Money may be defined as a store of wealth, a measure of value or a mean of
payment and exchange: All these roles may be played by coins (minted money,
usually by a state or other political entity) or by widely accepted and easily
storable commodities (metals, but also grains or salt).
Economists usually suggest that coins are an evolution of pieces of metal used
as a mean of exchange: this is probably the case of Roman As (at the very
beginning, it was a form of cast bronze, exchanged by weight, following an
Etruscan custom).
Ethnographical studies favor the emergence of money from “social regimes of
value”: in ancient times, this is the case of Celtic Potins (somehow, an ancient
form of fiat money, with an higher value than the intrinsic content of metal).
| 1629. Cast potin, De La Tour 8124, S 136, Monnaies II 581, VF, 7.4g,
22.3mm, 180o, obverse warrior king walking right holding torch and
spear, reverse bear right attacking a snake, snake above; scarce. |
Olbian Dolphins are a form of currency, derived from a religious custom:
|
Olbia dolphin coin Small cast dolphins were cast in Olbia, beginning 550-525 B.C., first as sacrificial objects for worship of Apollo and later as a form of currency. |
| 8421. Bronze cast dolphin, S 1684 var, F+, .093g, 24.2mm, c. 5th Century B.C.; obverse dolphin with raised eye, spine, dorsal fin and tail. |
In this short and simple paper, I will not analyze the historical origins of
money: I would like to explain just some of the basic
economic advantages, due to the existence of money, in comparison with mere
barter.
Imagine a simple economy with three individuals: Titius (a breeder, who likes
honey and has a surplus of meat), Caius (a fisher, who likes meat and has fish)
and Sempronius (a bee-keeper, who likes fish and has honey).
In this economy it is not possible to have direct barters. For instance, Caius
would like to have meat from the breeder, but the fisher has nothing to give to
Titius in exchange (because the latter doesn’t like fish).

The same situation apply to any other direct barter, but it is possible to
create a mechanism to coordinate barters and obtain mutual advantages: let’s
call this mechanism a “market”.

It is possible to imagine at least two kind of markets: a physical place to meet
and exchange products (let’s call this place agora) or a complex structure of
contracts (with an enforcement structure). So, our individuals can meet in the
agora and exchange their products or can do conditional contracts, like “I,
Titius, will give Caius my meat if and when Caius will be able to give me some
honey, he can receive from Sempronius” and so on...
Both solutions are very costly, because there are transaction costs associated
with trips to the agora or contract writing. But it is possible to create a
decentralized market (that is, a market unbound from the agora) with low
transaction costs: the use of money can lead to this output.

Money can substitute for complex contracts, if everybody accepts coins, that is,
if money is trusted: if there is a single individual refusing money, the entire
process can stop (for instance, if Sempronius doesn’t accept money in exchange
for honey, Titius cannot use money he receives from Caius, so also the breeder
will not accept money, and so on…).
Money is also useful as a “medium of exchange”, because it reduces the number of
“prices” that each individual must calculate. In the agora without money, each
trader must calculate three exchange ratios: meat for honey, honey for fish and
fish for meat. With money, it is sufficient to know two monetary prices (of the
desired and owned goods): in this example there is only a slightly difference,
but this advantage can increase in a more complex economy (with many more
producers and goods).
The real weak point of a monetary economy is in the fact that people must trust
money to trigger a good functioning of the exchange mechanism. To achieve this
result, the state can give a special legal status to money, called legal tender:
in this situation, individuals must accept money as a payment for their credits.
Even if there isn’t a real legal tender, “currency could still serve as the main
medium of exchange as long as governments accept tax [and/or fine] payments and
pay salaries using currency”1. This may be the case of Athens in
the 4th Century B.C.E. or of the late Republic and Empire of Rome.
For instance, in the case of Athens, “Aristotle (Ath. Pol. 24) claims that more
than 20,000 persons were maintained out of the proceeds of the tributes and the
taxes and the contributions of the allies”2. “For Aristotle
barter was characteristic of the past and of uncivilized tribes, but not (by
implication) of his own society (Arist., Pol. 1257a)”3.
8451. Silver tetradrachm, S 2537, SNG Cop. 64, VF, 16.89g, 22.8mm, 270o,
c. 393-300 B.C.; obverse head of Athena right with eye in profile, wearing
crested helmet ornamented with three olive leaves and floral scroll; reverse
AQE to right, large letters, owl standing right, head facing, to the left an olive twig and crescent. |
The following
excerpt from Tacitus' Annals testimony that the daily pay of a legionary
was of about one denarius at the time of Augustus or Tiberius, even if it was
probably integrated by payments in nature (The
following speech is attributed to a common soldier,
that starts a mutiny in the legions of Pannonia, after the death of Augustus and
the accession of Tiberius):
"Our only relief can come from military
life being entered on under fixed conditions, from receiving each the pay of a
denarius, and from the sixteenth year terminating our service. We must be
retained no longer under a standard, but in the same camp a compensation in
money must be paid us. Do the praetorian cohorts, which have just got their two
denarii per man, and which after sixteen years are restored to their homes,
encounter more perils?"4.
| 8056. Silver denarius, RIC 30, RSC 16a, S 1763, VF, 3.70g, 19.9mm, 270o, Lugdunum mint, 16 - 37 A.D.; obverse TI CAESAR DIVI AVG F AVGVSTVS, laureate head right; reverse PONTIF MAXIM, Livia seated right holding scepter and branch, legs on chair ornamented, feet on footstool; very little wear but some areas not fully struck. |
But it was not only the state itself that used and accepted coins: Another example comes from the taxes of the Temple of Jerusalem:
8303. Silver half shekel, BM 224, S 5921 var, VF, 6.98g, 21.6mm, 0o,
Tyre, Phoenicia mint, 87-86 B.C.; obverse laureate head of beardless
Melqarth right, Lion's skin knotted around neck; reverse TUROU IERAS KAI ASULOU(of Tyre the holy and inviolable), eagle standing on prow, palm frond under wing, LM (= year 40 = 87/86 B.C.), club and palm frond left, monogram in right field, Phoenician letter beth between legs; struck with high relief dies, BM does not mention palm frond in left field. |
Obviously, all advantages I described can derive from money or from a widely accepted way of payment, such as peaces of metals (bars of iron or bronze): but, in the case of money, not only the state (or temple, or like) reduces transaction costs with its guarantee of weight and purity (and the punishment of forgers); it also uses coins and contribute constructing the trust around them (and when it fails to do so, like in the case of a debasement of precious metals content of coins, the consequences for the economy may be disastrous).
There are many other advantages of coins over metal commodities with the same value and diffusion: even ignoring the issues related to trade, banking and credit, there are very relevant aspects related to politics, religion and propaganda (for instance, see “The Roman World–Politics and Propaganda”, by Wayne G. Sales). So, it could be interesting to deepen the importance of money in triggering a more modern economy, but it is always necessary to remember that economics cannot directly explain everything: coins also served as a powerful media of communication, and this was not a collateral use.
For any comments, please write an e-mail to: federico.muras@tiscali.it.
1 Shy, Oz – “The Economics of Network Industries”, Cambridge University Press, 2001 (Media of Exchange as Networks, p. 201-205).
2 Howgego, Christopher – “Ancient History from Coins”, Routledge, 1995, reprinted 1997 (Money, p. 19).
3 Howgego, ibidem, p. 21.
4 Translation from "Internet History Sourcebooks" (http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/).