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Image search results - "Clara"
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001a. Cleopatra VII and Mark AntonySYRIA, Coele-Syria. Chalcis ad Libanum. Mark Antony, with Cleopatra VII. 36-31 BC. Æ 19mm (5.45 g, 12h). Dated RY 21 (Egyptian) and 6 (Phoenician) of Cleopatra (32/1 BC). Draped bust of Cleopatra right, wearing stephane / Bare head of Mark Antony right; dates in legend. RPC I 4771; Rouvier 440 (Berytus); SNG München 1006; SNG Copenhagen 383 (Phoenicia). Near Fine, green patina.

Chalcis was given by Antony to Cleopatra in 36 BC. At the culmination of his spectacular triumph at Alexandria two years later, further eastern territories - some belonging to Rome - were bestowed on the children of the newly hailed “Queen of Kings” (referred to as the “Donations of Alexandria”). Shortly after, Antony formally divorced Octavia, the sister of Octavian. These actions fueled Octavian’s propagandistic efforts to win the support of Rome’s political elite and ultimately led to the Senate’s declaration of war on Cleopatra in 32 BC.

Ex-CNG
ecoli
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023c. Didia ClaraDaughter of Didius Julianus. She also survived his death.lawrence c
Personajes_Imperiales_4.jpg
04 - Personalities of the EmpireCommodus, Crispina, Pertinax, Didius Julianus, Manlia Scantilla, Didia Clara, Pescennius Níger, Clodius Albinus, Septimius Severus, Julia Domna, Caracalla, Plautilla, Geta and Macrinusmdelvalle
Didia_Clara_01_portrait.jpg
084 - DIDIA CLARADidia Clarawas a daughter and only child to the Roman Emperor Didius Julianus and Empress Manlia Scantilla.

for obverse, reverse and coin details click here
shanxi
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108b. Didia ClaraDidia Clara. Augusta, AD 193. Æ Sestertius. Rome mint. Draped bust right / Hilaritas standing left, holding long palm branch set on ground and cornucopia. RIC IV 20 (Didius); Banti 1. Fair.ecoli
hadrian_RIC42.jpg
117-138 AD - HADRIAN AR denarius - struck 118 ADobv: IMP CAESAR TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG (laureate bust right, cuirassed, draped far shoulder)
rev: P M TR P COS II (Justice is seated on the curule chair, as on a tribunal: with the insignia of the hasta pura and the extended patera she displays her care for religion), IVSTITIA in ex.
ref: RIC II 42, RSC 877
mint: Rome
3.25gms, 19mm

Rare cuirassed bust, RIC not describes (c - not in RIC). Unfortunately the reverse is burned, but still valuable.
The reverse perhaps refer to the edictum perpetuum or Pretorian edict, what was an annual declaration made by the praetor urbanus in which he laid out the principles by which he would exercise his jurisdiction for his year in office. Under Hadrian, the edict became fixed and unchangeable.
And there's an other fact that can refer this reverse. When Hadrian arrived in Rome in July 118 to a hostile reception on the part of the senate, because of the death of the four consulars. The four men were Cornelius Palma, governor of Syria, Avidius Nigrinus, governor of Dacia, Publilius Celsus and Lusius Quietus, governor of Judaea, they were all Trajan's men, and their elimination certainly made Hadrian's course easier. But an Emperor had right everytime, and he was the justice.
berserker
St.Helena.jpg
1401a, St. Helena, Augusta 8 November 324 - 328 to 330 A.D., mother of Constantine the GreatBronze AE 3, RIC 148, VF, Alexandria mint, 3.243g, 19.4mm, 165o, 327 - 328 A.D. Obverse: FL HELENA AVGVSTA, diademed and mantled bust right wearing double necklace; Reverse: SECVRITAS REIPVBLICE, Securitas holding branch downward in right and lifting fold of robe in left, wreath left, I right, SMAL in exergue; rare.

The mother of Constantine the Great, born about the middle of the third century, possibly in Drepanum (later known as Helenopolis) on the Nicomedian Gulf; died about 330. She was of humble parentage; St. Ambrose, in his "Oratio de obitu Theodosii", referred to her as a stabularia, or inn-keeper. Nevertheless, she became the lawful wife of Constantius Chlorus. Her first and only son, Constantine, was born in Naissus in Upper Moesia, in the year 274. The statement made by English chroniclers of the Middle Ages, according to which Helena was supposed to have been the daughter of a British prince, is entirely without historical foundation. It may arise from the misinterpretation of a term used in the fourth chapter of the panegyric on Constantine's marriage with Fausta, that Constantine, oriendo (i. e., "by his beginnings," "from the outset") had honoured Britain, which was taken as an allusion to his birth, whereas the reference was really to the beginning of his reign.

On the death of Constantius Chlorus, in 308, Constantine, who succeeded him, summoned his mother to the imperial court, conferred on her the title of Augusta, ordered that all honour should be paid her as the mother of the sovereign, and had coins struck bearing her effigy. Her son's influence caused her to embrace Christianity after his victory over Maxentius. This is directly attested by Eusebius (Vita Constantini, III, xlvii): "She (his mother) became under his (Constantine's) influence such a devout servant of God, that one might believe her to have been from her very childhood a disciple of the Redeemer of mankind". It is also clear from the declaration of the contemporary historian of the Church that Helena, from the time of her conversion had an earnestly Christian life and by her influence and liberality favoured the wider spread of Christianity. Tradition links her name with the building of Christian churches in the cities of the West, where the imperial court resided, notably at Rome and Trier, and there is no reason for rejecting this tradition, for we know positively through Eusebius that Helena erected churches on the hallowed spots of Palestine. Despite her advanced age she undertook a journey to Palestine when Constantine, through his victory over Licinius, had become sole master of the Roman Empire, subsequently, therefore, to the year 324. It was in Palestine, as we learn from Eusebius (loc. cit., xlii), that she had resolved to bring to God, the King of kings, the homage and tribute of her devotion. She lavished on that land her bounties and good deeds, she "explored it with remarkable discernment", and "visited it with the care and solicitude of the emperor himself". Then, when she "had shown due veneration to the footsteps of the Saviour", she had two churches erected for the worship of God: one was raised in Bethlehem near the Grotto of the Nativity, the other on the Mount of the Ascension, near Jerusalem. She also embellished the sacred grotto with rich ornaments. This sojourn in Jerusalem proved the starting-point of the legend first recorded by Rufinus as to the discovery of the Cross of Christ.

Constantine I, in 327, improved Drepanum, his mother's native town, and decreed that it should be called Helenopolis, it is probable that the latter returned from Palestine to her son who was then residing in the Orient. Constantine was with her when she died, at the advanced age of eighty years or thereabouts (Eusebius, "Vita Const.", III, xlvi). This must have been about the year 330, for the last coins which are known to have been stamped with her name bore this date. Her body was brought to Constantinople and laid to rest in the imperial vault of the church of the Apostles. It is presumed that her remains were transferred in 849 to the Abbey of Hautvillers, in the French Archdiocese of Reims, as recorded by the monk Altmann in his "Translatio". She was revered as a saint, and the veneration spread, early in the ninth century, even to Western countries. Her feast falls on 18 August.

(See The Catholic Encyclopedia: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07202b.htm)

Cleisthenes
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1893 Columbian Exposition "Discovery of America" MedalObv: SIGNING OF DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE - JULY 4TH 1776, a scene of the Signing taking place in Independence Hall; a banner inscribed: "WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION;" an eagle, with spread wings, atop a shield; to the left is a portrait of COLUMBUS, to the right is a portrait of WASHINGTON; CHICAGO below.

Rev: DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, a scene of Columbus's landing; a banner inscribed: "OCTOBER 1492;" a scene of the Pilgrims landing at Plymouth; DEC. 1620; LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS.

Designed by Charles Reinsch; Struck by S. D. Childs & Co., Chicago.

White metal; Diameter: 58.44 mm

HK-157 (WM), Eglit 36 (WM)
Matt Inglima
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193Didia Clara
AE sestertius
Obv "DIDIA CLA[RA AVG]"
Draped bust right
Rev "HILAR TEMPOR SC"
Hilaritas standing, head left, holding palm branch and cornucopia
Rome mint
RIC 20
mauseus
FulviaQuinariusLion.jpg
1ae2 FulviaFirst wife of Marc Antony

ca 83-40 BC

AR Quinarius
Bust of Victory right with the likeness of Fulvia, III VIR R P C
Lion right between A and XLI; ANTONI above, IMP in ex

RSC 3, Syd 1163, Cr489/6

Fulvia was the first Roman non-mythological woman to appear on Roman coins. She gained access to power through her marriage to three of the most promising men of her generation, Publius Clodius Pulcher, Gaius Scribonius Curio, and Marcus Antonius. All three husbands were politically active populares, tribunes, and supporters of Julius Caesar. Fulvia married Mark Antony in 47 or 46 BC, a few years after Curio's death, although Cicero suggested that Fulvia and Antony had had a relationship since 58 BC. According to him, while Fulvia and Antony were married, Antony once left a military post to sneak back into Rome during the night and personally deliver a love letter to Fulvia describing his love for her and how he had stopped seeing the famous actress Cytheris. Cicero also suggested that Antony married Fulvia for her money. At the time of their marriage, Antony was an established politician. He had already been tribune in 49 BC, commanded armies under Caesar and was Master of the Horse in 47 BC. As a couple, they were a formidable political force in Rome, and had two sons together, Marcus Antonius Antyllus and Iullus Antonius.

Suetonius wrote, "[Antony] took a wife, Fulvia, the widow of Clodius the demagogue, a woman not born for spinning or housewifery, nor one that could be content with ruling a private husband, but prepared to govern a first magistrate, or give orders to a commander-in-chief. So that Cleopatra had great obligations to her for having taught Antony to be so good a servant, he coming to her hands tame and broken into entire obedience to the commands of a mistress. He used to play all sorts of sportive, boyish tricks, to keep Fulvia in good-humour. As, for example, when Caesar, after his victory in Spain, was on his return, Antony, among the rest, went out to meet him; and, a rumour being spread that Caesar was killed and the enemy marching into Italy, he returned to Rome, and, disguising himself, came to her by night muffled up as a servant that brought letters from Antony. She, with great impatience, before received the letter, asks if Antony were well, and instead of an answer he gives her the letter; and, as she was opening it, took her about the neck and kissed her."

After Julius Caesar was assassinated, Antony became the most powerful man in Rome. Fulvia was heavily involved in the political aftermath. After Caesar's death, the senate realized his popularity and declared that they would pass all of Caesar's planned laws. Antony had attained possession of Caesar's papers, and with the ability to produce papers in support of any law, Fulvia and Antony made a fortune and gained immense power. She allegedly accompanied Antony to his military camp at Brundisium in 44 BC. Appian wrote that in December 44 and again in 41 BC, while Antony was abroad and Cicero campaigned for Antony to be declared an enemy of the state, Fulvia attempted to block such declarations by soliciting support on Antony's behalf.

Antony formed the second triumvirate with Octavian (the future emperor Augustus) and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus on 43 BC and began to conduct proscriptions. To solidify the political alliance, Fulvia's daughter Clodia was married to the young Octavian. Appian and Cassius Dio describe Fulvia as being involved in the violent proscriptions, which were used to destroy enemies and gain badly needed funds to secure control of Rome. Antony pursued his political enemies, chief among them being Cicero, who had openly criticized him for abusing his powers as consul after Caesar's assassination. Though many ancient sources wrote that Fulvia was happy to take revenge against Cicero for Antony's and Clodius' sake, Cassius Dio is the only ancient source that describes the joy with which she pierced the tongue of the dead Cicero with her golden hairpins, as a final revenge against Cicero's power of speech.

In 42 BC, Antony and Octavian left Rome to pursue Julius Caesar's assassins, Marcus Junius Brutus and Gaius Cassius Longinus. Fulvia was left behind as the most powerful woman in Rome. According to Cassius Dio, Fulvia controlled the politics of Rome. Dio wrote that "the following year Publius Servilius and Lucius Antonius nominally became consuls, but in reality it was Antonius and Fulvia. She, the mother-in‑law of Octavian and wife of Antony, had no respect for Lepidus because of his slothfulness, and managed affairs herself, so that neither the senate nor the people transacted any business contrary to her pleasure."

Shortly afterwards, the triumvirs then distributed the provinces among them. Lepidus took the west and Antony went to Egypt, where he met Cleopatra VII. When Octavian returned to Rome in 41 BC to disperse land to Caesar's veterans, he divorced Fulvia's daughter and accused Fulvia of aiming at supreme power. Fulvia allied with her brother-in-law Lucius Antonius and publicly endorsed Mark Antony in opposition to Octavian.

In 41 BC, tensions between Octavian and Fulvia escalated to war in Italy. Together with Lucius Antonius, she raised eight legions in Italy to fight for Antony's rights against Octavian, an event known as the Perusine War. Fulvia fled to Greece with her children. Appian writes that she met Antony in Athens, and he was upset with her involvement in the war. Antony then sailed back to Rome to deal with Octavian, and Fulvia died of an unknown illness in exile in Sicyon, near Corinth, Achaea.
Blindado
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1cj Balbinus238

Sestertius

Laureate, draped, and cuirassed bust, right, seen from front, right, IMP CAES D CAEL BALBINVS AVG
Felicitas standing facing, head left, holding caduceus in right hand, PM TR P COS II PP SC

RIC 18

Herodian wrote, continuing the story of the rebellions against Maximinus: When the death of the elder Gordian was reported at Rome, . . . the senate therefore thought it best to meet and consider what should be done. Since they had already cast the die, they voted to issue a declaration of war and choose two men from their own ranks to be joint emperors. . . . Other senators received votes, but on the final count [Pupienus] Maximus and Balbinus were elected joint emperors by majority opinion. . . .

[Pupienus] had held many army commands; appointed prefect of Rome, he administered the office with diligence and enjoyed among the people a good reputation for his understanding nature, his intelligence, and his moderate way of life. Balbinus, an aristocrat who had twice served as consul and had governed provinces without complaint, had a more open and frank nature. After their election, the two men were proclaimed Augusti, and the Senate awarded them by decree all the imperial honors.

While these actions were being taken on the Capitoline Hill, the people, whether they were informed by Gordian's friends and fellow countrymen or whether they learned it by rumor, filled the entire street leading up to the Capitol. The huge mob was armed with stones and clubs, for they objected to the Senate's action and particularly disapproved of [Pupienus]. The prefect ruled the city too strictly for the popular taste, and was very harsh in his dealings with the criminal and reckless elements of the mob. In their fear and dislike of [Pupienus], they kept shouting threats to kill both emperors, determined that the emperor be chosen from the family of Gordian and that the title remain in that house and under that name.

Balbinus and [Pupienus] surrounded themselves with an escort of swordsmen from the young equestrians and the discharged soldiers living in Rome, and tried to force their way from the Capitol. The mob, armed with stones and clubs, prevented this until, at someone's suggestion, the people were deceived. There was in Rome at that time a little child, the son of Gordian's daughter, who bore his grandfather's name.

The two emperors ordered some of their men to bring the child to the Capitol. Finding the lad playing at home, they lifted him to their shoulders and brought him to the Capitol through the midst of the crowd. Showing the boy to the people and telling them that he was the son of Gordian, they called him "Gordian," while the mob cheered the boy and scattered leaves in his path. The senate appointed him caesar, since he was not old enough to be emperor. The mob, placated, allowed the imperial party to proceed to the palace.

Blindado
TrebGallusAEVim.jpg
1cu Trebonianus Gallus251-253

AE Viminacium

Laureate, draped bust, right, IMP C GALLVS P FELIX AVG
Moesia standing facing, head left, hands outstretched over a bull and a lion at her sides, PMS COL VIM

Moushmov 56

For Gallus' perfidy against Decius, see the Decius entry. Zosimus reports regarding Gallus' reign: Gallus, who declared his son Volusianus his associate in the empire, published an open declaration, that Decius and his army had perished by his contrivance. The Barbarians now became more prosperous than before. For Callus not only permitted them to return home with the plunder, but promised to pay them annually a sum of money, and allowed them to carry off all the noblest captives; most of whom had been taken at Philippopolis in Thrace.

Gallus, having made these regulations, came to Rome, priding himself on the peace he had made with the Barbarians. And though he at first spoke with approbation of Decius's mode of government, and adopted one of his sons, yet, after some time was elapsed, fearing that some of them who were fond of new projects might recur to a recapitulation of the princely virtues of Decius, and therefore might at some opportunity give the empire to his son, he concerted the young man's destruction, without regard either to his own adoption of him, or to common honour and justice.

Gallus was so supine in the administration of the empire, that the Scythians in the first place terrified all the neighbouring nations, and then laid waste all the countries as far by degrees as the sea coast; not leaving one nation subject to the Romans unpillaged, and taking almost all the unfortified towns, and many that were fortified. Besides the war on every side, which was insupportably burdensome to them, the cities and villages were infested with a pestilence, which swept away the remainder of mankind in those regions; nor was so great a mortality ever known in any former period.

At this crisis, observing that the emperors were unable to defend the state, but neglected all without the walls of Rome, the Goths, the Borani, the Urugundi, and the Carpi once more plundered the cities of Europe of all that had been left in them; while in another quarter, the Persians invaded Asia, in which they acquired possession of Mesopotamia, and proceeded even as far as Antioch in Syria, took that city, which is the metropolis of all the east, destroyed many of the inhabitants, and carried the remainder into captivity, returning home with immense plunder, after they had destroyed all the buildings in the city, both public and private, without meeting with the least resistance. And indeed the Persians had a fair opportunity to have made themselves masters of all Asia, had they not been so overjoyed at their excessive spoils, as to be contented with keeping and carrying home what they had acquired.

Meantime the Scythians of Europe were in perfect security and went over into Asia, spoiling all the country as far as Cappodocia, Pesinus, and Ephesus, until Aemilianus, commander of the Pannonian legions, endeavouring as much as possible to encourage his troops, whom the prosperity of the Barbarians had so disheartened that they durst not face them, and reminding them of the renown of Roman courage, surprised the Barbarians that were in that neighbourhood. Having destroyed great numbers of them, and led his forces into their country, removing every obstruction to his progress, and at length freeing the subjects of the Roman empire from their ferocity, he was appointed emperor by his army. On this he collected all the forces of that country, who were become more bold since his successes against the Barbarians, and directed his march towards Italy, with the design of fighting Gallus, who was as yet. unprepared to contend with him. For Gallus had never heard of what had occurred in the east, and therefore made only what accidental preparations were in his reach, while Valerianus went to bring the Celtic and German legions. But Aemilianus advanced with great speed into Italy, and the armies were very near to each other, when the soldiers of Gallus, reflecting that his force was much inferior to the enemy both in number and strength, and likewise that he was a negligent indolent man, put him and his son to death, and going over to the party of Aemilianus, appeared to establish his authority.
Blindado
RIC_10_Denario_DIDIA_CLARA_Foro.jpg
42 - 02 - Didia Clara (Augusta 28/03 a 01/06/193 D.C.)AR Denario
18 mm - 2.46 gr. - 6 hs.

Anv: DIDIA CLA-RA AVG, Busto vestido viendo a derecha.
Rev: HILA-R - T-EMPOR, Hilaritas estante de frente, viendo a izquierda, portando larga hoja de palma en mano der. y cornucopia en izq.

Hija de Didio Juliano, Emperador que asumió su cargo luego de haberlo ganado en una subasta organizada por la guardia Pretoriana, y que solo gobernó por 66 días.

Acuñada: Mayo-Junio 193 D.C.
Ceca: Roma

Referencias Bilbliográficas: RIC IV #10D (R4) Pag.16, Plate I #19 - Seaby RSC #3 Pag.4 - BMCRE #14ss Pag.14 - Cohen III #3 Pag.403 - Sear RCTV II # 6086 Pag.435 - Vagi #1680 - Hunter #1 Pag.6 - DVM #2 Pag.174 - Salgado MRDS II/1 #4042 Pag.71
mdelvalle
GalbaAEAs.jpg
707a, Galba, 3 April 68 - 15 January 69 A.D.Galba AE As, 68-69 AD; cf. SRC 727, 729ff; 27.85mm, 12g; Rome: Obverse: GALBA IMP CAESAR…, Laureate head right; Reverse: S P Q R OB CIV SER in oak wreath; gF+/F Ex. Ancient Imports.

De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families

Galba (68-69 A.D.)


John Donahue
College of William and Mary


Introduction
The evidence for the principate of Galba is unsatisfactory. The sources either concentrate on the personality of the man, thereby failing to offer a balanced account of his policies and a firm chronological base for his actions; or, they focus on the final two weeks of his life at the expense of the earlier part of his reign. As a result, a detailed account of his principate is difficult to write. Even so, Galba is noteworthy because he was neither related to nor adopted by his predecessor Nero. Thus, his accession marked the end of the nearly century-long control of the Principate by the Julio-Claudians. Additionally, Galba's declaration as emperor by his troops abroad set a precedent for the further political upheavals of 68-69. Although these events worked to Galba's favor initially, they soon came back to haunt him, ending his tumultuous rule after only seven months.

Early Life and Rise to Power
Born 24 December 3 BC in Tarracina, a town on the Appian Way, 65 miles south of Rome, Servius Galba was the son of C. Sulpicius Galba and Mummia Achaica. Galba's connection with the noble house of the Servii gave him great prestige and assured his acceptance among the highest levels of Julio-Claudian society. Adopted in his youth by Livia, the mother of the emperor Tiberius, he is said to have owed much of his early advancement to her. Upon her death, Livia made Galba her chief legatee, bequeathing him some 50 million sesterces. Tiberius, Livia's heir, reduced the amount, however, and then never paid it. Galba's marriage proved to be a further source of disappointment, as he outlived both his wife Lepida and their two sons. Nothing else is known of Galba's immediate family, other than that he remained a widower for the rest of his life.

Although the details of Galba's early political career are incomplete, the surviving record is one of an ambitious Roman making his way in the Emperor's service. Suetonius records that as praetor Galba put on a new kind of exhibition for the people - elephants walking on a rope. Later, he served as governor of the province of Aquitania, followed by a six-month term as consul at the beginning of 33. Ironically, as consul he was succeeded by Salvius Otho, whose own son would succeed Galba as emperor. Over the years three more governorships followed - Upper Germany (date unknown), North Africa (45) and Hispania Tarraconensis, the largest of Spain's three provinces (61). He was selected as a proconsul of Africa by the emperor Claudius himself instead of by the usual method of drawing lots. During his two-year tenure in the province he successfully restored internal order and quelled a revolt by the barbarians. As an imperial legate he was a governor in Spain for eight years under Nero, even though he was already in his early sixties when he assumed his duties. The appointment showed that Galba was still considered efficient and loyal. In all of these posts Galba generally displayed an enthusiasm for old-fashioned disciplina, a trait consistent with the traditional characterization of the man as a hard-bitten aristocrat of the old Republican type. Such service did not go unnoticed, as he was honored with triumphal insignia and three priesthoods during his career.

On the basis of his ancestry, family tradition and service to the state Galba was the most distinguished Roman alive (with the exception of the houses of the Julii and Claudii) at the time of Nero's demise in 68. The complex chain of events that would lead him to the Principate later that year began in March with the rebellion of Gaius Iulius Vindex, the governor of Gallia Lugdunensis. Vindex had begun to sound out provincial governors about support for a rebellion perhaps in late 67 or early 68. Galba did not respond but, because of his displeasure with Neronian misgovernment, neither did he inform the emperor of these treasonous solicitations. This, of course, left him dangerously exposed; moreover, he was already aware that Nero, anxious to remove anyone of distinguished birth and noble achievements, had ordered his death. Given these circumstances, Galba likely felt that he had no choice but to rebel.

In April, 68, while still in Spain, Galba "went public," positioning himself as a vir militaris, a military representative of the senate and people of Rome. For the moment, he refused the title of Emperor, but it is clear that the Principate was his goal. To this end, he organized a concilium of advisors in order to make it known that any decisions were not made by him alone but only after consultation with a group. The arrangement was meant to recall the Augustan Age relationship between the emperor and senate in Rome. Even more revealing of his imperial ambitions were legends like LIBERTAS RESTITUTA (Liberty Restored), ROM RENASC (Rome Reborn) and SALUS GENERIS HUMANI (Salvation of Mankind), preserved on his coinage from the period. Such evidence has brought into question the traditional assessment of Galba as nothing more than an ineffectual representative of a bygone antiquus rigor in favor of a more balanced portrait of a traditional constitutionalist eager to publicize the virtues of an Augustan-style Principate.
Events now began to move quickly. In May, 68 Lucius Clodius Macer, legate of the III legio Augusta in Africa, revolted from Nero and cut off the grain supply to Rome. Choosing not to recognize Galba, he called himself propraetor, issued his own coinage, and raised a new legion, the I Macriana liberatrix. Galba later had him executed. At the same time, 68, Lucius Verginius Rufus, legionary commander in Upper Germany, led a combined force of soldiers from Upper and Lower Germany in defeating Vindex at Vesontio in Gallia Lugdunensis. Verginius refused to accept a call to the emperorship by his own troops and by those from the Danube, however, thereby creating at Rome an opportunity for Galba's agents to win over Gaius Nymphidius Sabinus, the corrupt praetorian prefect since 65. Sabinus was able to turn the imperial guard against Nero on the promise that they would be rewarded financially by Galba upon his arrival. That was the end for Nero. Deposed by the senate and abandoned by his supporters, he committed suicide in June. At this point, encouraged to march on Rome by the praetorians and especially by Sabinus, who had his own designs on the throne, Galba hurriedly established broad-based political and financial support and assembled his own legion (subsequently known as the legio VII Gemina). As he departed from Spain, he abandoned the title of governor in favor of "Caesar," apparently in an attempt to lay claim to the entire inheritance of the Julio-Claudian house. Even so, he continued to proceed cautiously, and did not actually adopt the name of Caesar (and with it the emperorship) until sometime after he had left Spain.

The Principate of Galba
Meanwhile, Rome was anything but serene. An unusual force of soldiers, many of whom had been mustered by Nero to crush the attempt of Vindex, remained idle and restless. In addition, there was the matter concerning Nymphidius Sabinus. Intent on being the power behind the throne, Nymphidius had orchestrated a demand from the praetorians that Galba appoint him sole praetorian prefect for life. The senate capitulated to his pretensions and he began to have designs on the throne himself. In an attempt to rattle Galba, Nymphidius then sent messages of alarm to the emperor telling of unrest in both the city and abroad. When Galba ignored these reports, Nymphidius decided to launch a coup by presenting himself to the praetorians. The plan misfired, and the praetorians killed him when he appeared at their camp. Upon learning of the incident, Galba ordered the executions of Nymphidius' followers. To make matters worse, Galba's arrival was preceded by a confrontation with a boisterous band of soldiers who had been formed into a legion by Nero and were now demanding legionary standards and regular quarters. When they persisted, Galba's forces attacked, with the result that many of them were killed.
Thus it was amid carnage and fear that Galba arrived at the capital in October, 68, accompanied by Otho, the governor of Lusitania, who had joined the cause. Once Galba was within Rome, miscalculations and missteps seemed to multiply. First, he relied upon the advice of a corrupt circle of advisors, most notably: Titus Vinius, a general from Spain; Cornelius Laco, praetorian prefect; and his own freedman, Icelus. Second, he zealously attempted to recover some of Nero's more excessive expenditures by seizing the property of many citizens, a measure that seems to have gone too far and to have caused real hardship and resentment. Third, he created further ill-will by disbanding the imperial corps of German bodyguards, effectively abolishing a tradition that originated with Marius and had been endorsed by Augustus. Finally, he seriously alienated the military by refusing cash rewards for both the praetorians and for the soldiers in Upper Germany who had fought against Vindex.

This last act proved to be the beginning of the end for Galba.
On 1 January 69 ("The Year of the Four Emperors"), the troops in Upper Germany refused to declare allegiance to him and instead followed the men stationed in Lower Germany in proclaiming their commander, Aulus Vitellius, as the new ruler. In response, Galba adopted Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus to show that he was still in charge and that his successor would not be chosen for him. Piso, although an aristocrat, was a man completely without administrative or military experience. The choice meant little to the remote armies, the praetorians or the senate, and it especially angered Otho, who had hoped to succeed Galba. Otho quickly organized a conspiracy among the praetorians with the now-familiar promise of a material reward, and on 15 January 69 they declared him emperor and publicly killed Galba; Piso, dragged from hiding in the temple of Vesta, was also butchered.

Assessment
In sum, Galba had displayed talent and ambition during his lengthy career. He enjoyed distinguished ancestry, moved easily among the Julio-Claudian emperors (with the exception of Nero towards the end of his principate), and had been awarded the highest military and religious honors of ancient Rome. His qualifications for the principate cannot be questioned. Even so, history has been unkind to him. Tacitus characterized Galba as "weak and old," a man "equal to the imperial office, if he had never held it." Modern historians of the Roman world have been no less critical. To be sure, Galba's greatest mistake lay in his general handling of the military. His treatment of the army in Upper Germany was heedless, his policy towards the praetorians short sighted. Given the climate in 68-69, Galba was unrealistic in expecting disciplina without paying the promised rewards. He was also guilty of relying on poor advisors, who shielded him from reality and ultimately allowed Otho's conspiracy to succeed. Additionally, the excessive power of his henchmen brought the regime into disfavor and made Galba himself the principal target of the hatred that his aides had incited. Finally, the appointment of Piso, a young man in no way equal to the challenges placed before him, further underscored the emperor's isolation and lack of judgment. In the end, the instability of the post-Julio-Claudian political landscape offered challenges more formidable than a tired, septuagenarian aristocrat could hope to overcome. Ironically, his regime proved no more successful than the Neronian government he was so eager to replace. Another year of bloodshed would be necessary before the Principate could once again stand firm.

Copyright (C) 1999, John Donahue.
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.


Cleisthenes
Antoniniano_Aureliano_RIC_128_Cuadriga.jpg
96-05 - AURELIANO (270 - 275 D.C.)AE Antoniniano 22 mm 2.4 gr.

Anv: "IMP AVRELIANVS AVG" - Busto radiado y con coraza, viendo a derecha. En el pecho del Emperador, sobre su coraza puede verse claramente grabada a SOL (corona radiada, conduciendo la cuadriga con la mano izquierda y levantando la izquierda) ó VICTORIA (conduciendo una cuadriga con la mano izquierda, levantando una corona de laureles con la derecha y con sus alas flotando detrás). Este tipo de Busto no lo he visto en ninguna de mis referencias.
Rev: "IOVI CON-SER" – Emperador laureado y con vestimenta militar a la izquierda, vuelto a la derecha, portando un cetro en mano derecha extiende la izquierda para recibir un Globo que le presenta Júpiter, desnudo, con su manto cayendo desde su hombro izquierdo y portando un largo cetro vertical en la mano izquierda. "T" en exergo.

Acuñada 3ra. Emisión (Otoño 271 - Otoño 272 D.C) y 4ta. Emisiones (Finales del 272 al principio del 274 D.C.)
Ceca: Mediolanum (Off. 3ra.) - Milan Italia
Rareza: C

Referencias: RIC Vol.V Parte I #129 Pag.279 - Sear RCTV (1988) #3260 - Cohen Vol.VI #105 Pag.187 - DVM # Pag.
1 commentsmdelvalle
RIC_260_Doble_Antoniniano_Aureliano.jpg
96-05 - AURELIANO (270 - 275 D.C.)AE Antoniniano 22 mm 2.4 gr.

Anv: "IMP AVRELIANVS AVG" - Busto radiado y con coraza, viendo a derecha. En el pecho del Emperador, sobre su coraza puede verse claramente grabada a SOL (corona radiada, conduciendo la cuadriga con la mano izquierda y levantando la izquierda). Existe 1 ejemplar http://www.ric.mom.fr/en/coinview/2620/-1942304456?q=Aurelianus+antoniniani+IOVI+CONSER+Serdica&page=2&mod=result&x=0&y=0&hpp=50&from=quick&ancre=type-specimen.
Rev: "IOVI CON-SER", Emperador laureado y con vestimenta militar a la izquierda, vuelto a la derecha, portando un cetro en mano derecha extiende la izquierda para recibir un Globo que le presenta Júpiter, desnudo, con su manto cayendo desde su hombro izquierdo y portando un largo cetro vertical en la mano izquierda. "S" en exergo.

Acuñada 4ta. Emision (Finales del 273 al principio del 274 D.C.)
Ceca: Serdica (Off. 2da.)

Referencias: RIC Va #260 (C) P.279, Sear2 Temp.#2620, Sear RCTV III #11542 P.423, Sear RCTV '88 #3260, Cohen VI #105 P.187, DVM #12 P.257, CBN #1005, MIR #243m, BNC Paris p.395, Göbl #243m, La Venera 9867
mdelvalle
Connecticut_Interest_Certificates_Rear.jpg
Connecticut Interest Certificates £2.9s.9d-14s.6d-£1.12s.10d-11s.10d February 1, 1789 Uncut Sheet of FourA well-preserved uncut sheet with bold embossing. Oliver Wolcott, a signer of both the Declaration of Independence and the Articles of Confederation, is listed as Comptroller of the Public Accounts on this certificate. Wolcott also was the 19th governor of Connecticut.Quant.Geek
Connecticut_Interest_Certificates_Front.jpg
Connecticut Interest Certificates £2.9s.9d-14s.6d-£1.12s.10d-11s.10d February 1, 1789 Uncut Sheet of FourA well-preserved uncut sheet with bold embossing. Oliver Wolcott, a signer of both the Declaration of Independence and the Articles of Confederation, is listed as Comptroller of the Public Accounts on this certificate. Wolcott also was the 19th governor of Connecticut.
Quant.Geek
00145-DidiaClara.JPG
Didia ClaraDidia Clara Denarius
19 mm 3.10 gm
O: DIDIA CLA—RA AVG
Draped bust of Didia Clara right.
R: HILAR T—EMPOR
Hilaritas standing half-left, grasping long palm and holding cornucopiae.
Koffy
Captura_de_pantalla_2022-05-14_a_las_18_28_25.png
DIDIA CLARADenario Didia Clara 193 AC

192 AC Roma

Peso : 2,91
Diam: 17,8 mm

RIC 10 under Didius Julianus
R-4
GVF

Moneda muy rara ex- Aureo Calico 2015- ex Tauler 2022
Con certificado de autenticidad
1 commentsJose Vicente A
RE_DidiaClara_RIC_4_10(Did_Julianus)_.jpg
Didia Clara, Augusta and daughter of Didius Julianus. Hilaritas Denarius of RomeRoman Empire. Didia Clara, daughter of Didius Julianus, Augusta. 193 AD. AR Denarius (2.40 gm, 18.1mm, 1h) of Rome. Draped bust right, DIDIA CLARA AVG. / Hilaritas standing left, holding long palm & cornucopiae, HILAR TEMPOR. aVF. Pegasi Numismatics Auction 2018-08-21 #387. RIC IV.1 (Didius Julianus) #10; BMCRE 14; Cohen=RSC III #3; SRCV II #6086. Very Rare.Anaximander
DCLARA-1.jpg
Didia Clara, daughter of Didius Julianus, Augusta, 193 CE.Æ sestertius (30.5 mm, 21.24 gm), Rome mint, struck April-June, 193 CE.
Obv: DIDIA CLARA AVG, Draped bust right, hair in bun behind.
Rev: HILAR TEMPOR SC (Legend worn). Hilaritas standing, head left, holding palm branch and cornucopia. RIC 20; BMC 38; Cohen 4; Sear 6087.
2 comments
JET_Monneron_Confidence_Token.jpg
France. Monneron Confidence TokenAE/copper token; valued at 2 Sols; designed by Augustin Dupré and minted in 1791 (the first pieces leaving the mint on November 3, 1791) on the Watt steam presses of Matthew Boulton’s Soho Mint, Birminghan, England, for Frères Monneron; 18.28 gr. (minted at 27 to the pound), 32 mm., 180°.

KM France TN23; Guilloteau.233l; Mazard153; Brandon 217c; Droulers.62; Bouchert 54/1; Hennin 342. Pl. 32.

Obv: France in the guise of Liberty seated, facing left, raising a spear surmounted by a Phrygian cap leaning on a tablet bearing the inscription DROITS / DE / L'HOMME / ARTIC. / V. (representing the Declaration of the Rights of Man), rooster on a pillar behind her, LIBERTE SOUS LA LOI (= Liberty Under the Law), L'AN III DE LA LIBERTE (= Year III/1791 of Liberty) in exergue.

Rev: MONNERON FRERES NEGOCIANS A PARIS (= Moneron Brothers, Merchats of Paris), MEDALLE / DE CONFIANCE / DE DEUX SOLS A / ECHANGER CONTRE / DES ASSIGNATS DE / 50L ET AU DESSUS / 1791 (= Medal of Confidence of Two Sols, to be Exchanged for Assignats of 50 Livres or Above, 1791).

Edge: ⁕ BON POUR BORD MARSEI ⁕. LYON ROUEN ⁕ NANT ET STRASB (= Good for Bordeaux, Marseilles, Lyon, Rouen, Nantes and Strasbourg).

Although the Bastille was stormed in 1789, the coinage of Louis XVI continued to be struck until 1792, with a new constitutional coinage in copper or bell-metal, silver and gold commencing in 1791. Thar coinage circulated alongside the ancien régime pieces, but did little to alleviate the shortage of specie. A short-term solution was attempted by the introduction of the assignats, which were paper money backed by confiscated church properties and land. Produced in vast quantities, the assignats eventually depreciated to the point of worthlessness. The tokens of Frères Monneron were issued in response to this situation.

The Monneron brothers, Jean-Louis (1742-1805), Pierre-Antoine (1747-1811), and Joseph-François-Augustin (1756-1824), were the sons of a Huguenot lawyer from Annonay, who made his fortune by buying the rights to receive the gabelle (salt tax) for the town of Annonay. By 1791, Joseph-François-Augustin obtained the right to strike copper token coinage. Production began in late 1791. However, in March 1792, Frères Monneron went bankrupt and Pierre-Antoine fled. His Francois-Augustin resumed the business, but a law of enacted on May 3, 1792 prohibited the manufacture of private coins. These currencies of necessity circulated only until the end of 1793.

The tokens were designed by the greatest engraver of the revolutionary era, Augustin Dupré (1748-1833), who had made his name as a medalist, producing many medals commemorating the American Revolution before becoming the Engraver General of the French mints in 1791.
Stkp
Estatera Aegina.jpg
GREEK, AeginaCeca: Aegina
Datación: 510-490 aC
Valor: Estátera
Catálogo: Sear Greek Coins 1851 variante
Conservación: MBC
Metal: AG
Peso: 12,07 gr.
Diámetro: 18.2 x 18.9 mm.
Anverso: Tortuga marina con caparazón liso, mostrando al menos una parte de la cabeza y las cuatro aletas. Pequeña contramarca muy clara en el dorso de la tortuga.
Reverso: Cuadrados incusos, con un patrón de ocho triángulos, cinco de los cuales están hundidos.
1 comments
Dirham1.jpg
Islamic coins, anonymus Umayad dirham (under caliph Hisham 724-743 AD)Obv: In centre: 'There is no God except Allah. He is alone, He has no partner', in three lines. Around: 'In the name of Allah this Dirham was struck in Wasit in the year twelve and one hundred'.
Rev: In centre: 'He has no equal, God is one God / the eternal and indivisible, who has not begotten and / has not been begotten and never is there / His equal', in four lines. Around: 'Muhammad is the messenger of God. He sent him with guidance and the true religion to reveal it to all religions, even if the polytheists abhor it'.
Minted in Wasit 112 AH or 730 AD.

The obverse centre inscription is the Muslim declaration of faith. The reverse inscriptions is quotations from the koran, sura 112 in centre and sura 9 verse 33 around (if I got the information right).
pierre_p77
224~1.JPG
Monnaie de confiance - 20 sols de Lefèvre et Lesage, 1792, France.20 sols, argent, 2,89 g, 23,5 mm.
A/ LEFEVRE LESAGE ET COMPIE Ngt A PARIS, La Liberté assise à gauche, appuyée sur un faisceau surmonté d'une pique et d'un bonnet phrygien ; devant la Déclaration des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen à l'art V ; à gauche, coq sur un cippe .
R/ ET AU DESSUS L'AN 4ME DE LA LIBERTE / 1792, au centre en 6 lignes : B. P. / 20 SOLS / A ECHANGER / EN / ASSIGNATS / DE 50# dans un grènetis intérieur .
Réfs : Brandon 243a
Gabalor
V221aa.jpg
RIC 0221 VespasianÆ Sestertius, 19.38g
Rome mint, 71 AD
Obv: IMP CAES VESPASIAN AVG P M TR P P P COS III; Head of Vespasian, laureate, r.
Rev: VICTORIA AVGVSTI; S C in exergue; Victory stg. r., l. foot on helmet, inscribing OB / CIV / SERV on shield on palm tree; to r., Judaea std. r.
RIC 221 (C3). BMC 582. BNC 561. Hendin 1508.
Ex CNG eAuction 453, 2 October 2019, lot 522.

The commonness of most Judaea Capta types underscores how important the Jewish War and subsequent defeat of the Jews was to the fledgling Flavian dynasty. This iconic sestertius from the second bronze issue of 71 was struck in fairly plentiful numbers and copies a similar Victory type coined under Vitellius. It very likely was the first 'Judaea Capta' type struck for Vespasian. Colin Kraay records 21 different reverse dies used for this one type alone. The iconography on the reverse is quite explicit. Victory, nude from the waist up, is inscribing a shield attached to the trunk of a palm tree, the palm being a topographical symbol for the land of Judaea. The personification of Judaea herself sits in dejected mode to the right of the palm. The inscription on the shield, OB CIV SERV - 'for saving the citizens', credits the emperor for keeping the empire safe. The clear allegorical message of the reverse giving the credit to Vespasian for defeating the Jews and saving the empire would have been quite apparent to most people handling this coin. The amount of propaganda squeezed from the rebellion of such a small region is indeed remarkable. Josephus' declaration of the Jewish War as the 'greatest' of all time would have been quite welcomed by the Flavian regime.

Beautiful dark olive green patina good style.

NB: Special thanks to Curtis Clay for the Kraay citation.
2 commentsDavid Atherton
Didia_Clara_01.jpg
RIC 4a, p.016, 010 - Didia Clara, Hilaritas Didia Clara
AR-Denar, Rome Mint
Obv.: DIDIA CLARA AVG, Draped bust right.
Rev.: HILAR TEMPOR, Hilaritas standing left, holding cornucopia and palm frond.
Ag, 2.66g, 18.5 mm
Ref.: RIC IV, 10, CRE 295 [R]
Ex Lanz Numismatik
shanxi
Didius_Julianus,_AE_sestertius.jpg
Roman Empire / Emperor Didius Julianus, Bronze sestertiusDidius Julianus, AE sestertius

Obverse : IMP CAES M DID SE VERIVLIAN AVG
Laureate head right.

Reverse : P M TR P COS Fortuna standing holding rudder set on globe and cornucopiae , S C at sides

Fine , weight 21.290g, maximum diameter 28.6mm, die axis 180o, 28 Mar - 2 Jun 193 A.D.

Rare. RIC IV 15 , Cohen 12 (30 Fr.), SRCV II 6076

From the Sam Mansourati collection.

“Auction of the Empire”, Didius Julianus became an emperor placing the biggest bid.

Caesar Marcus Didius Severus Julianus Augustus, the son of Quintus Petronius Didius Severus and Aemilia Clara, was born in Milan on either 30 January 133 or 2 February 137 with the correct date being unknown. He was raised and educated in the household of Domitia Lucilla, mother of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, and rose through Roman public distinction through the support of the Emperor and his mother. In 170 CE, Julianus commanded the XXII Primigenia Legion in Mogontiacum (Mainz), Germany. Then he replaced Pertinax as proconsul of Africa., and Pertinax, now emperor, was murdered by the Praetorian Guard. This began the event known as, “Auction of the Empire”, which Didius Julianus is infamous for winning. He outbidded the father-in-law of Pertinax, Titus Flavius Claudius Sulpicianus, who was the prefect of Rome, by offering to pay the Praetorian Guard 25000 sesterces for the throne.The Senate declared Julianus emperor in fear of the Roman army, but his rule was to be short-lived; Three other generals and governors across the empire declared themselves the rightful heir, and Septimius Severus marched on Rome. The people of Rome despised and rejected Julianus from the start, because they believed he was involved with the corruption. Without the support of Rome, the Imperial Guard would not fight for Julianus and Severus marched into the palace, declared himself emperor, and killed Didius Julianus after just sixty-six days of rule.
2 commentsSam
bpL1H5Lici.jpg
ROMAN EMPIRE, Licinius I, AE3, Thessalonica RIC 89, R4, 320 AD.Obv: IMP LICINIVS AVG
Laureate head, right.
Rev: D N LICINI AVG VOT XX
Inscription around votive declaration. No wreath.
2.6 gm, 19.3 mm, Ae3, Exergue: TSA VI
RE_ManliaScantilla28Julianus29_RIC_7a_.jpg
Roman Empire. Manlia Scantilla. Denarius of Rome. Roman Empire. Manlia Scantilla. Augusta, 193 AD. Wife of Didius Julianus, who reigned for 66 days, and mother of Didia Clara.
AR Denarius (2.79 gm, 18.0mm, 6h) of Rome. Draped bust right. MANL SCAN TILLA AVG. / Juno standing left, veiled and draped, holding patera and scepter; at feet to left, peacock standing left. IVNO RE GINA. VF. Bt. Herakles Numismatics, 2022. RIC IV.1 #7a (plate I #17) (Julianus); RSC III #2; SRCV 2 #6082; BMCRE 11 (Julianus).
Anaximander
charles-i-groat-1c-iv.jpg
S.2990 Charles IGroat of Charles I, king of England, Scotland, and Ireland 1625-1649
Mint: Oxford
Mintmark: None
Cartouche declaration type
S.2990
N. 2468

This coin has a cartouche declaration reverse, like the larger pound, also by Rawlins.

Ex- CNG eAuction 490 (lot 1000), A.M. Fitts III, Spink Auction 209 (lot 371), F. Brady, Spink Auction 107 (lot 159)
St. George's Collection
Sancroft_Medal_.jpg
temp. STUART, William Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1677-1690, AR Medal by George Bower 1688 * GVIL · SANCROFT · ARCHIEPISC · CANTVAR · 1688 Bust of William Sancroft, the Archbishop of Canterbury, wearing camauro and canonical robes, facing right.
Seven medallions of the Bishops committed to the Tower of London: Bishops Henry Compton (middle – London), Francis Turner (upper right, proceeding clockwise – Ely), Thomas Ken (Bath), Sir John Trelawney (Bristol), Thomas White (Peterborough), John Lake (Chichester), and William Lloyd (St. Asaph); twelve stars around; signed GB·F· (George Bower fecit) below.

MI 622/37; Eimer 288b. By G. Bower. Dated 1688.

(51 mm, 53.45 g, 12h).

CNG 85 (15 September 2010) Lot 1562: California Collection of British Historical Medals.

This remarkable medallion portrays no less than eight people directly associated with a historical event that did much to shape the modern secular British democracy. In 1687, King James II enacted unilaterally and against the will of the Parliament the Declaration of Indulgence as the first step in establishing the freedom of religion in England. The ensuing protest concerned the legality of James right to make the dispensation in the absence of the support of Parliament, plus the absence of a guarantee that the Anglican Church would remain as the established church. Many leaders within the clergy refused to read the Declaration in church from the pulpit as instructed by the King in early 1688. This culminated in a petition to the King against the reading of the Declaration. The petition originated from the hand of the Archbishop of Canterbury, William Sancroft, depicted on the obverse of the medal and was signed by the six other bishops identified around the margin of the reverse of the medallion. Bishop Henry Compton, depicted in the centre of the reverse, was included on the medal due to his earlier dissent to the King’s approach to Catholicism, for which James removed him from office.

The seven bishops who signed the petition were charged with seditious libel and imprisoned in the Tower of London in May 1688. Brought to trial before the Court of the King’s Bench, the bishops were acquitted. This served as a precursor to James’ deposition shortly thereafter.

This medal was issued following the trial, in commemoration of the action taken by William Sancroft and his fellow bishops in refusing to follow James II’s edict to read the Declaration of Indulgence from the pulpit. The medal connects directly with one of the key events in British history, which lead ultimately to the deposition of James II by his son-in-law and daughter, William III and Mary II of Orange on 5 November 1688. As a direct result of the action of the seven bishops, the right to petition the king was enshrined in the new Bill of Rights in 1689. Simplistically, some people see this medal as a testament to religious intolerance, although the issues of the time that brought it into being were far more complex, involving matters of secular authority, constitutional right, and the very basis of power in the evolving secular democratic British state. This is demonstrated by the decision of Sancfroft and five of the seven bishops that they could not swear allegiance to the new protestant King William III, for to do so would be a repudiation of their prior sworn loyalty to the deposed Catholic King James II. As a result, Sancroft was dismissed from his role in 1690 and died in relative obscurity three years later.

Few coins, or medals, connect so directly with history and in doing so depict so many influential participants. The medal was the work of George Bower (d. 1690) a medallist who worked in London from 1650-1689. He had been appointed to the position of Engraver of the Royal Mint and Embosser in Ordinary in 1664.
3 commentsn.igma
_2_00.jpg
Two Dollar BillDate: 1953, United States of America
Obverse: President Thomas Jefferson
Reverse: Monticello

Two dollar bills currently depict the signing of the Declaration of Independence of the American Colonies from England. It was given by my paternal grandmother's father to the first great-grandchild (me!)
Noah
TrajSepphorisGalilee.jpg
[18H907] Trajan, 25 January 98 - 8 or 9 August 117 A.D., Sepphoris, GalileeBronze AE 23, Hendin 907, BMC 5, Fair, 7.41g, 23.1mm, 0o, Sepphoris mint, 98 - 117 A.D.; obverse TPAIANOS AYTO]-KPA[TWP EDWKEN, laureate head right; reverse SEPFW/RHNWN, eight-branched palm bearing two bunches of dates.

At the crossroads of the Via Maris and the Acre-Tiberias roads, Sepphoris was the capital of Galilee and Herod Antipas' first capital. Damaged by a riot, Antipas ordered Sepphoris be rebuilt. Flavius Josephus described the rebuilt Sepphoris as the "ornament of all Galilee." Since Sepphoris was only five miles north of Nazareth, Jesus and Joseph may have found work in Antipas' rebuilding projects. Sepphoris was built on a hill and visible for miles. This may be the city that Jesus spoke of when He said, "A city set on a hill cannot be hidden."

Marcus Ulpius Traianus, a brilliant general and administrator was adopted and proclaimed emperor by the aging Nerva in 98 A.D. Regarded as one of Rome's greatest emperors, Trajan was responsible for the annexation of Dacia, the invasion of Arabia and an extensive and lavish building program across the empire. Under Trajan, Rome reached its greatest extent. Shortly after the annexation of Mesopotamia and Armenia, Trajan was forced to withdraw from most of the new Arabian provinces. While returning to Rome to direct operations against the new threats, Trajan died at Selinus in Cilicia.
See: http://www.forumancientcoins.com/catalog/indexfrm.asp?vpar=55&pos=0.


De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families

Trajan (A.D. 98-117)


Herbert W. Benario
Emory University

Introduction and Sources
"During a happy period of more than fourscore years, the public administration was conducted by the virtue and abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the two Antonines. It is the design of this and of the two succeeding chapters to describe the prosperous condition of their empire, and afterwards, from the death of Marcus Antoninus, to deduce the most important circumstances of its decline and fall, a revolution which will ever be remembered and is still felt by the nations of the earth."

This is perhaps the most important and best known of all Edward Gibbon's famous dicta about his vast subject, and particularly that period which he admired the most. It was a concatenation of chance and events which brought to the first position of the principate five men, each very different from the others, who each, in his own way, brought integrity and a sense of public duty to his tasks. Nerva's tenure was brief, as many no doubt had expected and hoped it would be, and perhaps his greatest achievement was to choose Trajan as his adoptive son and intended successor. It was a splendid choice. Trajan was one of Rome's most admirable figures, a man who merited the renown which he enjoyed in his lifetime and in subsequent generations.

The sources for the man and his principate are disappointingly skimpy. There is no contemporaneous historian who can illuminate the period. Tacitus speaks only occasionally of Trajan, there is no biography by Suetonius, nor even one by the author of the late and largely fraudulent Historia Augusta. (However, a modern version of what such a life might have been like has been composed by A. Birley, entirely based upon ancient evidence. It is very useful.) Pliny the Younger tells us the most, in his Panegyricus, his long address of thanks to the emperor upon assuming the consulship in late 100, and in his letters. Pliny was a wordy and congenial man, who reveals a great deal about his senatorial peers and their relations with the emperor, above all, of course, his own. The most important part is the tenth book of his Epistulae, which contains the correspondence between him, while serving in Bithynia, and the emperor, to whom he referred all manner of problems, important as well as trivial. Best known are the pair (96,97) dealing with the Christians and what was to be done with them. These would be extraordinarily valuable if we could be sure that the imperial replies stemmed directly from Trajan, but that is more than one can claim. The imperial chancellery had developed greatly in previous decades and might pen these communications after only the most general directions from the emperor. The letters are nonetheless unique in the insight they offer into the emperor's mind.

Cassius Dio, who wrote in the decade of the 230s, wrote a long imperial history which has survived only in abbreviated form in book LXVIII for the Trajanic period. The rhetorician Dio of Prusa, a contemporary of the emperor, offers little of value. Fourth-century epitomators, Aurelius Victor and Eutropius, offer some useful material. Inscriptions, coins, papyri, and legal texts are of major importance. Since Trajan was a builder of many significant projects, archaeology contributes mightily to our understanding of the man.

Early Life and Career
The patria of the Ulpii was Italica, in Spanish Baetica , where their ancestors had settled late in the third century B.C. This indicates that the Italian origin was paramount, yet it has recently been cogently argued that the family's ancestry was local, with Trajan senior actually a Traius who was adopted into the family of the Ulpii. Trajan's father was the first member of the family to pursue a senatorial career; it proved to be a very successful one. Born probably about the year 30, he perhaps commanded a legion under Corbulo in the early sixties and then was legate of legio X Fretensis under Vespasian, governor of Judaea. Success in the Jewish War was rewarded by the governorship of an unknown province and then a consulate in 70. He was thereafter adlected by the emperor in patricios and sent to govern Baetica. Then followed the governorship of one of the major military provinces, Syria, where he prevented a Parthian threat of invasion, and in 79/80 he was proconsul of Asia, one of the two provinces (the other was Africa) which capped a senatorial career. His public service now effectively over, he lived on in honor and distinction, in all likelihood seeing his son emperor. He probably died before 100. He was deified in 113 and his titulature read divus Traianus pater. Since his son was also the adoptive son of Nerva, the emperor had officially two fathers, a unique circumstance.

The son was born in Italica on September 18, 53; his mother was Marcia, who had given birth to a daughter, Ulpia Marciana, five years before the birth of the son. In the mid seventies, he was a legionary legate under his father in Syria. He then married a lady from Nemausus (Nimes) in Gallia Narbonensis, Pompeia Plotina, was quaestor about 78 and praetor about 84. In 86, he became one of the child Hadrian's guardians. He was then appointed legate of legio VII Gemina in Hispania Tarraconensis, from which he marched at Domitian's orders in 89 to crush the uprising of Antonius Saturninus along the Rhine. He next fought in Domitian's war against the Germans along Rhine and Danube and was rewarded with an ordinary consulship in 91. Soon followed the governorship of Moesia inferior and then that of Germania superior, with his headquarters at Moguntiacum (Mainz), whither Hadrian brought him the news in autumn 97 that he had been adopted by the emperor Nerva, as co-ruler and intended successor. Already recipient of the title imperator and possessor of the tribunician power, when Nerva died on January 27, 98, Trajan became emperor in a smooth transition of power which marked the next three quarters of a century.

Early Years through the Dacian Wars
Trajan did not return immediately to Rome. He chose to stay in his German province and settle affairs on that frontier. He showed that he approved Domitian's arrangements, with the establishment of two provinces, their large military garrisons, and the beginnings of the limes. Those who might have wished for a renewed war of conquest against the Germans were disappointed. The historian Tacitus may well have been one of these.

Trajan then visited the crucial Danube provinces of Pannonia and Moesia, where the Dacian king Decebalus had caused much difficulty for the Romans and had inflicted a heavy defeat upon a Roman army about a decade before. Domitian had established a modus vivendi with Decebalus, essentially buying his good behavior, but the latter had then continued his activities hostile to Rome. Trajan clearly thought that this corner of empire would require his personal attention and a lasting and satisfactory solution.

Trajan spent the year 100 in Rome, seeing to the honors and deification of his predecessor, establishing good and sensitive relations with the senate, in sharp contrast with Domitian's "war against the senate." Yet his policies essentially continued Domitian's; he was no less master of the state and the ultimate authority over individuals, but his good nature and respect for those who had until recently been his peers if not his superiors won him great favor. He was called optimus by the people and that word began to appear among his titulature, although it had not been decreed by the senate. Yet his thoughts were ever on the Danube. Preparations for a great campaign were under way, particularly with transfers of legions and their attendant auxiliaries from Germany and Britain and other provinces and the establishment of two new ones, II Traiana and XXX Ulpia, which brought the total muster to 30, the highest number yet reached in the empire's history.

In 101 the emperor took the field. The war was one which required all his military abilities and all the engineering and discipline for which the Roman army was renowned. Trajan was fortunate to have Apollodorus of Damascus in his service, who built a roadway through the Iron Gates by cantilevering it from the sheer face of the rock so that the army seemingly marched on water. He was also to build a great bridge across the Danube, with 60 stone piers (traces of this bridge still survive). When Trajan was ready to move he moved with great speed, probably driving into the heart of Dacian territory with two columns, until, in 102, Decebalus chose to capitulate. He prostrated himself before Trajan and swore obedience; he was to become a client king. Trajan returned to Rome and added the title Dacicus to his titulature.

Decebalus, however, once left to his own devices, undertook to challenge Rome again, by raids across the Danube into Roman territory and by attempting to stir up some of the tribes north of the river against her. Trajan took the field again in 106, intending this time to finish the job of Decebalus' subjugation. It was a brutal struggle, with some of the characteristics of a war of extirpation, until the Dacian king, driven from his capital of Sarmizegethusa and hunted like an animal, chose to commit suicide rather than to be paraded in a Roman triumph and then be put to death.

The war was over. It had taxed Roman resources, with 11 legions involved, but the rewards were great. Trajan celebrated a great triumph, which lasted 123 days and entertained the populace with a vast display of gladiators and animals. The land was established as a province, the first on the north side of the Danube. Much of the native population which had survived warfare was killed or enslaved, their place taken by immigrants from other parts of the empire. The vast wealth of Dacian mines came to Rome as war booty, enabling Trajan to support an extensive building program almost everywhere, but above all in Italy and in Rome. In the capital, Apollodorus designed and built in the huge forum already under construction a sculpted column, precisely 100 Roman feet high, with 23 spiral bands filled with 2500 figures, which depicted, like a scroll being unwound, the history of both Dacian wars. It was, and still is, one of the great achievements of imperial "propaganda." In southern Dacia, at Adamklissi, a large tropaeum was built on a hill, visible from a great distance, as a tangible statement of Rome's domination. Its effect was similar to that of Augustus' monument at La Turbie above Monaco; both were constant reminders for the inhabitants who gazed at it that they had once been free and were now subjects of a greater power.

Administration and Social Policy
The chief feature of Trajan's administration was his good relations with the senate, which allowed him to accomplish whatever he wished without general opposition. His auctoritas was more important than his imperium. At the very beginning of Trajan's reign, the historian Tacitus, in the biography of his father-in-law Agricola, spoke of the newly won compatibility of one-man rule and individual liberty established by Nerva and expanded by Trajan (Agr. 3.1, primo statim beatissimi saeculi ortu Nerva Caesar res olim dissociabiles miscuerit, principatum ac libertatem, augeatque cotidie felicitatem temporum Nerva Traianus,….) [13] At the end of the work, Tacitus comments, when speaking of Agricola's death, that he had forecast the principate of Trajan but had died too soon to see it (Agr. 44.5, ei non licuit durare in hanc beatissimi saeculi lucem ac principem Traianum videre, quod augurio votisque apud nostras aures ominabatur,….) Whether one believes that principate and liberty had truly been made compatible or not, this evidently was the belief of the aristocracy of Rome. Trajan, by character and actions, contributed to this belief, and he undertook to reward his associates with high office and significant promotions. During his principate, he himself held only 6 consulates, while arranging for third consulates for several of his friends. Vespasian had been consul 9 times, Titus 8, Domitian 17! In the history of the empire there were only 12 or 13 private who reached the eminence of third consulates. Agrippa had been the first, L. Vitellius the second. Under Trajan there were 3: Sex. Iulius Frontinus (100), T. Vestricius Spurinna (100), and L. Licinius Sura (107). There were also 10 who held second consulships: L. Iulius Ursus Servianus (102), M.' Laberius Maximus (103), Q. Glitius Atilius Agricola (103), P. Metilius Sabinus Nepos (103?), Sex. Attius Suburanus Aemilianus (104), Ti. Iulius Candidus Marius Celsus (105), C. Antius A. Iulius Quadratus (105), Q. Sosius Senecio (107), A. Cornelius Palma Frontonianus (109), and L. Publilius Celsus (113). These men were essentially his close associates from pre-imperial days and his prime military commanders in the Dacian wars.

One major administrative innovation can be credited to Trajan. This was the introduction of curators who, as representatives of the central government, assumed financial control of local communities, both in Italy and the provinces. Pliny in Bithynia is the best known of these imperial officials. The inexorable shift from freedmen to equestrians in the imperial ministries continued, to culminate under Hadrian, and he devoted much attention and considerable state resources to the expansion of the alimentary system, which purposed to support orphans throughout Italy. The splendid arch at Beneventum represents Trajan as a civilian emperor, with scenes of ordinary life and numerous children depicted, which underscored the prosperity of Italy.

The satirist Juvenal, a contemporary of the emperor, in one of his best known judgments, laments that the citizen of Rome, once master of the world, is now content only with "bread and circuses."

Nam qui dabat olim / imperium, fasces, legiones, omnia, nunc se / continet, atque duas tantum res anxius optat, / panem et circenses. (X 78-81)

Trajan certainly took advantage of that mood, indeed exacerbated it, by improving the reliabilty of the grain supply (the harbor at Ostia and the distribution system as exemplified in the Mercati in Rome). Fronto did not entirely approve, if indeed he approved at all. The plebs esteemed the emperor for the glory he had brought Rome, for the great wealth he had won which he turned to public uses, and for his personality and manner. Though emperor, he prided himself upon being civilis, a term which indicated comportment suitable for a Roman citizen.

There was only one major addition to the Rome's empire other than Dacia in the first decade and a half of Trajan's reign. This was the province of Arabia, which followed upon the absorption of the Nabataean kingdom (105-106).

Building Projects
Trajan had significant effect upon the infrastructure of both Rome and Italy. His greatest monument in the city, if the single word "monument" can effectively describe the complex, was the forum which bore his name, much the largest, and the last, of the series known as the "imperial fora." Excavation for a new forum had already begun under Domitian, but it was Apollodorus who designed and built the whole. Enormous in its extent, the Basilica Ulpia was the centerpiece, the largest wood roofed building in the Roman world. In the open courtyard before it was an equestrian statue of Trajan, behind it was the column; there were libraries, one for Latin scrolls, the other for Greek, on each side. A significant omission was a temple; this circumstance was later rectified by Hadrian, who built a large temple to the deified Trajan and Plotina.

The column was both a history in stone and the intended mausoleum for the emperor, whose ashes were indeed placed in the column base. An inscription over the doorway, somewhat cryptic because part of the text has disappeared, reads as follows:

Senatus populusque Romanus imp. Caesari divi Nervae f. Nervae Traiano Aug. Germ. Dacico pontif. Maximo trib. pot. XVII imp. VI p.p. ad declarandum quantae altitudinis mons et locus tant[is oper]ibus sit egestus (Smallwood 378)

On the north side of the forum, built into the slopes of the Quirinal hill, were the Markets of Trajan, which served as a shopping mall and the headquarters of the annona, the agency responsible for the receipt and distribution of grain.

On the Esquiline hill was constructed the first of the huge imperial baths, using a large part of Nero's Domus Aurea as its foundations. On the other side of the river a new aqueduct was constructed, which drew its water from Lake Bracciano and ran some 60 kilometers to the heights of the Janiculum Hill. It was dedicated in 109. A section of its channel survives in the basement of the American Academy in Rome.

The arch in Beneventum is the most significant monument elsewhere in Italy. It was dedicated in 114, to mark the beginning of the new Via Traiana, which offered an easier route to Brundisium than that of the ancient Via Appia.

Trajan devoted much attention to the construction and improvement of harbors. His new hexagonal harbor at Ostia at last made that port the most significant in Italy, supplanting Puteoli, so that henceforth the grain ships docked there and their cargo was shipped by barge up the Tiber to Rome. Terracina benefited as well from harbor improvements, and the Via Appia now ran directly through the city along a new route, with some 130 Roman feet of sheer cliff being cut away so that the highway could bend along the coast. Ancona on the Adriatic Sea became the major harbor on that coast for central Italy in 114-115, and Trajan's activity was commemorated by an arch. The inscription reports that the senate and people dedicated it to the []iprovidentissimo principi quod accessum Italiae hoc etiam addito ex pecunia sua portu tutiorem navigantibus reddiderit (Smallwood 387). Centumcellae, the modern Civitavecchia, also profited from a new harbor. The emperor enjoyed staying there, and on at least one occasion summoned his consilium there.

Elsewhere in the empire the great bridge at Alcantara in Spain, spanning the Tagus River, still in use, testifies to the significant attention the emperor gave to the improvement of communication throughout his entire domain.

Family Relations; the Women
After the death of his father, Trajan had no close male relatives. His life was as closely linked with his wife and female relations as that of any of his predecessors; these women played enormously important roles in the empire's public life, and received honors perhaps unparalleled. His wife, Pompeia Plotina, is reported to have said, when she entered the imperial palace in Rome for the first time, that she hoped she would leave it the same person she was when she entered. She received the title Augusta no later than 105. She survived Trajan, dying probably in 121, and was honored by Hadrian with a temple, which she shared with her husband, in the great forum which the latter had built.

His sister Marciana, five years his elder, and he shared a close affection. She received the title Augusta, along with Plotina, in 105 and was deified in 112 upon her death. Her daughter Matidia became Augusta upon her mother's death, and in her turn was deified in 119. Both women received substantial monuments in the Campus Martius, there being basilicas of each and a temple of divae Matidiae. Hadrian was responsible for these buildings, which were located near the later temple of the deified Hadrian, not far from the column of Marcus Aurelius.

Matidia's daughter, Sabina, was married to Hadrian in the year 100. The union survived almost to the end of Hadrian's subsequent principate, in spite of the mutual loathing that they had for each other. Sabina was Trajan's great niece, and thereby furnished Hadrian a crucial link to Trajan.

The women played public roles as significant as any of their predecessors. They traveled with the emperor on public business and were involved in major decisions. They were honored throughout the empire, on monuments as well as in inscriptions. Plotina, Marciana, and Matidia, for example, were all honored on the arch at Ancona along with Trajan.

The Parthian War
In 113, Trajan began preparations for a decisive war against Parthia. He had been a "civilian" emperor for seven years, since his victory over the Dacians, and may well have yearned for a last, great military achievement, which would rival that of Alexander the Great. Yet there was a significant cause for war in the Realpolitik of Roman-Parthian relations, since the Parthians had placed a candidate of their choice upon the throne of Armenia without consultation and approval of Rome. When Trajan departed Rome for Antioch, in a leisurely tour of the eastern empire while his army was being mustered, he probably intended to destroy at last Parthia's capabilities to rival Rome's power and to reduce her to the status of a province (or provinces). It was a great enterprise, marked by initial success but ultimate disappointment and failure.

In 114 he attacked the enemy through Armenia and then, over three more years, turned east and south, passing through Mesopotamia and taking Babylon and the capital of Ctesiphon. He then is said to have reached the Persian Gulf and to have lamented that he was too old to go further in Alexander's footsteps. In early 116 he received the title Parthicus.

The territories, however, which had been handily won, were much more difficult to hold. Uprisings among the conquered peoples, and particularly among the Jews in Palestine and the Diaspora, caused him to gradually resign Roman rule over these newly-established provinces as he returned westward. The revolts were brutally suppressed. In mid 117, Trajan, now a sick man, was slowly returning to Italy, having left Hadrian in command in the east, when he died in Selinus of Cilicia on August 9, having designated Hadrian as his successor while on his death bed. Rumor had it that Plotina and Matidia were responsible for the choice, made when the emperor was already dead. Be that as it may, there was no realistic rival to Hadrian, linked by blood and marriage to Trajan and now in command of the empire's largest military forces. Hadrian received notification of his designation on August 11, and that day marked his dies imperii. Among Hadrian's first acts was to give up all of Trajan's eastern conquests.

Trajan's honors and reputation
Hadrian saw to it that Trajan received all customary honors: the late emperor was declared a divus, his victories were commemorated in a great triumph, and his ashes were placed in the base of his column. Trajan's reputation remained unimpaired, in spite of the ultimate failure of his last campaigns. Early in his principate, he had unofficially been honored with the title optimus, "the best," which long described him even before it became, in 114, part of his official titulature. His correspondence with Pliny enables posterity to gain an intimate sense of the emperor in action. His concern for justice and the well-being of his subjects is underscored by his comment to Pliny, when faced with the question of the Christians, that they were not to be sought out, "nor is it appropriate to our age." At the onset of his principate, Tacitus called Trajan's accession the beginning of a beatissimum saeculum, and so it remained in the public mind. Admired by the people, respected by the senatorial aristocracy, he faced no internal difficulties, with no rival nor opposition. His powers were as extensive as Domitian's had been, but his use and display of these powers were very different from those of his predecessor, who had claimed to be deus et dominus. Not claiming to be a god, he was recognized in the official iconography of sculpture as Jupiter's viceregent on earth, so depicted on the attic reliefs of the Beneventan arch. The passage of time increased Trajan's aura rather than diminished it. In the late fourth century, when the Roman Empire had dramatically changed in character from what it had been in Trajan's time, each new emperor was hailed with the prayer, felicior Augusto, melior Traiano, "may he be luckier than Augustus and better than Trajan." That reputation has essentially survived into the present day.

Copyright (C) 2000, Herbert W. Benario.
Published: De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and their Families http://www.roman-emperors.org/startup.htm. Used by permission.

Edited by J. P. Fitzgerald, Jr.

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