| Image search results - "EUGENIUS" |
82U EugeniusEUGENIUS
AE4, Trier Mint
DN EVGENI-VS PF AVG, bust right / VICTORI-A AVGGG, Victory advancing left, holding wreath and palm branch, TR in exergue
RIC IX Trier 107 or 108. Sear (2014) 20693. Rare: R3Sosius
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106a. EugeniusWestern Augustus August 392 - September 394
After murder or suicide of Valentinian II, Arbogastes ruled West for about three months. He then unilaterally named Eugenius, a former teacher, as Emperor. In a war with Theodosius, Arbogastes and Eugenius lost, and Eugenius was executed and Arbogastes committed suicide.lawrence c
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106a01. EugeniusAR Siliqua. 19mm (clipped), .84 g. Obv: DN EVGENIVS PF AVG, diademed, draped bust right. Rev: VIRTVS ROMANORVM, Roma seated left on cuirass. Mintmark MDPS. RIC IX 32c; RSC 14b; Sear 20689.lawrence c
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106a02. EugeniusAe 4. Uncertain mint. Obv: D N EVGENIVS P F AVG. Diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right. Rev: Victory advancing left, holding wreath and palm frond. 11mm, 1.01 g. Cf. RIC 59 (Aquileia). Naumann Auc 111, Lot 1022.
lawrence c
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147 Eugenius. AR iliqua 1.5gmobv: DN EVGENI_VS PF AVG pearl dia. drp. cuir. bust r.
rev: VIRTVS RO_MANORVM roma seated l. on cuirass, holding Victory on globe and reversed spear
ex: TRPShill132
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1749 - Octavian, DenariusItalian mint, possibly Rome, 31-30 BC
Anepigraph, bare head of Octavian left
CAESAR - DIVI F, Victory standing right on globe, holding wreath
3.84 gr
Ref : HCRI # 408, RCV # 1552v, Cohen # 66, RIC # 255
The following comment is taken from CNG, sale 84 # 957 :
"Following his victory at Actium, Octavian ordered a golden statue of Victory, standing on a globe and holding a wreath and palm, to be set up on an altar in the Curia in Rome. This statue had been captured by the Romans from Pyrrhus in 272 BC, and it assumed a somewhat tutelary mystique, protecting the Roman state from dissolution. In AD 382, the emperor Gratian ordered its removal. Two years later, the senator and orator Symmachus urged Valentinian II to replace it, a request that was met with stiff opposition from the bishop of Milan, Ambrose. Though it was briefly returned to its place by the usurper Eugenius, it was again removed following his defeat. Petitions to Theodosius I for its subsequent replacement were refused, on grounds that the once-important symbol of the gods’ blessing on the Roman Empire was now nothing more than a piece of paganism"Potator II
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1er Procopius365-366
AE3
Diademed, draped & cuirassed bust left, D N PROCOPIVS P F AVG
Procopius standing facing, head right, holding labarum in right hand, left resting on shield set on the ground; Chi-rho in upper right field & unidentified object in left at foot; mintmark CONS Gamma.
RIC 17a
Zosimus tells us: On [Valens'] departure from Constantinople, the rebellion of Procopius commenced. This person had been intrusted by Julian, being one of his relations, with a part of his forces, and had been charged to march with Sebastianus through Adiabene, and to meet Julian, who took another route. Permission, moreover, was given him to wear a purple robe, for a reason which no other person was acquainted with. But the deity being pleased to ordain it otherwise, and Jovian having succeeded to the imperial dignity, Procopius immediately delivered up the imperial robe which he had received from Julian, confessing why it had been given to him, and entreating the emperor to absolve him from his military oath, and to allow him to live in retirement, and to attend to agriculture and his own private affairs. Having obtained this, he went with his wife and children to Caesarea in Cappadocia, intending to reside in that place, where he possessed a valuable estate. During his abode there, Valentinian and Valens being made emperors, and being suspicious of him, sent persons to take him into custody. In that they found no difficulty, for he surrendered himself voluntarily; and desired them to carry him wherever they pleased, if they would suffer him first to see his children. To this they consented, and he prepared an entertainment for them. When he perceived them to be intoxicated, he and his family fled towards the Taurica Chersonesus. Having remained there for some time, he found the inhabitants to he a faithless race, and was apprehensive lest they should deliver him to his persecutors. He, therefore, put himself and his family on board a trading vessel, and arrived in the night at Constantinople. He there resided in the house of an old acquaintance, and making observations on the state of the city after the departure of the emperor, he attempted to raise himself to the empire, and formed his design on the following incident.
A eunuch, named Eugenius, had not long before been discharged from the court, who entertained but little friendship for the emperors. Procopius therefore won this man to his interest. . . . Their first attempt was to bribe the court guards, which consisted of two legions. Then arming the slaves, and collecting with ease a considerable multitude, chiefly volunteers, they sent them in the night into the city, and occasioned a general commotion; the people issuing from their houses, and gazing on Procopiusas on a king made in a theatre. But the city being in general confusion, and no person being sufficiently collected in mind by reason of the surprise to know how to act, Procopius imagined his design to be still undiscovered, and that he might secure the empire if the enterprise were no further revealed. Having then seized on Cesarius, whom the emperors had made prefect of the city, and on Nebridius, who was appointed to succeed Sallustius in tbe prefecture of the court, he compelled them to write to the subjects of the empire whatever he wished. He also kept them separate, that they might not consult with each other. Having formed these projects, he proceeded in a splendid manner towards the palace. Ascending a tribunal before the gate, he gave the people great hopes and promises. He then entered the palace to provide for the remainder of his affairs.
The new emperors having divided the army between them, Procopius determined to send persons to the soldiers, who were as yet in confusion, and went by the command of the emperors from place to place without any order. He thus hoped to seduce some of them to his party. Nor did he fail of accomplishing his purpose with ease by distributing money amongst the soldiers and their officers; by which means he collected a considerable force, and prepared to make an open attack on the enemy. Procopius then sent Marcellus into Bithynia with an army against Serenianus and the imperial cavalry that was under his command, in hope of cutting them to pieces. This force having fled to Cyzicus, Marcellus, whose army was superior to theirs both by sea and land, took possession of that town; and having taken Serenianus, who fled into Lydia, put him to death. Procopius was so elevated by this fortunate commencement, that his forces considerably augmented, many being of opinion that he was able to contend with the emperors. Both the Roman legions and the Barbarian troops now flocked to his standard. Besides the reputation of being related to Julian, and of having accompanied him in all the wars he had ever been engaged in, attracted many partizans. He likewise sent ambassadors to the chief of Scythia beyond the Ister, who sent to his assistance ten thousand men. The other Barbarian nations likewise sent auxiliaries to share in the expedition. Procopius however considered that it would be imprudent in him to engage with both emperors together, and therefore thought it best to advance against him who was nearest, and afterwards deliberate on what course to pursue.
Thus was Procopius employed; while the emperor Valens, who heard of this insurrection at Galatia in Phrygia, was filled with consternation at the news. Arbitrio having encouraged him not to despair, he prepared the troops that were with him for war, and sent to his brother to inform him of the designs of Procopius. Valentinian however was little disposed for sending auxiliaries to one who was incapable of defending the empire committed to his charge. Valens was therefore under the necessity of. preparing for war, and appointed Arbitrio to the command of his army. When the armies were ready to engage, Arbitrio circumvented Procopius by a stratagem, and thereby seduced from him a great number of his men, from whom he received previous information of the designs of Procopius. On the advance of the emperor and Procopius towards each other, the two armies met near Thyatira. Procopius at first appeared to have the advantage, by which he would have gained the supreme authority, Hormisdas in the engagement having overpowered the enemy. But Gomarius, another of the commanders of Procopius, imparting his intention to all the soldiers of Procopius who were attached to the emperor, in the midst of the battle cried out Augustus, and gave a signal for them to imitate his example. Thus the most of the troops of Procopius went over to Valens.
After having obtained this victory, Valens marched to Sardes, and from thence into Phrygia, where he found Procopius in a town called Nacolia. Affairs having been ordered for the advantage of the emperor by Naplo, an officer of Procopius, Valens again prevailed, and took him prisoner, and soon afterwards Marcellus, both of whom he put to death. Blindado
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1et Valentinian II373-392
AE3, Nicomedia
Pearl-diademed, draped & cuirassed bust rightt, D N VALENTINIANVS IVN P F AVG
Roma seated on cuirass, holding spear and Victory on globe, VRBS ROMA
The SMN mintmark indicates that the coin was minted in Nicomedia, but RIC does not list this reverse type for that mint.
Sim to RIC 51
Zosimus reports: Valentinian being dead, the tribunes Merobaudes and Equitius, reflecting on the distance at which Valens and Gratian resided, the former being in the east, and the latter left by his father in the western part of Gaul, were apprehensive lest the Barbarians beyond the Ister should make an effort while the country was without a ruler. They therefore sent for the younger son of Valentinian, who was born of his wife the widow of Magnentius, who was not far from thence with the child. Having clothed him in purple, they brought him into the court, though scarcely five years old. The empire was afterwards divided between Gratian and the younger Valentinian, at the discretion of their guardians, they not being of age to manage their own affairs. The Celtic nations, Spain, and Britain were given to Gratian; and Italy, Illyricum, and Africa to Valentinian. . . .
Affairs being thus situated in the east, in Thrace, and in Illyricum, Maximus, who deemed his appointments inferior to his merits, being only governor of the countries formerly under Gratian, projected how to depose the young Valentinian from the empire, if possible totally, but should he fail in the whole, to secure at least some part. . . . he immediately entered Italy without; resistance, and marched to Aquileia. . . . This so much surprised Valentinian, and rendered his situation so desperate, that his courtiers were alarmed lest he should be taken by Maximus and put to death. He, therefore, immediately embarked,and sailed to Thessalonica with his mother Justina, who, as I before mentioned, had been the wife of Magnentius, but after his decease was taken in marriage by the emperor Valentinian on account of her extraordinary beauty. She carried along with her her daughter Galla. After having passed many seas, and arriving at Thessalonica, they sent messengers to the emperor Theodosius, intreating him now at least to revenge the injuries committed against the family of Valentinian. He was astonished at hearing of this, and began to forget his extravagance, and to lay some restraint on his wild inclination for pleasure. . . . Theodosius then delivered to Valentinian as much of the empire as his father had possessed; in which he only acted as he was enjoined by his duty to those who so merited his kindness. . . .
intelligence was brought that the emperor Valentianian was no more, and that his death happened in this manner: Arbogastes, a Frank, who was appointed by the emperor Gratian lieutenant to Baudo, at the death of Baudo, confiding in his own ability, assumed the command without the emperor's permission. Being thought proper for the station by all the soldiers under him, both for his valour and experience in military affairs, and for his disregard of riches, he attained great influence. He thus became so elevated, that he would speak without reserve to the emperor, and would blame any measure which he thought improper. This gave such umbrage to Valentinian. . . .
Eugenius became the sincere friend of Arbogastes, who had no secret which he did not confide to him. Recollecting Eugenius, therefore, at this juncture, who by his extraordinary learning and the gravity of his conversation seemed well-adapted for the management of an empire, he communicated to him his designs. But finding him not pleased with the proposals, he attempted to prevail on him by all the arts he could use, and entreated him not to reject what fortune so favourably offered. Having at length persuaded him, he deemed it advisable in the first place to remove Valentinian, and thus to deliver the sole authority to Eugenius. With this view he proceeded to Vienna, a town in Gaul, where the emperor resided; and as he was amusing himself near the town in some sports with the soldiers, apprehending no danger, Arbogastes gave him a mortal wound. Blindado
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1ex Eugenius392-394
AR siliqua
Bearded, pearl diademed, draped, cuirassed bust rightt, DN EVGENIVS PF AVG
Roma seated left on cuirass, MDPS below, VIRTVS ROMANORVM
RIC 32c
Zosimus reports: Eugenius became the sincere friend of Arbogastes, who had no secret which he did not confide to him. Recollecting Eugenius, therefore, at this juncture, who by his extraordinary learning and the gravity of his conversation seemed well-adapted for the management of an empire, he communicated to him his designs. But finding him not pleased with the proposals, he attempted to prevail on him by all the arts he could use, and entreated him not to reject what fortune so favourably offered. Having at length persuaded him, he deemed it advisable in the first place to remove Valentinian, and thus to deliver the sole authority to Eugenius. With this view he proceeded to Vienna, a town in Gaul, where the emperor resided; and as he was amusing himself near the town in some sports with the soldiers, apprehending no danger, Arbogastes gave him a mortal wound. To this audacious action the soldiers quietly submitted, not only because he was so brave and warlike a person, but because they were attached to him through his contempt of riches. As soon as he had performed this action, he declared Eugenius emperor, and infused into them the most favourable hopes that he would prove an excellent ruler, since he possessed such extraordinary qualifications. . . .
[Theodosius marched against Eugenius.] The emperor (having mourned for [his just deceased wife] a whole day, according to the rule of Homer), proceeded with his army to the war, leaving behind him his son Arcadius, who had some time previously been made emperor. This prince being young, his father, in order to amend the defects of his nonage, left with him Rufinus, who was prefect of the court, and acted as he pleased, even as much as the power of sovereignty enabled the emperor himself to do. Having done this, he took with him his younger son Honorius, quickly passed through the intermediate countries, and having exceded his expectations in crossing the Alps, arrived where the enemy was stationed : Eugenius being astonished at seeing him there whom he so little expected. But as he was arrived there, and consequently was under the necessity of engaging, he judged it most prudent to place the Barbarian troops in front, and to expose them first. He ordered Gaines with the troops under his command to make the first attack, and the other commanders of Barbarian soldiers to follow him, either cavalry, horse archers, or infantry. Eugenius then drew out his forces. When the two armies were engaged, so great an eclipse of the sun happened, that for more than half the time of the action it appeared rather to be night than day. As they fought therefore a kind of nocturnal battle, so great a slaughtor was made, that in the same day the greater part of the allies of Theodosius were slain, with their commander Bacurius, who fought very courageously at their head, while the other commanders escaped very narrowly with the remainder. When night came on and the armies had rallied, Eugenius was so elated with his victory, that he distributed money among those who had behaved with the greatest gallantry in the battle, and gave them time to refresh themselves, as if after such a defeat there was no probability of another engagement As they were thus solacing themselves, the emperor Theodosius about break of day fell suddenly on them with his whole forces, while they were still reclined |129 on the ground, and killed them before they knew of the approach of an enemy. He then proceeded to the tent of Eugenius, where he attacked those who were around him, killing many of them, and taking some of them in their flight, among whom was Eugenius. When they had got him in their power, they cut off his head, and carried it on a long spear around the camp, in order to shew those who still adhered to him, that it was now their interest to be reconciled to the emperor, inasmuch as the usurper was removed. Blindado
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1ey Arcadius383-408
AE4
Pearl-diademed, draped & cuirassed bust right, D N ARCADIVS P F AVG
Emperor advancing right, seizing bound captive by the hair & carrying labarum, BSISC in ex., GLORIA ROMANORVM
RIC 38c2
Zosimus recorded, [Theodosius] proceeded with his army to the war [against Eugenius], leaving behind him his son Arcadius, who had some time previously been made emperor. . . .
THE whole empire being vested in Arcadius and Honorius, they indeed appeared by their title to possess the sovereign authority, although the universal administration of affairs was under Rufinus in the east, and under Stilico in the west. By these all causes were determined, at their own pleasure; for whoever bribed plentifully, or by any other means of friendship or consanguinity could make the judge his advocate, was sure to succeed in the process. From hence it happened that most of those great estates, which cause the possessors to be generally esteemed fortunate, devolved to these two; since some endeavoured by gifts to avoid false accusations, and others relinquished all their possessions to obtain an office, or in any other manner to purchase the ruin of particular cities. While iniquity of every kind presided, therefore, in the respective cities, the money from all quarters flowed into the coffers of Rufinus and Stilico ; while on the reverse, poverty preyed on the habitations of those who had formerly been rich. Nor were the emperors acquainted with anything that was done, but thought all that Rufinus and Stilico commanded was done by virtue of some unwritten law. After they had amassed immense wealth, Rufinus began to concert the means of becoming emperor, by making his own daughter, who was now marriageable. . . . [A different cabal persuaded Arcadius to marry a different girl.]. . . .
Before this juncture a report had been circulated at Rome, that the emperor Arcadius was dead, which was confirmed after the departure of Arcadius for Ravenna. Stilico being at Ravenna while the emperor was at a city of Aemilia, called Bononia, about seventy miles distant, the emperor sent for him to chastise the soldiers, who mutinied amongst each other by the way. Stilico, therefore, having collected the mutinous troops together, informed them that the emperor had commanded him to correct them for their disobedience, and to punish them by a decimation, or putting to death every tenth man. At this they were in such consternation, that they burst into tears, and desiring him to have compassion on them, prevailed on him to promise them a pardon from the emperor. The emperor having performed what Stilico had promised, they applied themselves to public business. For Stilico was desirous of proceeding to the east to undertake the management of the affairs of Theodosius, the son of Arcadius, who was very young, and in want of a guardian. Honorius himself was also inclined to undertake the same journey, with a design to secure the dominions of that emperor. But Stilico, being displeased at that, and laying before the emperor a calculation of the immense sum of money it would require to defray the expence of such an expedition, deterred him from the enterprise.Blindado
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1fa Honorius393-423
AE3
RIC 403
Pearl diademed, draped, cuirassed bust right, DN HONORIVS PF AVG
Two emperors standing facing, heads turned to one another, each holding spear and resting hand on shield, GLORIA ROMANORVM. Mintmark SMKA.
Zosimus wrote: [Theodosius] proceeded with his army to the war [against Eugenius], leaving behind him his son Arcadius, who had some time previously been made emperor. . . . Having done this, he took with him his younger son Honorius, quickly passed through the intermediate countries, and having exceded his expectations in crossing the Alps, arrived where the enemy was stationed. . . . The emperor Theodosius after these successes proceeded to Rome, where he declared his son Honorius emperor, and appointing Stilico to the command of his forces there, left him as guardian to his son. . . . The emperor Theodosius, having consigned Italy, Spain, Celtica, and Libya to his son Honorius, died of a disease on his journey towards Constantinople. . . .
THE whole empire being vested in Arcadius and Honorius, they indeed appeared by their title to possess the sovereign authority, although the universal administration of affairs was under Rufinus in the east, and under Stilico in the west. By these all causes were determined, at their own pleasure; for whoever bribed plentifully, or by any other means of friendship or consanguinity could make the judge his advocate, was sure to succeed in the process. From hence it happened that most of those great estates, which cause the possessors to be generally esteemed fortunate, devolved to these two; since some endeavoured by gifts to avoid false accusations, and others relinquished all their possessions to obtain an office, or in any other manner to purchase the ruin of particular cities. While iniquity of every kind presided, therefore, in the respective cities, the money from all quarters flowed into the coffers of Rufinus and Stilico ; while on the reverse, poverty preyed on the habitations of those who had formerly been rich. Nor were the emperors acquainted with anything that was done, but thought all that Rufinus and Stilico commanded was done by virtue of some unwritten law. . . .
After the autumn was terminated, and winter had commenced, Bassus and Philippus being chosen consuls, the emperor Honorius, who had long before lost his wife Maria, desired to marry her sister Thermantia. But Stilico appeared not to approve of the match, although it was promoted by Serena, who wished it to take place from these motives. When Maria was about to be married to Honorius, her mother, deeming her too young for the marriage-state and being unwilling to defer the marriage, although she thought that to submit so young and tender a person to the embraces of a man was offering violence to nature, she had recourse to a woman who knew how to manage such affairs, and by her means contrived that Maria should live with the emperor and share his bed, but that he should not have the power to deprive her of virginity. In the meantime Maria died a virgin, and Serena, who, as may readily be supposed, was desirous to become the grandmother of a young emperor or empress, through fear of her influence being diminished, used all her endeavours to marry her other daughter to Honorius. This being accomplished, the young lady shortly afterwards died in the same manner as the former. . . . .
For Stilico was desirous of proceeding to the east to undertake the management of the affairs of Theodosius, the son of Arcadius, who was very young, and in want of a guardian. Honorius himself was also inclined to undertake the same journey, with a design to secure the dominions of that emperor. But Stilico, being displeased at that, and laying before the emperor a calculation of the immense sum of money it would require to defray the expence of such an expedition, deterred him from the enterprise. . . .
In the mean time, the emperor Honorius commanded his wife Thermantia to be taken from the imperial throne, and to be restored to her mother, who notwithstanding was without suspicion. . . . Alaric began his expedition against Rome, and ridiculed the preparations made by Honorius. . . . The emperor Honorius was now entering on the consulship, having enjoyed that honour eight times, and the emperor Theodosius in the east three times. At this juncture the rebel Constantine sent some eunches to Honorius, to intreat pardon from him for having accepted of the empire. When the emperor heard this petition, perceiving that it was not easy for him, since Alaric and his barbarians were so near, to prepare for other wars ; and consulting the safety of his relations who were in the hands of the rebel, whose names were Verenianus and Didymius; he not only granted his request, but likewise sent him an imperial robe. . . .
Note: No ancient source reports the sack of Rome by the Goths in 410, they having besieged the city three times, all while Honorius huddled in a besieged Ravenna. Honorius retained his nominal capacity until he died in 423.Blindado
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514. Valentinian IIValentinian II (371 - 392) was elevated as Western Roman Emperor at the age of four in 375, along with his half-brother Gratian.
Valentinian and his family lived in Milan, and the empire was nominally divided between them. Gratian took the trans- Alpine provinces, while Italy, Illyricum in part, and Africa were to be under the rule of Valentinian, or rather of his mother, Justina. Justina was an Arian, and the imperial court at Milan struggled against the Catholics of that city, led by their bishop Ambrose. The popularity of Ambrose was so great that the emperors' authority was materially shaken. In 387, Magnus Maximus, a Roman consul who had commanded an army in Briton, and in 383 (the year of Gratian's death) had declared himself emperor of Western Rome, crossed the Alps into the valley of the Po and threatened Milan.
The emperor Valentinian II and his mother fled to Theodosius I, the Eastern Roman Emperor and Valentinian's brother in law. Valentinian was restored in 388 by Theodosius, following the death of Magnus Maximus.
On May 15, 392, Valentinian was found hanged in his residence in the town of Vienne in Gaul. The Frankish soldier Arbogast, Valentinian's protector and magister militum, maintained that it was suicide. Arbogast and Valentinian had frequently disputed rulership over the Western Roman Empire, and Valentinian was also noted to have complained of Arbogast's control over him to Theodosius. Thus when word of his death reached Constantinople Theodosius believed, or at least suspected, that Arbogast was lying and that he had engineered Valentinian's demise. These suspicions were further fueled by Arbogast's elevation of a Eugenius, pagan official to the position of Western Emperor, and the veiled accusations which Ambrose, the Bishop of Milan, spoke during his funeral oration for Valentinian.
Valentinian II's death sparked a civil war between Eugenius and Theodosius over the rulership of the West in the Battle of the Frigidus. The resultant Eastern victory there led to the final brief unification of the Roman Empire under Theodosius, and the ultimate irreparable division of the Empire after his death.
Bronze AE3, RIC 22, VF, 2.19g, 17.7mm, 0o, Arelate mint, 378-383 A.D.; obverse D N VALENTINIANVS P F AVG, pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust right; reverse VICTORIAE AVGGG, Victory advancing left holding wreath in right and palm frond in left, [S]CON in ex;Ex Aiello;Ex Forumecoli
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515. Theodosius ISon of a senior military officer, Theodosius the Elder, Theodosius accompanied his father to Britannia to help quell the Great Conspiracy in 368. He was military commander (dux) of Moesia, a Roman province on the lower Danube, in 374. However, shortly thereafter, and at about the same time as the sudden disgrace and execution of his father, Theodosius retired to Cauca. The reason for his retirement, and the relationship (if any) between it and his father's death is unclear. It is possible that he was dismissed of his command by the emperor Valentinian I, after the loss of two of Theodosius' legions by the Sarmatians in late 374.
In 378, after the death of the emperor Valens at the Battle of Adrianople, the emperor Gratian appointed Theodosius co-augustus for the East. After 392, following the death of Valentinian II, whom he had supported against a variety of usurpations, Theodosius ruled as sole emperor, defeating the usurper Eugenius on September 6, 394, at the Battle of the Frigidus.
RIC IX Constantinople 88a C
ecoli
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515d. EUGENIUS. 392-394 ADEUGENIUS. 392-394 AD. Æ 14mm. Struck 393-394 AD. Aquileia
mint. Diademed, draped, cuirassed and bearded bust right / Victory
advancing left, holding wreath and palm; AQP. RIC IX 59;ecoli
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9. Trebizond - Manuel I ComnenusEmpire of Trebizond
Manuel I Comnenus
1238-1263
AR asper
21 mm, 2.90 gm
obv. OAGI EVGENI, St. Eugenius
rev. Emperor standing MNA OKHEcgþeow
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93. Manuel I ComnenusEMPEROR OF TREBIZOND
Manuel I Comnenus.
1238-1263. AR Asper (20mm, 2.41 g, 7h).
O: Manuel st. facing, wearing crown and loros and holding labarum and akakia; (star) /M/И/ (star) to outer l., two stars to inner l., star to inner r., O/K/H to outer r; above to r., crowning manus Dei R: St. Eugenius standing facing, wearing nimbus crown and holding long cross; O/A/ΓI to outer left, star to inner left, (star)/ЄV/ΓЄ/(NH) to right.
Cf. Retowski 91-2; SB 2601.
Near EF, toned, a few light scratches.
Ex CNGSosius
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Alexius II of Trebizond, SBCV 2619Alexius on horse walking right, B right, M above horse to right, quatrefoil ornament below horse
A in circle, EVΓ - N
St. Eugenius on horse walking right, B right, quatrefoil ornament below horse
Empire of Trebizond
AR asper, 22mm, 2.05gnovacystis
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Alexius III, Sear 2628Aεv - retrograde NI
St. Eugenius seated on horse advancing right and holding long Cross, two dots right, lis below
A/Λε, solar device to upper right
Alexius seated on horse advancing right and holding lis-topped scepter, retrograde N right, lis below
AR asper of Trebizond
23.5mm, 2.02gnovacystis
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Alexius IV, SBCV 2641AεΓ / M-N B
St. Eugenius seated on horse walking right, holding long cross, * below
AΛε / M-N B
Alexius seated on horse walking right, * below
Trebizond
AR asper, 14.5 mm, 0.88 gnovacystis
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AR Asper Manuel I Comnenus (1238-1263 CE) sb2601Obverse: OA(gamma)I-EV(gamma)ENI, St Eugenius stg. holding long cross.
Reverse: MNA-OKH Manuel stg. holding labarum and akakia, MANUS DEI upper r.
Mint:Trebizond
Date: 1238-1263 CE
SB 2601
22mm, 2.82gwileyc
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AsperByzantine silver, Trebizond Empire, John II, 1280-1297 AD, AR Asper
Obverse: St. Eugenius stanidng holding long cross
Reverse: John standing holding labarum and akakia
Diameter approx 23.5 mm,
EMPIRE of TREBIZOND. John II. 1280-1297. AR Asper (2.75 g, 7h). Imitative issue. St. Eugenius, nimbate, standing facing, holding long cross with cross bar on shaft / John standing facing, holding lily-headed sceptre and globus cruciger. Cf. Retowski 16 (same obverse die); cf. SB 2609. Good VF, typical weak strike. ($200)
Retowski's aspers of his group B, section 1 have several anomalous features that set them apart from the normal series. On this one example, the cross held by St. Eugenius has a lower cross bar, not seen on any other example. Most of the Group B, 1 specimens have the saint's name ending in IOV, rather than the IOC or IO seen on standard varieties. On the reverse the emperor's cloak is shown as a single cross-hatched panel lacking the normal decorated chlamys end tied around his waist. In addition, on this unique example the emperor holds a lily-headed sceptre, rather than one with a labarum as on every other type. The lily sceptre does not appear elsewhere in the Trebizond series, but does occasionally show as an attribute in the Bulgarian royal series. See a bronze of Mitso Asen (1256-1263), Radishev p. 93. This coin, and others in group B, 1 are probably imitative issues copying Trebizond types, and may have been struck anywhere along the north shore of the Black Sea, where the Tartar Khanates ruled, occasionally holding the Bulgarian kings as their vassals.
http://www.coinarchives.com/a/lotviewer.php?LotID=107443&AucID=121&Lot=1136
Alexios
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Basil of Trebizond, SBCV 2622AEVΓ retrograde N
St. Eugenius stated on horse walking right
BA M
Basil stated on horse walking right
AR asper, 23mm, 1.98gnovacystis
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BYZANTINE, John II, Sear 2609TREBIZOND. John II. 1280-1297. AR Asper (22mm, 2.69 g, 6h). St. Eugenius standing facing, holding long cross; star to upper right / John standing facing, holding labarum-headed scepter and globus; Manus Dei to upper right. Retowski 58; SB 2609. Good VF, toned, typical flat spots
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Empire of Trebizond: Alexius III (1349-1390) AR Asper (Sear 2628; Bendall 66; Retowski 1)Obv: St. Eugenius on horseback to right holding long cross; upper right, monogram; below horse, B
Rev: Alexius on horseback right; upper right, monogram; below horse, B
Dim: 1.88 gQuant.Geek
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Empire of Trebizond: Alexius IV (1417-1446) AR Asper (Sear 2641; Bendall 79; Retowski 2)Obv: St. Eugenius on horseback to right holding long cross; upper right, monogram; below horse, B
Rev: Alexius on horseback right; upper right, monogram; below horse, B
Dim: 15.5 mm, 0.92 g, 6 hQuant.Geek
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Empire of Trebizond: John II Comnenus (1280-1297) AR Asper (Retowski 25; Sear 2609)Obv: Ⓐ/ЄV/Γ-Є/NI/O/⁛ S; St. Eugenius, bearded and nimbate, standing facing, two strokes on his breast, holding long cross
Rev: IШO-N K-O-MN; John II standing facing, wearing chlamys and holding labarum and globus cruciger; Manus Dei above right
Quant.Geek
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Empire of Trebizond: Manuel I Comnenus (1238-1263) AR Asper (Sear-2601)Obv: O/A/ΓI/O − Eς/ΓE/NI/O; Saint Eugenius standing facing, long cross in right
Rev: M/N/I/Λ − O/K/N; Manuel standing facing, standard in right, akakia in left, Manus Dei upper right
Quant.Geek
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EUGENE (392-394) - TREVES - RIC 106dSilique, 392-394, S
A/D N EVGENI-VS P F AVG
Dominus Noster Eugenius Pius Felix Augustus, Notre Seigneur Eugène Pieux et Heureux Auguste
Buste barbu à droite, diadémé (Perles), drapé et cuirassé.
R/VIRTVS RO-MANORVM//TRPS
Virtus Romanorum, La vertu des romains
Rome casquée assise à gauche sur une cuirasse, tenant un globe nicéphore de la main droite et une lance renversée de la main gauche.
Argent - 1.22 gr - 15.44 mm - 11h
RIC IX 106d, RSC 14a
Siliquae
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EUGENIUSAR siliqua. Lugdunum 392-394 AD. 1,94 grs. Pearl diademed,draped and cuirassed bust right. D N EVGENIVS PF AVG. / Roma seated left on cuirass holding Victory in right hand and inverted spear in left. VRBS ROMA. In exergue LVG PS.
RIC 46. RSC 18a.
Ex Freeman and Sear.benito
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EUGENIUSAR siliqua. Lugdunum 392-394 AD. 1,94 grs. Pearl diademed,draped and cuirassed bust right. D N EVGENIVS PF AVG. / Roma seated left on cuirass holding Victory in right hand and inverted spear in left. VRBS ROMA. In exergue LVG PS.
RIC 46. RSC 18a.
benito
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Eugenius. Roma Seated Siliqua of Trier.Roman Empire. Eugenius. 392-394 AD. AR Siliqua (1.48 gm, 15.8mm, 6h) of Trier, 392-394 AD. Pear-diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust right, D N EVGENIVS P F AVG. / Roma seated left on cuirass, holding spear and Victory atop globe, VRTVS ROMANORVM, ex: TR PS. gVF/VF. Ponterio Auction 124 #490 (NYINC 2003). RIC IX p.33 #106d; RSC V 14a; SRCV V #20688.Anaximander
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Italy, Rome, Temple of Vesta in the Forum Romanum.Temple of Vesta in the Forum Romanum in Rome. See: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Temple_of_Vesta. All temples to Vesta were round, and had entrances facing east to symbolize connection between Vesta’s fire and the sun as sources of life. The Temple of Vesta represents the site of ancient cult activity as far back as 7th century BCE. Numa Pompilius is believed to have built this temple along with the original Regia and House of the Vestal Virgins in its original form. Around the Temple stood The Sacred Grove, in which also there was a graveyard for the priests and virgins. It was one of the earliest structures located in the Roman Forum although its present reincarnation is the result of subsequent rebuilding. Instead of a cult statue in the cella there was a hearth which held the sacred flame. The temple was the storehouse for the legal wills and documents of Roman Senators and cult objects such as the Palladium. The Palladium was a statue of Athena (Roman Minerva) believed to have been brought by Aeneas from Troy; the statue was felt to be one of the Pignora Imperii, or pledges of imperium, of Ancient Rome. According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, the Romans believed that the Sacred fire of Vesta was closely tied to the fortunes of the city and viewed its extinction as a portent of disaster. The sacred flame was put out in 394 by Theodosius I after he won the Battle of the Frigidus, defeating Eugenius and Arbogast. The Temple of Vesta remained reasonably intact until the Renaissance. However, in 1549 the building was completely demolished and its marble reused in churches and papal palaces. The section standing today was reconstructed in the 1930s during the dictatorship of Benito Mussolini.
By Wknight94, 26 April 2008. Source: Joe Sermarini
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Manuel Comnenus of Trebizond, SBCV 2601OAΓIOC ΕVΓΕNIO
St. Eugenius holding long cross
MNA OKH
Manuel I standing, holding labarum and akakia, crowned by Manus Dei
Empire of Trebizond
AR Asper, 2.29g, 27mnovacystis
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Money ProvisinoDescription provided by Signiferlxf
Money Provisino, or more simply "Provisino", a coin was minted in Provins, in the north-east of France, by the Counts of Champagne. The name is the Provisino Italianization of Denier Provinois.
The type is the cross and the comb. Straight to the comb in the field has a double reference to the activities of the carding of wool, which was the main industry of the city of Provins, and the play on words between "champ" and "peigne" ("field" and "comb") which showed similarity to the region of origin.
In the twelfth and thirteenth Provins was the site of an important cattle fair, held in May and September, which attracted merchants from Europe as a whole. It was inserted between the Champagne fairs, which alternated between the city of Provins, Troyes, Saint-Florentin, Bar-sur-Aube, Sézanne, Château-Thierry. The first traces of the exhibitions are documented in Provins (999) and Troyes (1100): in 1137 the Flemings before attending the fair, the Italians began to attend on a regular basis since 1170. Based on local currency trades, the provisino acquired great importance and circulated throughout Europe.
The great influx of pilgrims to Rome, (even after the Crusades) brought large amounts of provisini in the city are also documented numerous trips influential Roman merchants at the fair in Provins. Given the poor performance of the Mint, and the arrival of a lesser amount of Imperial Coins of Pavia, Provisino had wide circulation in the city, much to soon be imitated by the mint of Rome. Around 1184 the Senate of Rome did in fact issue the provisinus senatus, showing the comb topped with an S and the legend ROMA CAPUT MVNDI. On the reverse cross was surrounded by the inscription SENATVS P. Q. R.
Provisini were coined by the then Senator of Rome, Charles of Anjou and Cola di Rienzo, and later still by Boniface IX in the Jubilee of 1400. The Roman provisino was coined until the reign of Pope Eugenius IV (1431-1447).
A linguistic curiosity: the value of small coins, it was natural that the Provisino (Provvisino called by the people) were used for purchases of food or goods of necessity. From here we began to say that he went to the first provvisita, then provvisita, and subsequently provided. Likewise other words originated as a commission, provisional, and so on.
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ROMAN EMPIRE, Eugenius.AR siliqua. Lugdunum 392-394 AD. 1,94 grs. Pearl diademed,draped and cuirassed bust right. D N EVGENIVS PF AVG. / Roma seated left on cuirass holding Victory in right hand and inverted spear in left. VRBS ROMA. In exergue LVG PS.
RIC 46. RSC 18a.
benito
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ROMAN EMPIRE, EUGENIUS. AR Siliqua of Treveri. Struck c.A.D.392 - 394. Obverse: D N EVGENIVS P F AVG. Pearl-diademed, draped and cuirassed bust of Eugenius facing right.
Reverse: VIRTVS ROMANORVM. Roma seated facing left on cuirass, holding Victory on globe in her right hand and reversed spear in her left; in exergue, TRPS.
RIC IX : 106d | RSC : 14a. Weight 1.7gms.
SOLD ON FORVM*Alex
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Siliqua Eugeniussilique Eugène A/ D N EVGENI-VS P F AVG, buste barbu, diadémé (diadème de perles), drapé et cuirassé à droite, R/ [VRBS-ROMA], Rome assise a gauche sur une cuirasse, tenant un globe surmonté d’une victoire et une haste renversée, LVGP[S] à l’exergue – Lyon– 392/394 – RIC.46 (R) – Cohen 72 – 1,1 g
http://www.nummus-bible-database.com/monnaie-18136.htm
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[1601b] Arcadius, 19 January 383 - 1 May 408 A.D.ARCADIUS AE2. Struck at Constantinople, 378-383 AD. Obverse: D N ARCADIVS P F AVG, diademed, draped & cuirassed bust right, holding spear and shield, Hand of God above holding wreath; Reverse - GLORIA ROMANORVM, emperor standing facing, head left, holding standard & resting shield at side, bound captive seated on ground to left, head right, CONG in exergue. RIC 53b. Scarce. Extremely Fine, some roughness and corrosion.
De Imperatoribus Romanis, An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors and their Families
Arcadius (395-408 A.D.)
Geoffrey S. Nathan
University of California at Los Angeles
Introduction and Early Life
The ineffectual life and reign of Flavius Arcadius are of considerably less importance than the quite significant developments that occurred during his reign. Born either in 377 or 378 to then general Theodosius and Aelia Flavia Flacilla, he and his younger brother, Honorius, ruled the eastern and western halves of the Roman Empire respectively from 395.
Shortly after his birth, his father was raised to the imperial purple in 379. Events in Illyricum with the massive influx of Ostrogothic and Visigothic peoples had resulted in the defeat of the Roman army and the death of the emperor, Valens. Theodosius' first task was to confront the Visigoths who had been ravaging the Balkans. Perhaps in the wake of this difficult and almost insurmountable task, the emperor wanted to insure that his infant son would bear some legitimacy should he die on campaign. Whatever the reason, Arcadius was proclaimed Augustus in January of 383 at the age of five or six. In the following year, his younger brother was born and it seems as if Theodosius initially had been interested in preserving the theoretical position of his elder son. While Arcadius enjoyed the status of Augustus, Honorius only achieved the office of consul posterior in 386. Perhaps the eastern emperor had wanted to avoid the possible conflicts that arose earlier in the century with the family of Constantine. Recent events in the west with the assassination of Gratian by Magnus Maximus may have also played a part: Theodosius initially had to leave the murder of his imperial colleague unavenged and leave the boy- emperor, Valentinian II, largely undefended. The profusion of emperors may well have been seen by Theodosius as kindling for civil war. His own autocratic tendencies may have also meant that he saw only one possible successor for himself.
Nevertheless, Theodosius gave Arcadius very little independence in early life. When he went to campaign against Magnus in the late 380's, he placed his son under the Praetorian Prefect of the East, Tatian, who was the de facto emperor in Theodosius' absence. This began a long series of regencies for Arcadius. The strength of Tatian's position with the eastern governing class made the office of Praetorian Prefect all the more powerful in Constantinople, which in turn made it easier to dominate future emperors. When Theodosius replaced Tatian with the more malleable and more ambitious Rufinus in 392, he had appointed a minister who would centralize even greater authority under the prefecture.
By 393, the emperor's situation had changed radically. When events in the west demanded his attention again, Theodosius was in a much stronger position. The ascendancy of the general, Arbogast, and his own puppet emperor, Eugenius, in the west provided Theodosius an opportunity and, indeed, the obligation to take full control of the Empire. The chance for having his own two sons ruling both halves of Rome not only seemed practical and feasible, but such an arrangement would establish himself as the head of a new dynasty. With thoughts in that direction, Honorius was made Augustus in 393 and accompanied his father west in the summer of 394. Arcadius, although near his majority, was nevertheless placed again under the guardianship (epitropos) of the Prefect of the East. In January of 395, Theodosius the Great died and his two sons took theoretical control of the two halves of the Roman Empire.
Early Reign and the Dominance of Rufinus and Eutropius (395-399)
Arcadius was eighteen when he assumed the throne in the east. We do not know whether or not he was ready for the responsibilities. During the mid-380's, the young emperor had been educated in part by Themistius, a famous pagan statesman, philosopher, and speaker. In what way he affected Arcadius is impossible to say, but surely his teachings must have included statecraft. Perhaps because of this influence, the new emperor's attempt to establish himself as an independent force can be seen in a series of laws passed at his accession. In contrast to trying to create a military image for himself, which would not be allowed either by Rufinus or by the eastern court, he attempted to portray himself as a pious Christian emperor. He enacted several comprehensive laws against heresy and paganism.
This was not necessarily an ineffectual strategy. By celebrating his religious piety, he expressed his power in the only way available to an emperor largely controlled by his ministers. He also perhaps sought to gain support and power from the local governing and religious hierarchies in Constantinople. Arcadius also perhaps thought that he was carrying on in the tradition of his father and so, by extension, might share in some of his glory. Rufinus in contrast wanted to tie himself to the emperor through a marriage connection to his daughter. But in April of 395, Arcadius had taken advantage of the Prefect's temporary absence to marry Aelia Eudoxia, whose guardian, the general, Promotus, had been a bitter enemy of Rufinus. Arcadius had been aided in this move by his own grand chamberlain (praepositus sacri cubiculi), Eutropius, and it perhaps indicated the degree to which he wanted to be free of any regent.
But in reality, Arcadius gained little if any power. Rufinus assumed full control of the east, and the Vandal Stilicho, Theodosius' closest advisor and general, took control of Honorius in the west. The tension between east and west quickly grew when Stilicho, in command of all the eastern and western armies, tried to press his guardianship over Arcadius as well. Moreover, there was considerable resentment against Rufinus in the east for using his office to greatly enrich himself and perhaps, too, because he was a westerner. Rufinus, understanding the perils around him, acted quickly. He had Arcadius demand the return of the eastern armies at once. Stilicho acquiesced, perhaps because the general was basing his claim of guardianship on his own legitimacy: to have taken control of the east and Arcadius by force would have undermined his position there and perhaps in the west. The soldiers returned under the command of the Gothic general, Gainas. With the control of the field army, it seemed as if Rufinus was going to be more thoroughly in control of the east and over Arcadius.
He did not long enjoy his victory. When Arcadius and Rufinus came to greet the armies at Hebdoman near Constantinople in November of 395, the soldiers turned on the Praetorian Prefect and cut him down in front of the emperor. Whether Stilicho instigated the assassination is a matter of some debate, but if he did, he received no benefit from it. The armies remained and Arcadius soon fell under the sway of other ministers. Nevertheless, despite the shock and fear Arcadius may have felt at witnessing such a brutal murder, he probably missed Rufinus' presence not at all and even thought it might provide an opportunity to assert his own authority. For the bureaucracy, the death meant that maintaining civilian control over the army was paramount to their own survival.
Soon thereafter, Eutropius assumed Rufinus' place in dominating Arcadius. Since the grand chamberlain could control access to the emperor and commanded the powerful palace bureaucracy, he was well-placed to dictate what and whom the emperor saw and heard. Military officers--frequently Germanic--who dominated the western government, were held suspect by fearful and jealous civil administrators in Constantinople. Eutropius used that fear to his advantage and froze out any access they may have had to the circles of power. His decision to effectively eliminate the military's input in decision-making would eventually lead to his demise.
It is difficult to determine how popular Eutropius was either with Arcadius or with the wider population. As a eunuch and a former slave, the sources generally portray him very negatively. He nevertheless seems to have enjoyed some support from the emperor, likely aided by Eudoxia with whom the grand chamberlain had close ties. The emperor happily took annual vacations in Galatia, apparently upon the Eutropius' suggestion. Moreover, the chamberlain showed great personal courage and talent in leading a campaign against invading Huns in 397/8, for which he won the consulship and the rank of patrician in the following year of 399. He also seems to have gained considerable support from the local clergy by procuring the patriarchate of Constantinople in 398 for John Chrysostom.
Despite Eutropius' rise to power, however, eastern policy changed little. The religious policies of Theodosius and Arcadius continued, including the forced closure of pagan temples in Gaza. More significantly, tension between the two halves of the empire persisted as Stilicho continued to press for his position as guardian. Although Stilicho led periodic raids into Greece and Thrace to attack the new Visigothic king, Alaric, his victories were incomplete and were more likely meant to keep the Germanic people out of western territory. This meant, among other things, that the Visigoths were an enduring problem for the east. Eutropius in turn supported the revolt of the Count Gildo in Africa, which was under western control, in an attempt to destabilize Stilicho's control and further eastern domains.
The failure of the revolt in 398 was the first step in Eutropius' downfall. The decision to exclude the military men of the period, particularly among the growing importance of Germanic officers, created a dangerous situation. By 399, the dissatisfaction with east-west affairs and the Gildo fiasco resulted in a revolt by the Gothic count, Tribigild. He was apparently in collusion with Gainas, who had taken advantage of the crisis to be named chief general in the east (magister utriusque militiae). Gainas quickly reached an agreement with the rebel and part of the settlement was the dismissal of Eutropius, to which Arcadius--at Eudoxia's urging--agreed. The chamberlain took refuge in the Hagia Sophia, and was exiled to Cyprus. But shortly thereafter, in the autumn of 399, Eutropius was recalled, tried and executed in Chalcedon.
The Age of Eudoxia (400-404)
The death of Eutropius precipitated a serious crisis. Gainas, who had wanted high office for years, now tried to force the hand of Arcadius. Having come to a quick resolution with Tribigild, he moved from Thrace towards Constantinople in 400. With the Germanic troops supporting him, Gainas tried for six months to initiate his own primacy-- including seizing the imperial palace--but which failed. He was forced to withdraw personally from the city to regroup and planned to use his troops remaining there to seize the entire city. But they were slaughtered by the inhabitiants and he fled first to Thrace and then to Asia. Eventually Gainas was killed by the Huns later in that year. His attempted coup ensured that Germanic officers would never again be trusted by the eastern government and would forever be kept out of any important decision-making roles.
The likely successor to Eutropius had been the anti-Germanic leader, Aurelianus, who had succeeded to the Prefecture of the East in 399. But Gainas had exiled him, having forced Arcadius to hand him over, and although Aurelianus returned triumphantly after Gainas' departure, he appears to have lost his hold over the emperor. In the meantime, Aelia Eudoxia had done much to forward her own place in the government. In January of 400, she had been named Augusta, a singular distinction offered to only three other women in the previous century. Her position thus gained a semi-official legitimacy afforded to very few Roman empresses. It has been assumed that because of her beauty, her intelligence, and her fecundity (she bore Arcadius five children), she was able to assert her influence to a point where she was the new power behind the throne.
That assessment, while held by many scholars, is not entirely accurate. While there were several events in which she played a crucial part, they were not terribly important moments during Arcadius' reign. But because Eudoxia was enormously wealthy, because she delivered a male heir in 401, and because she was involved in a highly publicized and drawn out political fight with John Chrysostom, this belief that there was an assumption of power is based more on the notoriety of her acts than on actual control. The fact that there was no one clearly dominating the government nor the emperor during this time implies perhaps that Arcadius had more power during these five years of his reign than at any other time.
There are several indications that he did try to improve and assert his own position. The emperor and his court immediately came to some understanding with the west. The east at the very least gave Honorius and Stilicho moral support in their increasing problems with Alaric. In 402, the feeling of goodwill was sealed by a joint consulship between Arcadius and his brother. The emperor also sought to establish his own military prowess and Christian piety with the erection of a column set up in the Hippodrome of Constantinople in 402/3. The column depicted his military victory over Gainas, crowned with a capital emblazoned with the Greek letters chi-rho, symbolizing his devotion to Christ. Arcadius' son, Theodosius II, was born in 401, and was quickly made Augustus at the age of eight months. The eastern ruler was thus interested in assuring his own dynasty.
In all these things, the emperor was largely successful, but they were largely overshadowed by the feud between his empress and the bishop of Constantinople. Eudoxia had already shown herself able in pushing her interests during the baptism of her son. The Bishop of Constantinople, however, was a much tougher opponent than her husband. John Chrysostom, a strong believer in social justice, had boorishly attacked Eudoxia and many of her friends for the conspicuous luxury in which they lived and displayed themselves. At the height of these attacks, John compared the empress to Jezebel. Eudoxia in turn used her considerable influence to inflame hostility among the clergy against the bishop. Working through Bishop Theophilus of Alexandria, in 403 Chrysostom was deposed and forced into exile at a Church council convened by the emperor (the Synod of the Oak at Chalcedon). However, there was soon such turmoil and uproar in the imperial city that the bishop was recalled a few days later. But the public feuding between Eudoxia and Chrysostom continued until at last she had him banished again in 404, this time permanently. Among other things, it caused a breach between Arcadius and his brother, who had, with Pope Innocent I, tried to support Chrysostom.
Eudoxia's victory was short-lived, however. In October of 404, the Augusta died of a miscarriage. Her death was seen by some as retribution for dismissing John. Whatever the reason, her end also signaled a complete retreat into the background by the emperor and no further initiatives seem to have been pushed by the 27-year-old Augustus.
The Final Years: Anthemius and Death (404-408)
The last years of Arcadius' reign were completely dominated by his Praetorian Prefect of the East, Anthemius. It was perhaps fitting that when the emperor seems to have been most retiring, the most able and energetic of his high ministers came to power. Anthemius worked hard to solve a series of governmental abuses, continue to push for Christianization, and secure the east from attack.
Anthemius first seems to have tried to reconcile with the west, so much so that there was a joint consulship between Anthemius and Stilicho in 405. This might have also been meant to symbolize the Prefect's new dominance, however. Additionally, a number of new laws were passed, curtailing paganism, Judaism and heresy. He tried to make use of the continuing problem of incoming Germanic peoples to combat the Isaurian tribes which had been plaguing Asia Minor since 403. While it failed to halt either group's incursions, it was nevertheless a practical and intelligent strategy. As a means of protecting the imperial capital, Anthemius also strengthened the walls around Constantinople. Our records for the last years of Arcadius' rule are quite spotty, but the emperor himself seems to have completely vanished, even symbolically, from the political scene.
In May of 408, Flavius Arcadius died at the age of 31 of unknown causes. Our only physical description of Arcadius is heavily influenced by the generally low regard in which he was held. The emperor was supposedly short, thin and dark-complected. A more kindly correspondent described him as good-natured and temperate. His son succeeded him without any controversy and the government remained unchanged. Arcadius thus left the world much as he entered it: without much significance and overshadowed by more powerful forces.
Assessment
Despite the ineffectual nature of Arcadius and his rule, a number of significant changes occurred during his stewardship of the eastern empire. His inability to forcefully or at least effectively govern meant that there were few consistent or long-range goals of his administration. With the exception of trying to emphasize the emperor's piety, an important development in the history of the Byzantine monarchy, Arcadius and his ministers were for the most part simply reacting to events.
The emperor became an even more remote figure to the general public. Even in the capital city itself, he was rarely seen: we read in one account that people came running to see the emperor for the first time when he happened to be praying in a local church. A series of "orientalizing" court practices no doubt continued in order to emphasize the symbolic separation of the emperor from the rest of society. The hieratic, almost semi- divine nature of the imperial person, also became a feature of the eastern ruler.
Perhaps of greatest importance was the political and cultural split between east and west. With the death of Theodosius, the two halves of the Roman Empire increasingly went their separate ways. For the most part, the west was thrown back upon its own resources, unable to deal with the problems of the fifth century. The east proved more compact and more resilient: it largely weathered the political storms from without and within.
Moreover, Constantinople fully became the imperial capital of the east, a Roma nova. The emperor rarely left the city and the palace officials became more influential than many of the more theoretically important ministers outside the city. Constantinople was also made an archepiscopate and Chrysostom and others started to push strongly for its primacy in the east. Both public and private building projects beautified and enlarged the city. Under Arcadius' reign, it truly became the second city of the Roman Empire.
Finally, the hard stance against Germanic officers in Roman government became a central feature in the east. While the reasons for this development were inspired largely out of fear and perhaps racism, the eastern Roman Empire did manage to avoid the largely detrimental succession of Germanic generalissimos who controlled the west in the fifth century. It also encouraged the eastern rulers in the following century to take hard lines against other peoples, including the Isaurians, the Huns and the Persians. Taken in all, the era of Arcadius was far more important than Arcadius himself. He perhaps had his father's pretensions, but none of the skills or powers necessary to leave his mark on the Empire.
By Geoffrey S. Nathan, University of California at Los Angeles
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.
Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.Cleisthenes
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