or Mysia, Pergamon) 26 mm, 10.8 g. Obverse: bare head of Augustus right. Reverse: laurel wreath, AVGVSTVS within. ex areich, photo credit areich. Ref if Ephesus: RIC 486; RPC 2235.
Podiceps
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BCC LT81Lead Tessera
Caesarea Maritima
Late Roman 1st-4th cent.
Obv: Cult statue of Artemis?,
facing, stags? to right and left.
Rev: Blank.
11x8.5x1mm. 0.66gm.
cf. Hamburger, "Surface Finds from
Caesarea Maritima - Tesserae Excavations
at Caesarea Maritima 1975, 1976,
1979 - Final Report, Levine, Netzer.
#15 and #16
cf. BCC LT25, LT26, LT35, LT72,
and LT82.
This collection of very small lead
pieces from Caesarea, a corpus of
around ninety objects, includes six
very similar tesserae which display
the image of an Eastern-style mummiform
diety. This is possibly the Artemis of Ephesus,
a fragmentary statue of which was found
at Caesarea in the 1960's.v-drome
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Caracalla, Ephesus, boar, AE17AE17, 2.65g
obv: []WNEINOC; laureate head right
rev: EFECIWN, Calydonian boar right, pierced by spear
ex Lord Grantley via Sayles & Lavenderareich
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caracallaioniaephesus001Caracalla
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: AV KAI M·ANTΩNЄINOC, laureate draped bust right, seen from rear. Countermark: Nike left, right hand raised holding wreath, in round incuse.
Rev: ЄΦЄCIΩN·B NЄ-OKOPΩN, Androclus, nude, standing left, holding spear and cloak with his left arm, clasping right hands with Hero, nude, standing right, cloak over his left shoulder; boar to left at the feet of Androclus.
36 mm, 21.38 grams
Karwiese, Die Münzprägung von Ephesos, Vol. 5, 499 (V34/R64). Countermark: Howgego 263.
From Themis Numismatics, Auction 6, lot 295 (as Elagabalus).Charles M
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Carrhae in Mesopotamia, Septimius Severus, AE 24, Lindgren 2557Carrhae in Mesopotamia, Septimius Severus, AE 24, 193-211 AD
Av.: CEΠTIMIOC [CE]OY.... , naked (laureate?) bust of Septimius Severus right
Rv.: ..Λ]OY KAPPH ΛKA... , front view of a tetrastyle temple, the temple of the moon god Sin, in the middle a sacred stone on tripod, on top of stone: crescent, standards (with crescents on top) on both sides inside the building; another crescent in the pediment.
Lindgren 2557 ; BMC p. 82, #4
The city and the region played an important role in roman history.
Carrhae / Harran, (Akkadian Harrânu, "intersecting roads"; Latin Carrhae), an ancient city of strategic importance, an important town in northern Mesopotamia, famous for its temple of the moon god Sin, is now nothing more than a village in southeastern Turkey with an archeological site.
In the Bible it is mentioned as one of the towns where Abraham stayed on his voyage from Ur to the promised land. Abraham's family settled there when they left Ur of the Chaldeans (Genesis 11:31-32).
Inscriptions indicate that Harran existed as early as 2000 B.C. In its prime, it controlled the point where the road from Damascus joins the highway between Nineveh and Carchemish. This location gave Harran strategic value from an early date. It is frequently mentioned in Assyrian inscriptions about 1100 BC, under the name Harranu, or "Road" (Akkadian harrānu, 'road, path, journey' ).
During the fall of the Assyrian Empire, Harran became the stronghold of its lasts king, Ashur-uballit II, being besiged and conquered by Nabopolassar of Babylon at 609 BC. Harran became part of Median Empire after the fall of Assyria, and subsequently passed to the Persian Achaemenid dynasty.
The city remained Persian untill in 331 BC when the soldiers of the Macedonian king Alexander the Great entered the city.
After the death of Alexander on 11 June 323 BC, the city was claimed by his successors: Perdiccas, Antigonus Monophthalmus and Eumenes. These visited the city, but eventually, it became part of the Asian kingdom of Seleucos I (Nicator), the Seleucid empire, and capital of a province called Osrhoene (the Greek term for the old name Urhai).
The Seleucids settled Macedonian veterans at Harran. For a century-and-a-half, the town flourished, and it became independent when the Parthian dynasty of Persia occupied Babylonia. The Parthian and Seleucid kings both needed the buffer state of Osrhoene which was part of the larger Parthian empire and had nearby Edessa as its capital. The dynasty of the Arabian Abgarides, technically a vassal of the Parthian "king of kings" ruled Osrhoene for centuries.
Carrhae was the scene of a disastrous defeat of the Roman general Crassus by the Parthians. In 53 BC. Crassus, leading an army of 50.000, conducted a campaign against Parthia. After he captured a few cities on the way, he hurried to cross the Euphrates River with hopes of receiving laurels and the title of “Emperor”. But as he drove his forces over Rakkan towards Harran, Parthian cavalry besieged his forces in a pincers movement. In the ensuing battle, the Roman army was defeated and decimated. The battle of Carrhae was the beginning of a series of border wars with Parthia for many centuries. Numismatic evidence for these wars or the corresponding peace are for instance the "Signis Receptis" issues of Augustus and the “Janum Clusit” issues of Nero.
Later Lucius Verus tried to conquer Osrhoene and initially was successful. But an epidemic made an annexation impossible. However, a victory monument was erected in Ephesus, and Carrhae/Harran is shown as one of the subject towns.
Septimius Severus finally added Osrhoene to his realms in 195. The typical conic domed houses of ancient Harran can be seen on the Arch of Septimius Severus on the Forum Romanum.
Harran was the chief home of the moon-god Sin, whose temple was rebuilt by several kings. Sin was one of the great gods of the Assurian-Babylonian pantheon.
Caracalla gave Harran the status of a colonia (214 AD) and visited the city and the temple of the moon god in April 217. Meanwhile the moon god (and sacred stones) had become a part of the Roman pantheon and the temple a place to deify the roman emperors (as the standards on both sides of the temple indicate).
Caracalla was murdered while he was on his way from Temple to the palace. If this had been arranged by Macrinus - the prefect of the Praetorian guard who was to be the new emperor – is not quite clear. On the eighth of April, the emperor and his courtiers made a brief trip to the world famous temple of the moon god. When Caracalla halted to perform natural functions, he was assassinated by one of his bodyguards, Julius Martialis, who had a private grudge against the ruler, because he had not been given the post of centurion.
In 296 AD Roman control was again interrupted when nearby Carrhae the emperor Galerius was defeated by the king Narses / the Sasanid dynasty of Persia. The Roman emperor Julianus Apostata sacrificed to the moon god in 363 AD, at the beginning of his ill-fated campaign against the Sassanid Persians. The region continued to be a battle zone between the Romans and Sassanids. It remained Roman (or Byzantine) until 639, when the city finally was captured by the Muslim armies.
At that time, the cult of Sin still existed. After the arrival of the Islam, the adherents of other religions probably went to live in the marshes of the lower Tigris and Euphrates, and are still known as Mandaeans.
The ancient city walls surrounding Harran, 4 kilometer long and 3 kilometer wide, have been repaired throughout the ages (a.o. by the Byzantine emperor Justinian in the sixth century), and large parts are still standing. The position of no less than 187 towers has been identified. Of the six gates (Aleppo gate, Anatolian, Arslanli, Mosul, Baghdad, and Rakka gate), only the first one has remained.
A citadel was built in the 14th century in place of the Temple of Sin. This lies in the south-west quarter of the ancient town. Its ruin can still be visited.
my ancient coin database
Arminius
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Claudius & Agrippina Jr. Cistaphoric Diana Ephesia of Ephesus.Roman Empire. Claudius & Agrippina Jr. 41-54 AD. AR Cistaphoric Tetradrachm (10.58 gm, 26.2mm, 7h) of Ephesus, 51 AD. Conjoined laureate head of Claudius & draped bust of wife Agrippina Jr, left. ↱TI CLAVD CAES AVG ⤸AGRIPP AVGVSTA. / Cult statue of Diana Ephesia. DIANA EPHESIA. aVF. Ponterio Auction 136 #1937. BMCRE (Claudius) 231; RIC I (Claudius) #119, plate 17; RPC I #2224; RSC II (Agrippina & Claudius) #1; SRCV I #1888.Anaximander
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Claudius I (AD 41-54). AR cistophorusClaudius I (AD 41-54). AR cistophorus (10.8gm,26mm, 6h). NGC Fine. Ephesus, ca. AD 41-42. TI CLAVD-CAES AVG, bare head of Claudius I left / DIAN-EPHE, tetrastyle temple with three steps containing central standing figure of Diana Ephesia, polos on head and fillets hanging from wrists; shield, altars, two stags and figures in pediment. RIC I 118.
Ex Heritage online auction Dec 2020, lot 61118.(10.8gm,26mm, 6h). Ancient Aussie
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Claudius. Cistaphoric Diana Ephesia.Roman Empire. Claudius. 41-54 AD. AR Cistaphoric Tetradrachm (= 3 denarii, 11.05 gm, 26.0mm, 7h) of Ephesus, 41-42 AD. Bare head of Claudius left. ↑TI CLAVD ⤸CAES AVG. / Cult statue of Diana Ephesia (Artemis) in tetrastyle temple, polos on head and fillets from wrists. DIAN-EPHE. VF. Bt. Herakles Numismatics, 2003. BMCRE 229; RIC I (Claudius) p. 130, #118corr. (obv. type A), plate 17; RPC I #2222; RSC II #30; SRCV I #1839.Anaximander
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Domitia, Augusta, wife of Domitian. Cistaphoric Tetradrachm.Roman Empire. Domitia, Augusta. Wife of Domitian. 81-96 AD. AR Cistophoric Tetradrachm (10.87 gm, 25.8mm, 6h) of Ephesus, 82 AD. Draped bust r. ↶DOMITIA AVGVSTA. / Venus standing right, holding sceptre and helmet, leaning on cippus (column). ↶VENVS AVG (outward). aVF. Pegasi Numismatics Auction XVIII #435. RIC II (Domitian) #847 (1st ed #230): BMCRE (Domitian) 256-257; CBN 226; RSC II #19; RPC II #870; SNG Cop 7 (Imperial Cistophori) #432; SRCV I #2903. Extremely Rare.Anaximander
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EB0538 Caracalla / Artemis & stagCaracalla, AE 23 of Ephesus, Ionia, 198-217 AD.
Obv: A[YT] K M AY[P] ANTΩNINOC, Laureate, draped, cuirassed bust right.
Rev: ΕΦΕCΙΩ−Ν Β ΝΕΟ−ΚΟ/ΡΩΝ, Artemis huntress seizing with left hand stag by horn and with right hand drawing arrow from quiver at her shoulder.
References: SNG Copenhagen 420?
Diameter: 23.5mm, Weight: 5.66 grams.
This coin mentions the Second Neocoria of Ephesus, i.e.
the building of a second imperial temple.EB
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Ephesian ArtemisI took this photo while visiting the ancient city of Ephesus, Turkey, in August of 2013. Along one of the avenues was this relief of one of Ephesus' most unique symbols: the Ephesian Artemis. Large cult statues of this goddess would be placed in the Artemis Temple just outside the city. Ephesian Artemis can occasionally be found on the reverse sides of Seleucid coins.ThatParthianGuy
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EphesosObv: Laur. r.
Rev: Coresus r. clasping the hand of Androclus l.; Androclus was the mythical founder of Ephesus, Coresus the personification of a nearby mountain.
4.68g, 19mm
RPC III, 2049klausklage
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Ephesos bee & stags DiobolIonia, Ephesus, 4th Century BC, Diobol, Bee & Two Stags, 0.97g. BM-53, SNG von Aulock-1835, SNG Cop-243. Obv: Bee. Rx: Foreparts of two stags facing one another. . F+; a bit corroded. Ex H.J.BerkPodiceps
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Ephesus, IoniaProvincial coin, 98 - 117 AD
Obv: AY NER TRAIANOS KAI SE ARI GER DA
Cuirassed bust r.
Rev: O NEW EP'ESIWN DH EPEC'ARAXATO
Woman (Amazon? Dacia?) kneeling r.; Artemis Ephesia frontal; man (emperor?) standing l.
19.32g, 33mm
IMHOOF KM S59,64(1) / COLL IMHOOF(1)klausklage
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Ephesus, Ionia280-258 BC
AE19 (19mm, 4.51g)
O: Bee with spread wings, E - Φ to either side, all within wreath.
R: Stag grazing right, quiver above; ΕΥΠΟΛΙΣ in ex.
cf SNG Cop 268; cf SNG München 60; Sear 4406
ex Kölner Münzkabinett
Enodia
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Ephesus, Ionia390-320 BC
AR Diobol (10mm, 1.02g)
O: Bee with straight wings, within dotted border.
R: Confronted heads of two stags; EΦ above.
SNG Cop 242-43; SNG von Aulock 1835; SNG München 32; Sear 4375v; BMC Ionia 53, 53;
ex Forvm Ancient Coins
The bee was sacred to the goddess Artemis, whose famous sanctuary at Ephesus was tended by Her priestesses, known collectively as Melissae, a word which translates as ‘bee’, or by some accounts ‘honey gatherer’. It is no surprise then that the coins of this city should feature the bee on their obverse.
Enodia
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Ephesus, Ionia500-420 BC
AR Diobol (11mm, 1.06g)
O: Bee with curved wings and volute-shaped antennae; E - Φ flanking.
R: Quadripartite incuse square.
SNG Kayhan 125; Sear 3517v (Drachm)
ex Tom Vossen
Enodia
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EPHESUS, IONIA AE13OBVERSE: E-[Φ], bee
REVERSE: Forepart of stag recumbent left, head right (Uncertain magistrate)
Sturck at Ephesos, ca 390-320 BC
12.9 mm, 2.06 g
SNG Copenhagen 247-53Legatus
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Ephesus, Ionia, AE15, ΝΕΥΜΥΣAE15
Anonymous Civic Issue
390 - 320BC
15.0mm 3.10gr 0h
O: Ε-Φ; Legend, left and right of bee.
R: ΝΕΥΜΥΣ; Stag, recumbent left, head right.
Exergue: Astralagus, top right field.
Ephesus, Ionia Mint
Unpublished: Ref. CNG 282, Lot 61.
Zeus Numismatics Budget Auction 11, Lot 161.
8/1/20 8/26/20Nicholas Z
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Ephesus, Ionia; SaloninaEphesus, Ionia; Salonina
CΑΛΩΝ ΧPΥCΟΓΟΝΗ CEBAC
ΕΦΕCΙΩΝ ΠΡΩΤΩΝ ΑCΙΑC
ΧPΥCΟΓΟΝΗ = Chrysogona "golden child"
Artemis in reverse.
ΠΡΩΤΩΝ ΑCΙΑC = "First (city) of Asia"
ecoli
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ephesus001aElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟС, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: ƐΦƐСΙΩΝ ΠΡΩ-ΤΩΝ ΑСΙΑС, Artemis advancing, right, drawing arrow from quiver at shoulder, holding bow; at feet, dog running right.
30mm, 10.81 gms
RPC Online 4892; Karwiese 642.1Charles M
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ephesus001bElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟС, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: ƐΦƐСΙΩΝ Δ ΝƐΩΚΟΡΩΝ, Artemis advancing, right, drawing arrow from quiver at shoulder, holding bow; at feet, dog running right.
28 mm, 9.85 gms
RPC Online 4891; Karwiese 643Charles M
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ephesus001b_2Elagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟС, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: ƐΦƐСΙΩΝ Δ ΝƐΩΚΟΡΩΝ, Artemis advancing, right, drawing arrow from quiver at shoulder, holding bow; at feet, dog running right.
29 mm, 16.76 gms
RPC Online 4891; Karwiese 643Charles M
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ephesus001cElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟС, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right, seen from rear.
Rev: ƐΦƐСΙ[ΩΝ Δ] ΝƐΩΚΟΡΩΝ, Artemis advancing, right, drawing arrow from quiver at shoulder, holding bow; behind, to right, tree; at her feet, to left, deer, left, looking back.
30 mm, 12.26 gms
RPC Online 4893 variant (reverse legend); for this reverse type and legend, Mionnet 628 for Annia FaustinaCharles M
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ephesus001dElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟС ΑΥΓ, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: →Ɛ/ΦƐС/ΙΩΝ, Artemis driving a biga of stags running right, drawing arrow from quiver at shoulder and holding bow.
16 mm, 2.30 gms
RPC Online 4943; Karwiese 649.
From Savoca Coins, Special Auction 79, lot 395.Charles M
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ephesus002aElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟС, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: ΠΡΩ[Τ-ΩΝ] ΑСΙΑС →ƐΦƐСΙΩΝ, Artemis on left advancing right, seizing stag by the horns, and placing knee on its back.
21 mm, 4.44 gms
RPC Online 4921; Karwiese 648Charles M
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ephesus003aElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟС ΑΥΓ, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: ƐΦƐСΙΩ →Ν, boar running right pierced by spear.
17 mm, 2.17 gms
RPC Online 4949; Karwiese 666Charles M
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ephesus004aElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟС, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: ƐΦƐСΙΩΝ →ΝƐΩΚΟΡΩ to right Ν, in field Δ, galley sailing, right, with aplustre on stern, standard on prow, with helmsman and four rowers.
21 mm, 3.09 gms
RPC Online 4928; Karwiese 673-5Charles M
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ephesus004a_2Elagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟС, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: ƐΦƐСΙΩΝ →ΝƐΩΚΟΡΩ to right Ν, in field Δ, galley sailing, right, with aplustre on stern, standard on prow, with helmsman and four rowers.
23 mm, 4.86 gms
RPC Online 4928; Karwiese 673-5
Ex. Plankenhorn Collection of Ionian Coins. From Numismatik Naumann, Auction 91, lot 919.Charles M
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ephesus005aElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: [ΑΥΤ] Κ Μ ΑΥΡ ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟС C[ЄB], laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
Rev: [ƐΦƐСΙΩ]Ν Δ ΝƐΩΚΟΡΩΝ, Tyche standing facing, looking lleft, holding rudder and cornucopia.
22 mm, 6.06 gms
RPC Online 4930; Karwiese 686Charles M
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ephesus005bElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ Α-ΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟϹ, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right, seen from rear.
Rev: ƐΦƐϹΙΩΝ ΠΡΩΤΩΝ ΑϹΙΑϹ, Tyche standing facing, looking lleft, holding rudder and cornucopia.
20 mm, 5.52 gms
RPC Online 4917; Karwiese 684.Charles M
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ephesus005b_2Elagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ Α-ΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟϹ, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right, seen from rear.
Rev: ƐΦƐϹ[ΙΩΝ ΠΡΩΤ]ΩΝ ΑϹΙΑϹ, Tyche standing facing, looking left, holding rudder and cornucopia.
22 mm, 4.16 gms
RPC Online 4917; Karwiese 684.
Ex. Plankenhorn Collection of Ionian Coins. From Numismatik Naumann, Auction 91, lot 921.Charles M
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ephesus006aElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟϹ ϹƐΒ, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right, seen from rear.
Rev: ΔΟΓΜΑΤΙ ϹΥΝ/ΚΛΗΤΟΥ →ƐΦƐϹΙΩΝΟΥ/TOΙ ΝΑΟΙ, frontal view of two distyle temples between two distyle temples seen in perspective, each holding cult-statue; the central ones having Artemis of Ephesus, to left, and the Emperor, to right.
36 mm, 20.82 gms
RPC Online 4867; Karwiese 680
From Numismatik Naumann Auction 82, lot 241.Charles M
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ephesus006bElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟϹ ϹƐΒ; laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right, seen from rear.
Rev: [ΠΡΩ]ΤΩΝ ΑϹΙΑϹ, →ƐΦƐϹΙΩΝ, in middle field Δ/ΝƐ/Ω/Κ; frontal view of two distyle temples, above, and two distyle temples seen in perspective, below, each holding cult-statue; the ones above having Artemis of Ephesus, to left, and the Emperor, to right.
34 mm, 20.20 gms
RPC Online 4875; Karwiese 683
From Solidus Numismatik, Auction 46, lot 219.Charles M
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ephesus006cElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟϹ, laureate, cuirassed bust right, seen from rear.
Rev: ƐΦƐϹΙΩΝ-Δ ΝƐΩΚΟ-ΡΩΝ; front view of tetrastyle temple, within which cult statue of Artemis of Ephesus standing, facing, wearing kalathos, having supports.
22 mm, 4.83 gms
RPC Online 4926 variant (bustt type); Karwiese 684 variant (same).
Ex. Plankenhorn Collection of Ionian Coins. From Numismatik Naumann, Auction 91, lot 916.Charles M
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ephesus007aElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: Α-ΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ ΑΝ-ΤΩΝƐΙΝΟС (legend begins lower right), laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right, seen from behind.
Rev: Ɛ[ΦƐС]ΙΩΝ ·Δ· ΝƐ-ΩΚΟΡΩ →Ν, Emperor standing facing in toga, looking right, holding patera, and Helios standing facing, looking left, holding globe and crowning Emperor with wreath.
30 mm, 11.80 gms
RPC VI Online---; Karwiese--; for reverse type, Karwiese 709 (Anna Aurelia Faustina, Elagabalus's third wife)
From Ares Numismatics Web Auction 4, lot 1170. Interesting coin, I can find it in none of the standard references including Karwiese. However this same reverse, possibly even a die match to this coin, is seen on Karwiese 709 for a coin of Anna Faustina.Charles M
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ephesus008aElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΥΤ Κ Μ ΑΥΡ ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟϹ; laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right, seen from rear.
Rev: ЄΦЄϹΙΩΝ Δ ΝЄΩΚΟΡΩΝ; Victory (or Nemesis?) advancing left, holding wreath and small stick.
30 mm, 9.93 gms
RPC Online 4895; Karwiese 670
From The Michael Higley Collection. Purchased from Roma Numismatics E-Sale 66, lot 765.Charles M
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ephesus009aElagabalus
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: ΑΝΤΩΝƐΙΝΟϹ ΑΥΓ, laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right, seen from rear.
Rev: ƐΦƐϹΙΩΝ, stag walking right.
16 mm, 2.84 gms
RPC Online 4945; Karwiese 667.
Ex. Plankenhorn Collection of Ionian Coins. From Numismatik Naumann, Auction 91, lot 917.Charles M
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ephesuswjuliamaesa001Julia Maesa
Ephesus, Ionia
Obv: IOYΛ MAHCAN CƐ; diademed and draped bust right.
Rev: ƐΦƐ-CIΩN; Nike standing left, holding wreath and palm branch.
22 mm, 3.78 gms
RPC Online---; Karwiese 718; Dr. Busso Peus Nachfolger, E-Auction 420, Lot 6537.
Ex. Plankenhorn Collection of Ionian Coins. From Numismatik Naumann, Auction 91, lot 916.Charles M
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Gaius Fannius (Ephesus. Stumpf 58)Promagisterial Cistophori. Gaius Fannius as propraetor of Asia. Aratos, magistrate. AR Cistophoric tetradrachm. Ephesus, dated year 86 (49/48 BC). Serpent emerging from cista mystica; all within wreath / [C]•FAN•PONT•[PR]. Two serpents flanking a tetrastyle temple, surmounted by a female cult statue holding patera and sceptre. In the left field, Πς (date), EΦE, Isis headdress below. Torch in the right field. ARATOC in exergue. Stumpf 58; Metcalf 78-87 (O-, R-. Dies not listed)zadie
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GREEK, Ephesus, Ionia, AR DiobolDiobol, .9 gm, 10.3 mm, 390-330 BC, Sear (GC) 4375
Obv: Bee with streight wings, E to left, Φ to right.
Rev: Two stags' heads, confronted, Ε Φ above.
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GREEK, Ionia, Ephesus, Arsinoe, AE15AE 15.9x16.5mm
Obv. Head of Arsinoe right, veiled.
Rev. Stag (fallow deer) left, kneeling,
head reverted, astragalus above
295-280 BC
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IoniaAE 20 mm
Ephesus, Ionia
ЄΦЄCΙΩN Γ ΝЄΩΚΟΡΩΝ
mauseus
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Ionia, Ephesos, (c.387-295 B.C.), AR-Trihemiobol, BMC 54, E/Φ//--, Forepart of stag right,Ionia, Ephesos, (c.387-295 B.C.), AR-Trihemiobol, BMC 54, E/Φ//--, Forepart of stag right,
avers: E-Φ, Bee with straight wings.
reverse: E-Φ, Forepart of stag right, head turned back.
exergue: E/Φ//--, diameter: 7,0-8,0mm, weight: 0,86g, axes: 0h,
mint: Ionia, Ephesos, date:c.387-295 B.C., ref: BMC 54, SNG Cop 241, Babelon Traite 1889, SNG Turkey 190-192,
Q-001quadrans
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Ionia, Ephesus, AE 10mm, C. 400 - 300 BC.Ionia, Ephesus, AE 10mm.
Obv. Female head Left
Rev. Bee.
Ref.BMC 68-70
This was an easy cleaner, just a few soaks and brushes, then on with the wax... I have wanted one of these Ephesus coins for a while, so I was grinning ear to ear as the dirt washed away revealing a Bee ;D . Unfortunately it is quite "flat" being a small coin with a lick patina, so I can only get a decent photo on my fingers catching the light, and not with my usual set up, I am however delighted with it!Lee S
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Ionia, Ephesus, AR TrihemiobolIonia, Ephesus, AR Trihemiobol ca. 390-330 BC.
9 mm, 0.7g
Obv.: Bee with straight wings
Rev.: Forepart of a stag right, .E-Q in field (off flan)areich
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L. Hostilius Saserna, Crawford 448/3Roman Republic, L. Hostilius Saserna, gens Hostilia
AR - Denarius, 3.38g, 18.7mm, 35°
Rome, 48 BC
obv. Bare head of Pallor, with dishavelled hair, falling down, behind a wind instrument
rev. Cult statue of Diana Ephesus, stg. frontal, laureate, long hair falling down over her
shoulders, long floating garment, resting with raised l, hand on spear and holding with r.
hand stag, stg. l., at antlers
in l. field SASERNA in a curve upward, r. L.HOSTILIVS downward
ref.: Crawford 448/3; Sydenham 953; Hostilia 4; Sear Imperators 19; BMCRR Rome 3996;
SRCV I, 419; Kestner 3541
scarce, well centered, toned, some flat areas
From Forum Ancient Coins, thanks!
The rev. of this coin refers to the conquest of Massilia (Marseille) by Julius Caesar 1 year before at the begin of his war against Pompeius after a siege and a naval battle. Artemis Ephesia was particularly worshipped in Massilia, an ancient Greek foundation, and had its own temple.
The obv. is disputed. Today you often can read that the depicted portraits of the Hostilius coins represent Gallia and Vercingetorix. But that the Romans put on the obv. of their coins the portrait of their enemies would be very unusual. I went into the matter and actually these designations came into vogue not before the end of the 19th century, and of cause in France, when the French national sentiment was at its height. And naturally coins with the name of Vercingetorix are selling much better than without, especially today in the time of Asterix.Jochen
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Marc Antony and Octavian denarius portraitsMARK ANTONY and OCTAVIAN. Silver denarius. Moneyer: M. Barbatius Pollio, quaestor pro praetore. Ephesus, Spring-Summer 41 BC. Obv: M ANT IMP AVG III VIR R P C M BARBAT Q P. Bare head of Mark Antony right. Rev: CAESAR IMP PONT III VIR R P C. Bare head of Octavian right. Crawford 517/2; CRI 243. Weight: 3.91 g. Diameter: 13 mm.
This coin was struck to pay Antony's troops shortly after he and the young Octavian completed their defeat of Caesar's assassins. Several months later would come his first meeting with Cleopatra.
Octavianus
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Modern Fake Caracalla , Ephesus, Modern Fake Caracalla , Ephesus, quadrans
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Phoenicia, Arados. (Circa 172/1-111/0 BC). Dated CY 91 (169/8 BC).Drachm
18 mm, 3.98 g
Obverse: Bee; (qoppa)A (date, in monogram form - qoppa is 90, A is 1) to left, RE monogram to right
Reverse: Stag standing right; palm tree in background.
Duyrat 2706–17; HGC 10, 63; DCA 774.
Images of the bee as a symbol appear very early in the development of ancient Greek coinage. In particular, the prosperous city of Ephesus in Ionia (on the Aegean coast of Turkey) adopted the bee as its civic emblem. Ephesus was the location of a famous temple of the goddess Artemis (one of the Seven Wonders of the ancient world.) The high priest of the temple was known as the “king bee” (living in a fiercely patriarchal society, Greeks believed the queen bee was male) and the priestesses were called melissae (honeybees). There are nearly a thousand different known types of bee-and-stag coins from Ephesus, and unpublished new varieties appear frequently.
In 202 BC, Ephesus established an alliance with the Phoenician city of Arados (now Arwad, a small island off the Syrian coast south of Tartus). Arados later marked this event by adopting the bee and stag design for its coinage. Coins of Arados can be distinguished by the name of city ARADION, inscribed in Greek on the reverse. This alliance evidently continued for decades.Nathan P
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Provincial, Ephesus, Ionia, AE16, εΦεCIΩNAE16
AE
Roman Provincial: Ephesus, Ionia
Septimius Severus
Augustus: 193 - 211AD
Issued: ?
16.00mm 3.11gr 6h
O: AYT KAI Λ CεBHPOC; Laureate head, right.
R: εΦεCIΩN; Boar advancing right, pierced by spear.
Ephesus, Ionia Mint
Fine
SNG Tubingen 2835; Naumann Au 91, Lot 891; SNG von Aulock 1894.
Bucephalus Numismatics Auction 6, Lot 584.
6/12/22 8/12/22Nicholas Z
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Provincial, Ephesus, Ionia, AE18, εΦεCIΩΝAE18
Roman Provincial: Ephesus, Ionia
Septimius Severus
Augustus: 193 - 211AD
Issued:
18.0 x 17.0mm 2.80gr 7h
O: ΑΥT ΚAI CεOΥΗΡΟC; Laureate bust, right.
R: εΦε-CIΩΝ; Deer standing right.
Ephesus, Ionia Mint
VF
BMC 83.262; SNG Cop 413.
Zeus Numismatics Budget Auction 2, Lot 202.
12/1/19 2/25/20Nicholas Z
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Provincial, Ephesus, Ionia, AE19, εΦεCCIΩNAE19
AE
Roman Provincial: Ephesus, Ionia
Commodus
Caesar: 177 - 180AD
Augustus: 180 - 192AD
Issued: ?
19.10mm 4.70gr 6h
O: M AY KOMOΔOC; Laureate head, right; beaded border.
R: εΦεC-CIΩN; Stag, walking right.
Ephesus, Ionia Mint
BMC 257; Karweise, Ephesus 5, 375 and 302 corr.; RPC IV.2 Online, 1150; cf. Savoca Blue Auction 4, Lot 797; SNG von Aulock -; SNG Cop -.
Aquila Numismatics/Adnan Cetin Auction 4, Lot 703.
8/20/22 9/5/22Nicholas Z
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Provincial, Ephesus, Ionia, AE20, εφεCIΩN NεOKOPΩNAE20
AE
Roman Provincial: Ephesus, Ionia
Septimius Severus
Augustus: 193 - 211AD
Issued: ?
20.00mm 5.07gr 6h
O: [AYT KA Λ CεΠ CεOYHPOC Π]
R: εφεCIΩN NεOKOPΩN; Tyche standing left, holding rudden in right hand, cornucopia on left arm.
Ephesus, Ionia Mint
VF
SNG Munchen 154 var. (obverse legend)
Bucephalus Numismatics Auction 2, Lot 391
1/22/22 5/19/22Nicholas Z
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R., Ionia, Ephesos, Asia, Conventus of Ephesus, 012 Claudius I. (41-54 A.D.), RPC I 2624, AE-18, Stag standing right, KOYΣI/NIOΣ, O/T/Δ//EΦE, #1R., Ionia, Ephesos, Asia, Conventus of Ephesus, 012 Claudius I. (41-54 A.D.), RPC I 2624, AE-18, Stag standing right, KOYΣI/NIOΣ, O/T/Δ//EΦE, #1
avers: No legends, Jugate busts of Claudius and Agrippina (the Younger) right.
reverse: Stag standing right, KOYΣI/NIOΣ (Causinius, magistrate) in two lines above, o/T monogram left, ∆ right, EΦE below.
exergue: O/T/Δ//EΦE, diameter: 18,0-19,0mm, weight: 4,38g, axis: 0h,
mint: City: Ephesus, Region: Ionia, Province: Asia, Conventus of Ephesus,
date: 41-54 A.D.,
ref: RPC I 2624, SNG Cop 373-374, BMC 205-206, Weber 5872,
Q-001quadrans
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R., Ionia, Ephesos, Asia, Conventus of Ephesus, 037 Marcus Aurelius (161-180 A.D.), RPC IV.2. 1131, AE-21, Tyche standing left, #1R., Ionia, Ephesos, Asia, Conventus of Ephesus, 037 Marcus Aurelius (161-180 A.D.), RPC IV.2. 1131, AE-21, Tyche standing left, #1
avers: M A ANTΩNEINOC K, Laureate, draped and cuirassed bust right.
reverse: EΦECIΩN B NEΩ, Tyche standing left, holding rudder & cornucopiae.
exergue: -/-//--, diameter: 21,5mm, weight: 5,46g, axis: 5h,
mint: City: Ephesus, Region: Ionia, Province: Asia, Conventus of Ephesus,
date: 161-180 A.D.,
ref: RPC IV.2. 1131, BMC 243, SNG Cop 400, but the different bust!
Q-001quadrans
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RIC 1395Vespasian, 69-79. Denarius (Silver, 17 mm, 3.11 g, 1 h), Ephesus, 69-70.
Obv: IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG Laureate head of Vespasian to right.
Rev: LIBERI IMP AVG VESPAS Titus and Domitian, veiled and togate, standing front, each with patera.
BMC 430. Cohen 248. RIC 1395. RPC II 805. Rare.
Minor marks and slightly rough, otherwise, about very fine.
From the R. Marbacher Collection, Switzerland.
Leu Numismatic December 09 2018 Web Auction 6Lot 908
orfew
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RIC 1400 VespasianAR Denarius, 2.81g
Ephesus mint, 69-70 AD
Obv: IMP CAES VESPAS AVG; Head of Vespasian, laureate, r.
Rev: CONCORDIA AVG; Ceres std. l., on ornate high-backed chair, with corn ears and poppy and cornucopiae; in exergue, horizontal Φ
RIC 1400 (R). BMC 434A. RSC 65c. RPC 809 (5 spec.). BNC -.
Ex G&N, eBay, 04 June 2012. Ex Hirsch 280, 9 February 2012, lot 4664.
Part of an early series from Ephesus, the coin is quite rare, as are most of the coins from the same issue. The BM has two specimens.
Minted on a fairly tight flan, the coin has a pleasing style and is in good metal.
Thanks to Curtis Clay for additional attribution help.David Atherton
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RIC 1402 VespasianAR Denarius, 3.16g
Ephesus mint, 69-70 AD
Obv: IMP•CAES VESPAS•AVG; Head of Vespasian, laureate, r.
Rev: LIBERI IMP AVG VESPAS; Heads of Titus, bare, r., and Domitian, bare, l., confronting; Φ in r. field
RIC 1402 (R3). BMC-. RSC-. RPC 810 (0 Spec.). BNC-.
Acquired from Kölner, February 2020.
Ephesus struck a small series of denarii for Vespasian between 69 and 74. The issue is divided into groups based on evolving legends and mint marks. The same stock reverse types were repeated throughout the series, with the dynastic types perhaps being the scarcest. This is a second known example of the Ephesian Group 2 confronting heads dynastic type with the Φ mint mark in right field. The other specimen (Munzhandlung Basel 6, 18 March 1936, lot 1619) is from the same die pair but in much poorer condition. This is the first Ephesian issue to strike this particular dynastic type which copies a contemporaneous one from Rome. These early issues are undated but likely were produced in either late 69 or early 70 soon after Vespasian's accession. The Ephesian denarii were often engraved in very fine style and are highly desired by collectors for that reason. Unusually for Ephesus, this specimen has spacing dots on the obverse. Also, this coin is an obverse die match with my RIC 1406 from the same issue.
Aside from the extreme rarity, I was attracted to this coin because of the portraits. On the obverse Vespasian is presented as an old middle age man while the reverse features Titus and Domitian as virile young men looking almost like teenage boys. The obverse advertises experience and a steady hand while the reverse promises an energetic and bright future. A perfect dynastic message.
Struck on a tight flan in superb style.David Atherton
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RIC 1407 Vespasian Eastern DenariusIMP CAES VESPAS AVG
Laureate head of Vespasian right
PACI ORB TERR AVG
Turreted and draped female bust right below, horizontal Φ
Ephesus, 69-70 AD
3.23g
RIC V1407 (R); RPC 813
Rare
Ex-T.C. collection, Ex-Calgary Coin.
The Flavians as bringers of peace to the world.
New photoJay GT4
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RIC 1416 Vespasian Ephesus denariusIMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS II TR PPP
Laureate Head of Vespasian right
CONCORDIA AVG
Ceres seated left, holding poppy with ears of corn and cornucopia BY in exergue
Ephesus, 70 AD
3.31g
RPC 824; RIC 1416 (R2)
Ex- TC collection; Ex-Calgary CoinJay GT4
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RIC 1422AA VespasianAR Denarius, 3.29g
Ephesus mint, 71 AD
Obv: IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS III TR PPP; Head of Vespasian, laureate, r.
Rev: AVG and BY in oak wreath
RIC 1422AA (R2). BMC p. 94 note. RSC 38. RPC -. BNC -.
Acquired from Ancient Imports, February 2012.
Struck in 71 AD at Ephesus, the type AVG within wreath is not rare in and of itself, however, what makes this coin special is the mint mark. Normally this type dated COS III should have EPHE as the mint mark, here there is a faint BY mark between the ties. Cohen records this reverse but the new RIC and BMC list it as unverified. Thanks to Harry Sneh I know of two other examples of this type and I was able to find one more online sold by Spink in 2004, so a total of four examples. RIC II author Ian Carradice has been made aware of this and presumably will list it as 1422AA in the RIC II addenda.
David Atherton
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RIC 1428 VespasianAR Denarius, 3.07g
Ephesus Mint, 71 AD
Obv: IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS III TR P P P; Head of Vespasian, laureate, r.
Rev: CONCORDIA AVG; Ceres std. l., on ornate high-backed chair, with corn ears and poppy and cornucopiae; in exergue, EPHE
RIC 1428 (C). BMC 453. RSC 67. RPC 830 (12 spec.). BNC 343.
Acquired from Rutten and Wieland, March 2008.
The Eastern denarii of Vespasian are one of my favorite issues. Even though style wise this coin is of average quality for Ephesus, it would be above average for Rome. A truly fine denarius with excellent detail in the chair.David Atherton
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RIC 1431 Vespasian CountermarkedAR Denarius, 3.06g
Ephesus Mint, 71 AD; Countermarked under Vespasian at Ephesus, circa 74-79 AD
Obv: IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS III TR P P P; Head of Vespasian, laureate, r.; c/m: IMP·VES (ligate)
Rev: PACI AVGVSTAE; Victory, draped, advancing r., holding wreath extended in r. hand and palm over l. shoulder. EPHE lower r.
RIC 1431 (C). BMC 457. RSC 276. RPC 833 (14 spec.). BNC 352; c/m: GIC 839
Acquired from Ancient Imports, November 2016.
In the mid to late 70's AD, Ephesus stamped older, worn Republican and early Imperial denarii circulating in the region with the IMP·VES countermark. Here is an exceptionally rare appearance of that Vespasian countermark on a denarius struck for Vespasian. I know of less than half a dozen other Vespasianic denarii similarly stamped. Of course the coin does not require any such countermark, therefore it is a remarkable mint error. The terminus post quem for the countermarking is 74, based on the discovery of another Vespasian countermarked Ephesian denarius dated COS IIII (CNG 78, lot 1753). RPC speculates that these countermarked coins represent a later 'issue' of silver from Ephesus struck sometime after 74 and before Vespasian's death in 79.
The mint workers applying the countermark were kind enough not to obliterate the portrait. David Atherton
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RIC 1445 Domitian as Caesar [Vespasian]AR Denarius, 3.01g
Ephesus mint, 71 AD
Obv: DOMITIANVS CAESAR AVG F; Bust of Domitian, cuirassed, seen from front, Medusa head on breast of cuirass, fold of cloak on left shoulder, head bare, r.
Rev: AVG and EPHE in oak wreath
RIC 1445 (R). BMC 469. RSC 22. RPC 846 (4 spec.). BNC 362.
Ex CNG E88, 14 September 2011, lot 1302.
Minted in 71 AD, this denarius is part of the first series ever issued for Domitian. The draped and cuirassed bust type chosen here is unusual for the Flavian era...one wonders why it was used only for Domitian and not Vespasian or Titus. The reverse is a standard type shared with Vespasian and Titus at Ephesus.
I'm not sure why it has taken me so long to obtain a Domitian as Caesar denarius from Ephesus, these are wonderful coins.
David Atherton
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RIC 1452 VespasianAR Denarius, 3.09g
Ephesus mint, 73 AD (late)
Obv: IMP CAESAR VESPAS AVG COS IIII TR P P P; Head of Vespasian, laureate, r.
Rev: AVG and star in oak wreath
RIC 1452 (R3). BMC -. RSC -, RPC -. BNC -.
Ex Harlan J Berk BBS 224, 14 September 2023, lot 115. Ex Curtis Clay Collection. Ex Lanz, eBay, 13 September 2012.
An exceedingly rare Ephesian COS IIII denarius. RIC cites just one specimen (from different dies) of this AVG in oak wreath variety from a private collection. This is undoubtedly the scarcest issue struck for Vespasian at Ephesus, likely due to production spanning just a few weeks or days at the end of 73 just prior to Vespasian becoming COS V on 1 January 74. David Atherton
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RIC 1460 Titus as Caesar [Vespasian]AR Denarius, 3.35g
Ephesus Mint, 74 AD
Obv: IMP T CAESAR COS III; Head of Titus, laureate, bearded, r.
Rev: CONCORDIA-AVG; Ceres std. l., on ornate high-backed chair, with corn ears and poppy and cornucopiae; in exergue, star
RIC 1460 (R2). BMC 477. RSC 39a. RPC 856 (2 spec.). BNC -.
Ex Harry N. Sneh Collection.
This reverse type (shared with Vespasian), a common issue at Rome and to some degree Ephesus, is rare with the star mint mark. The Eastern denarii are usually done in a fine style and are very distinct from the much more abundant Rome issues. Here we see Titus gazing heavenwards, a trait of this particular series. Another group minted around the same time used annulets as mint marks along with the star. The star alone rates an R2 in RIC.
Perhaps a bit worn with a few stains, but IMHO a handsome example from this very rare series.David Atherton
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